Introduction
Women-owned businesses all over the world contribute significantly to innovation, employment, and wealth creation in their respective economies. Even though women represent one of the fastest growing groups of entrepreneurs worldwide, and despite their growing importance as drivers of development, they are understudied and we know relatively little about them (Brush et al. 2006, 2009). The lack of research on women entrepreneurs is well documented (De Bruin et al. 2006, 2007; Brush and Cooper 2012). In particular, little attention has been given to the importance of women entrepreneurs in developing economies. This is troublesome, as entrepreneurship has the potential to play a key role in the development of any society, not least when involving women (Dijkgraaff 2007). Numerous studies have confirmed the economic value of entrepreneurship, and its importance for development is a widely accepted proposal (Schumpeter 1934; Landström 2000; Van Praag and Versloot 2007; Valliere and Peterson 2009; Bruton et al. 2013). At the same time, lack of access to capital and other resources is a severe barrier to the establishment of, and growth in, new ventures. Financial barriers are a constraint to any new and/or small business, but especially so in developing economies where the financial markets tend to be underdeveloped or dysfunctional (Morewagae et al. 1995).
When looking at women entrepreneurs, previous research shows that they face particularly high barriers in their search for capital and other resources (Amine and Staub 2009; Johnson 2004). Drawing on institutional theory, it is clear that women have to overcome barriers from both formal and informal institutions (Haile et al. 2012; Amine and Staub 2009). Since existing institutions in shifting ways and in different contexts create different preconditions for men and women to start and run their business, there is a need to understand entrepreneurship from a gender perspective (Spring 2009). Brush et al. (2009) argue that “motherhood” can be seen as a metaphor for the household
The most frequently addressed obstacle for women entrepreneurs is lack of access to capital and discrimination in relation to loan applications (Morewagae et al. 1995; Satta 2003). Further, women in developing countries are often disadvantaged regarding property, marital rights, and inheritance laws. Without property ownership, it becomes difficult to show collateral in order to gain formal credit ( sida 2009). Most women operate their ventures within the trade- and service sectors, and usually at a very small scale with low profits and with no, or very few employees (Pedersen 2001). This further decreases their access to formal finance, as these sectors, especially when unregistered, are seen as less important for economic development (Bennett 2010).
In this chapter, the focus is on resource acquisition among women entrepreneurs in Tanzania, where potential female entrepreneurs have almost no access to formal capital from the commercial bank sector. As a response to the financial gap between supply and demand, the microfinance sector has grown rapidly during the last couple of decades, and often specifically targets women entrepreneurs (D’Espallier et al. 2011; Mayoux 2001; Haile et al. 2012; Sigalla and Carney 2012) Other sources of capital are also widely used, such as savings and credit cooperatives (Johnson 2004). However, to a large extent, women entrepreneurs still rely on informal sources of capital, such as loans from family and friends (Olomi 2009).
Drawing on institutional theory, and based on a discussion of how formal and informal institutions create barriers and opportunities for women, the aim of this study is to discuss how women in Tanzania act in order to overcome financial barriers, as they start or develop their ventures. The chapter starts with a short introduction to the situation of entrepreneurship development in the Tanzanian context, followed by an overview of theory relevant for this study. Thereafter, stories from women entrepreneurs operating within the trade- and service sectors are presented. Data was collected during a field study, where semi-structured interviews were conducted. Lastly, findings are summarised and recommendations for practitioners and policymakers are presented.
The Situation of Entrepreneurship Development in Tanzania
After being a German colony, and later a British protectorate under the League of Nations and later the United Nations flag, Tanganyika became independent in 1961. When uniting with Zanzibar in 1964, the Tanzanian republic was formed. During the decades after its independence, the country has undergone a number of political and economic eras, with profound effects on preconditions for the private sector and entrepreneurship (CIA 2015). Especially important for the development of the private sector were reforms following the economic crises of the 1970s and 1980s, when the government liberalised trade and implemented a vital transformation programme. This was urged and supported by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and led to a liberalisation of practically all sectors of the economy. Gradually, the economic policy shifted from reliance on state-run enterprises to stimulation of foreign investments and local entrepreneurship (Olomi 2009). However, Tanzania is still one of the poorest countries in the world, and entrepreneurs face many challenges (Sigalla and Carney 2012). More than two thirds of the population (of currently 51 million people) live in rural areas, roads and communication systems are poor, and the education level is generally low. The population is very young, with 64 per cent under the age of 25, and average life expectancy is only 61 years. Like many other developing countries, Tanzania is struggling with a trade gap, foreign debt, and high inflation rates. The economy is depending on agriculture, accounting for more than 25 per cent of gross domestic product (gdp) and providing 85 per cent of exports. All land in Tanzania is owned by the government, which can be leased for up to 99 years (CIA World Fact Book, 2015).
During the last decades, the proportion of people who choose self-employment as a career has increased. The private sector is characterised by few large firms and a large segment of very small firms, where almost all (98 per cent) of firms are micro businesses, having less than five employees. Large firms stand for only 12 per cent of registered enterprises, but produce 38 per cent of gdp and have 20 per cent of the workforce. These are mainly subsidiaries or franchises of multinational companies, or state-owned firms, and tend to be capital intensive and strongly connected to industrialised countries. At the opposite end, micro and small businesses rely on the local environment for inputs and markets, are often more or less informal, and typically labour intensive (Olomi 2009; Bennett 2010).
The economy has shown significant growth rates during the last decades, and the gdp growth in 2009–2015 was as much as 6–7 per cent per year, where
Women operating their own businesses is not a new phenomenon, as women have always been involved in different kinds of entrepreneurship. However, the proportion of women-owned enterprises has increased during the last decades, mainly as a result of the structural adjustment programmes following the economic crisis in the 1970s and 1980s. The programmes led to lower purchasing power of salaried workers and fewer job opportunities. As women were more severely affected, and with greater responsibility to meet basic family needs, many women were pushed into self-employment (Nchimbi and Chijoriga 2009). Women are playing an increasingly important role within micro and small enterprise segments. In 1997, as many as 55 per cent of enterprises were owned by women (Olomi 2009). However, this should not be interpreted as an improvement of gender equality, but rather depends on the necessity for women to play a more active income generating role, as men, who traditionally have been the breadwinners, are facing reduced real salaries and employment opportunities. The majority of women-owned businesses operate within the trade- or service sectors. Women choose activities that harmonise with their traditional roles, run, to a higher degree, informal, home-based, micro firms and are dependent on the local market. Not surprisingly, their ventures are also the least profitable (Nchimbi and Chijoriga 2009; Pedersen 2001).
Contextual Opportunities and Barriers
Institutional Preconditions
Within social science, it has long been recognised that all economic activity is embedded in social structures (Granovetter 1985). The focus has often been on the micro level, where entrepreneurship has been interpreted based on actions of the individual (Welter and Smallbone 2011). It is also well known that social networks function as an important link between social and economic activities (Granovetter 1973, 1985). Today, there is a growing awareness that economic activity has to be interpreted based on a multitude of contextual factors. One way to distinguish different dimensions of context is by asking
According to Scott (1995), institutions consist of structures and activities, which give stability and meaning to social behaviour. Institutions can, according to this definition, consist of cognitive, normative, or regulative structures and activities. The cognitive aspect focuses on social actor’s acceptance of rules and routines, because these are taken for granted, while the regulative aspect focuses on how institutions limit and regulate behaviour. Institutions can also be seen as social orders or patterns. When these social patterns are chronically reproduced, they owe their survival to self-activating social processes; in other words, the patterns are institutionalised (Jeppersson 1991). Thus, institutionalisation is a mutual process, where actors create institutions through repetitive behaviour, but where the institutions also create the actors (Berger and Luckman 1966).
The institutional context consists of both formal and informal institutions, and is often referred to as rules of the game (North 1990). They both constitute the incentive system of a society and regulate the behaviour of the individual. Formal institutions refer to political and economy-related laws and regulations as well as the organisational framework for individual action. Informal institutions refer to codes of conduct, values, and norms, including uncodified attitudes embedded in a society. When institutions are stable and efficient, they can reduce uncertainty and risk for entrepreneurs, and lowers transaction costs associated with economic activity (North 1990). In any context, the development of entrepreneurship and the actions of entrepreneurs are influenced by the functions of formal institutions. The legal framework regulates market entry and exit as well as business development through contract and bankruptcy laws. Formal institutions with specific effect on women entrepreneurs relate to whether the constitution gives equal rights to men and women, and how family and social policies are constructed. Formal institutions are directly influenced by the state, but can also influence values and attitudes in a society
Examples of informal institutions specifically affecting women entrepreneurs are related to religion and traditions, which form the status and standing of women in a society and influence their economic function. In more conservative societies, religious values often put restrictions on women, which can lead to conflicting economic and societal roles. Other cultural norms that affect women’s preconditions as entrepreneurs are the general value a society gives to women employment and the value attributed to the family. It also relates to the role of extended family in the society, as this can facilitate the individual with resources, but also function as a constraint (Welter and Smallbone 2008). When studying women in a developing context, it is therefore important to understand how both formal and informal institutions work and how they affect women’s abilities to get into venturing (Spring 2009; Johnson 2004; Haile et al. 2012). To summarise: formal institutions create opportunities for entrepreneurial action, but informal institutions decide how the collective and the individual perceive these opportunities.
Institutions and Resource Acquisition
In developing countries, women entrepreneurs in general have to overcome severe funding obstacles, diminishing their potential in venturing (Ogunrinola 2011). Even though financial markets are weak in Tanzania, there are a number of financial actors who offer capital, even to very small firms (Olomi, Chijoriga, and Mori 2009). From an institutional perspective, financial actors can be divided into different categories, depending on their level of formality. At one end of the spectrum, there are highly formalised commercial banks, and at the other end are very informal loans or grants from family or friends (Lindvert et al. 2015). However, there is not always a clear distinction between formal and informal capital, as they both can cover a variety of institutions and mechanisms. One way to define informal capital, is that it provides capital or other resources without any control from the state, whereas formal capital is operating under governmental control mechanisms (Callier 1989).
In Tanzania, just like in many other African countries, the majority of women entrepreneurs have basically no access to finance from the commercial, regulated bank sector. To a large extent, this can be explained by the typical character of their businesses, as they are running micro enterprises, are
Many of the financial actors offering micro loans started to operate at informal levels. During the last decades, the financial sector in Tanzania has undergone several reforms, which has led to the new situation that these actors, many of which were previously seen as informal, are now regulated and under governmental control (Piprek 2007; Bwana and Mwakujonga 2013). There have been, and are still, great variations between the different lending programmes, ranging from non-profit social actors to commercial and profit-driven mfis. However, it is an important process for the whole sector to become regulated. A challenge for the microfinance institutions has been that they are operating in a comparatively new field. When striving to gain legitimacy, it is common that organisations within the same field become increasingly similar to each other (DiMaggio and Powell 1983). The formality of organisations tends to contribute to legitimacy, rather than just function as a formal structure for coordination and control. The survival of organisations thus depends on their ability to conform to given institutions and myths in their context. In order to gain legitimacy, they also have to be seen as legitimate within and outside the organisation. In order to be perceived as legitimate, and to handle external pressure, organisations often separate the formal structures from practical work activities. (Meyer and Rowan 1977). The microfinance sector is still in the process of gaining legitimacy through governmental regulation, and the actors
Another common way for women entrepreneurs in Tanzania to finance a business start-up is by using saccos, Savings and Credit Cooperatives. They function as voluntary cooperatives, where participants on a regular basis pool their savings, and together let the participants take loans for individual purposes. A main idea is to encourage individuals to save money, and thus enable later investments. saccos are either community based, where members live in the same area, or based on some other sort of common bond, such as sharing the same workplace or going to the same church (Bwana and Mwakujonga 2013). Similar to saccos are roscas, Rotating Savings and Credit Associations, sometimes referred to as Rural Savings and Credit Associations, as they are more common in rural areas (Piprek 2007). Here, the members of the association contribute a fixed amount to a common pool on a regular basis. Every time the group meets, the pool is given to one of the members, and the order of members getting the pool can be decided in different ways, for example through lottery or negotiation (Callier 1989). Both saccos and roscas are, to some extent, formal institutions, as they are under the control of authorities. At the same time, the core of their functions is built on trust and social capital between individuals, rather than on formal regulation.
The most important sources of capital for women entrepreneurs in Tanzania, come from those who are closely connected to the woman. In addition to savings, entrepreneurs use loans or grants from family and friends (Olomi 2009). This is not unique for developing countries, but a common strategy among new or small firms all over the world (Levie and Lerner 2009). In Tanzania, a negligibly small number of women entrepreneurs will grow to large, professional firms and meet the requirements of commercial banks. Instead, they remain strongly dependent on informal sources, which is also a socially and culturally accepted starting point for a new venture. The absolute majority continues to operate at a small scale, and thus remains dependent on informal linkages to family members, friends and other acquaintances (Adler and Kwon 2002). As the formal institutions are weak, and financial institutions fail to meet the needs of a large proportion of entrepreneurs, it is a natural effect that informal institutions play a more important role, as people are forced to rely on informal family bonds (Tsai 2000).
In sum, the institutional, cultural and contextual preconditions discussed above, shape and create opportunities and constraints for women who wish to develop as entrepreneurs. As women have the potential to play a crucial role for the economic growth of their society, it is important to remember that these preconditions do not only have an impact on individual decisions, but will impact on the development of the whole country.
Stories of How Women Entrepreneurs Fail and Succeed When Reaching for Resources
In this section, stories from women who search for capital and other resources for their venturing are presented. These stories were collected during a field study in Morogoro, a town with approximately 200,000 inhabitants and located 200 km west of Dar es Salaam. A total of 21 semi-structured interviews were conducted with women who operated micro businesses, defined as having less than ten employees. They were operating within the service sector (for example, hairdressers, tailors, small hotels) or in trade (clothing shops, food stores, and similar business). They were all major owners and their ventures generated their main source of income.
According to Welter (2011), we are likely to better interpret the importance of context in a place where we are an outsider, rather than in a place we are familiar with, and thus take for granted. I believe that this was an advantage for me when conducting the field study and analysing data, as I was previously unfamiliar with the Tanzanian context. All interviews were conducted together with a local research assistant, which was valuable as she could help, not only to interpret the interviews, but also to explain what was going on in the context and to help me “read between the lines”. Interviews were complemented with participant observation, and as I had the privilege to live with local families, I had a great opportunity to study informal institutions in the Tanzanian context.
High Barriers to Formal Capital
As discussed above, there are high barriers for the studied group of entrepreneurs towards formal capital and none of the respondents in this study had ever used commercial bank loans. Most of them never even considered this as a serious alternative, as they were well aware of their own lack of collateral. Only one, Witness, who is running a restaurant and catering service, had actually tried to take bank loans, as she is working to expand her business. “Yes, I’ve
Micro Loans Create Opportunities, but also Frustration and Conflicts
The micro finance institutions play an important role in providing capital, and the sector has grown rapidly in Tanzania during the last decades. It is a common starting point for women when entering entrepreneurship. Witness, who wanted commercial bank loans, acknowledges the importance of micro loans for her: “I am totally depending on micro loans. For me, there are no other sources of capital.” She also points out the importance of loans, as the mfis require regular meetings with their clients, where they get training. “When I was taking that loan from pride, they were educating people [in bookkeeping] before they get the loan. This is important for the business operations.” This also legitimates the business towards family as well as clients.
The typical process of micro loans is to start with a small amount, and gradually, as the business develops and the client proves to be reliable and trustworthy, builds up to bigger loan amounts. Nmzera, who is offering wedding catering services, explains: “I started with a loan of 200,000 [tsh], and then I took 400,000. And then up to 800,000. This is how it works.” Before taking the first loan, she got two days of business training, and during the meetings for repayments, the training continued: “You must have an exercise book and a pen, and they teach you how to go about with the money, and how to do this or that kind of business. It is good training, it helps you to run your business in a better way.” Even if the micro loans offer opportunities for business development, they also create conflicts and frustrations. Nmzera continues: “It is very important that you know everyone in your loan group. Otherwise, there can be a problem. For example, if there is a new woman that you don’t know and she fails to repay, you and
Another serious situation is when family needs get too burdensome and the woman feels pressured to use some of the loan capital for other purposes than investing in the business. Philomena, a widow with the responsibility for her two children and two other young relatives, found herself using a large part of the loan for school fees. “I just can’t save any money. There are too many needs – school fees and bus fares to school for the children every day, and money for food and other needs at home […] It is very difficult for me, and yet I am trying to repay the loan.”
Family – Providing Support or Demanding Support?
Just like for any other group of entrepreneurs, own savings are important when setting up a venture. Savings are often combined with capital or other resources from family or friends. However, the importance of emotional support and encouragement should not be underestimated, and many of the respondents express how, for example, encouragement from their mother or husband helped them to take the first step towards entrepreneurship. Ebitha is selling make-up and women clothing and has two different stores. The major source of capital came from her own savings, but her husband has assisted with “good advice and he paid rent for the first store.” She also values discussions with other women entrepreneurs, as they support each other with encouragement and advice.
For Witness, there has never been any support from family or friends when it comes to resource acquisition, quite the opposite. She is a widow, and in her household of seven people, she is the only one who brings an income which has to cover expenses for food, housing, and school fees for her son and her younger siblings. She says that she never borrowed money from family or friends, and that “there is no one to rely on.” Grace, who is operating a beauty salon, is supported by her husband. He encouraged her to get started, and is also assisting with money sometimes. Yet, she feels strong pressure to provide for her extended family, and little money can be saved from her income. “Unfortunately, most of my savings from last year was used for school fees for my younger brother.” She continues by explaining how her relatives put pressure on her to assist them with different things, as they have seen her costumers coming, and
Upendo, the lady selling car spare parts, got her start-up capital from her mother. When her mother retired, she called on her children and gave them small amounts of money from what she had, which helped Upendo to enter business. Even though the business is profitable, she is struggling to meet all family needs. Her husband has been a drunkard for many years, which creates different problems for the family. She finds little support from social networks outside the family, but says that “my children participate, especially my oldest son. They have got some role in my business.”
Formal Support is Needed
Within the studied group of entrepreneurs, it is clear that the majority started their businesses out of necessity, because life is difficult and there are many family needs to meet. This does not mean that they lack ambitions or driving forces to develop their ventures to grow bigger. When asked about what they think is the best thing with being self-employed, most of them actually answer that they most of all enjoy the freedom and feeling of independence. As Witness said: “You are free! And you meet with different people!”
In the Tanzanian context, it is obvious that informal institutions still play a crucial role for these women, as they tend to rely on different kinds of resources and support from family and friends. However, the same informal institutions simultaneously put up barriers and hamper their potential to grow. Women are expected to take great responsibility for children’s needs, and this is, of course, particularly challenging for those who are widows or divorced. As the Tanzanian culture is deeply family-oriented, women are also under pressure from extended family members.
It is important to improve the situation for women, especially with good loans. Women are capable of doing business, but we need education and loans. Many women are just staying at home, having nothing to do, and are just living bad lives […] Even those who are married, they often get many problems from their husbands. So with good education and support, they can do something in their lives.
Summary and Recommendations
In this chapter, preconditions for women entrepreneurs in Tanzania have been discussed, with a focus on barriers they are facing when acquiring capital and other resources. Drawing on institutional theory, the discussion was based on how formal and informal institutions create both opportunities and restrictions for women, but also on how women entrepreneurs actually manage to reach and use resources for their venturing. As stated by Welter (2011), the individual behaviour has to be interpreted in relation to contextual preconditions, and these can be experienced as both asset and liability, which definitely is the case among the studied entrepreneurs. With formal institutions being weak and underdeveloped in the Tanzanian context, where formal banks fail to provide services to women operating their businesses, informal institutions play a significant role. Yet, the majority of the women entrepreneurs ask for reliable, formal financial services and support, as they depreciate to rely on informal sources from family or friends. Results also show that the women tend to be very negative towards the loan group function, as they dislike the dependency on the collective group. As shown from the stories above, women in Tanzania struggle with a number of challenges when searching for capital, from both formal and informal levels. Still, they manage to find resources and develop their ventures, thanks to a combination of different methods. They often show
As women have the potential to fundamentally contribute to the development of the society, it is of urgent importance to support their venturing. As required by the respondents in this study, one of the crucial aspects for policymakers is to establish reliable loans with fair conditions. This needs to be combined with better education and training for women. The microfinance sector has given numerous women the opportunity to pursue entrepreneurial ideas, but needs to be further improved to better meet the needs of the individual loan taker. Even more important is to address gender related attitudes and discrimination in the society as a whole. As discussed above, women do not only face general financial challenges, but also challenges based on gender bias. This needs to be taken seriously, at family, community, national and international levels, in order to release women’s full capacity and creativity.
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