Chapter 3 A Linguistic Sketch of Navakat

In: The Linguistic Landscape of the Indian Himalayas
Author:
Anju Saxena
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1 Introduction

Nako is a small, high-altitude village (3,600 m above sea level) in Upper Kinnaur.1 Like a green oasis amidst its immense, dry and barren mountainous surroundings,2 it is situated in the north-east corner of the district of Kinnaur. It is about 100 km north-east of Reckong Peo, the district headquarter of Kinnaur (see Chapter 1, Section 3). On its east is the autonomous region of Tibet in China and on its north-west is the Spiti valley.

Nako belongs administratively to the Hangrang sub-tahsil of the Poo tahsil (see Chapter 1). As Nako is located within the restricted zone region in India, foreign nationals are required to seek an inner line permit to visit this village.3 According to the 2011 Indian census report,4 Nako had 128 households, with a total population of 572 (274 males and 298 females). The population traditionally belongs to two social communities. Administratively the two communities are officially referred to as the “scheduled caste” community and the “scheduled tribe” community (see Chapter 1, Section 4). The latter is the largest group in the village, with a total population of 532 (255 male and 277 female). Distinct from the Sangla region, the scheduled caste community in Nako speaks the same language as the scheduled tribe community, even though socially the two communities maintain separate identities.5

The Nako village is known as nau among its residents. In more official contexts, the village is referred to as “Nako”, and this is the name which will be used in this work to refer to this village, in accordance with the wishes of my language consultants. The speech of this village is referred to as nàʋa-kat [p.name-speech] [nàʋakatEQ031A] in the local language. The form Navakat will be used here to refer to this language,6 which is known in the literature as Bhoti Kinnauri (nes) or as a “Bhoti dialect”.

All Sino-Tibetan (ST) varieties of Upper Kinnaur are in a sorry state with respect to their documentation. There is a sketch grammar by D.D. Sharma (1992: 97–196) where the language is referred to as Nyamkad, based on the speech of the Poo and Namgya villages. The language of the Nako village is mentioned only in the following works, where some data can also be found: Saxena (2011, 2012), Saxena and Borin (2011, 2013) and the Comparative dictionary of Tibetan dialects (CDTD; Bielmeier et al. MS 2008), where the language (called “Nako”) is classified as belonging to the IBA (North West Indian border area dialects) sub-group of Western Innovative Tibetan.

The analysis of Navakat presented in this chapter is based on direct-elicited data and free narratives, which I collected. The direct-elicited material was primarily collected from Mr. Padam Sagar, a native of the Nako village, who was in his mid-thirties when I began working on Navakat in 2009. The free narratives were collected from older Nako speakers. As this is the first linguistic description of the speech of the Nako village, most examples provided here represent the direct-elicited speech to get the basic paradigm-like information of this language. As this description will show, the linguistic structure of Navakat is very similar to other Tibetan varieties.

2 Phonology

2.1 Consonants

The consonant phonemes in Navakat are shown in Table 27, and a list of minimal pairs is provided below. The status of prenasalized consonants is discussed separately in Section 2.1.1.

Table 27

Consonant phonemes in Navakat

Bilabial

Alveolar

Retroflex

Palatal

Velar

Glottal

Plosive

p b

t d

ʈ ɖ

k g

Aspirated plosive

ʈʰ

Nasal

m

n

ɲ

ŋ

Fricative

s z

ʃ ʒ7

h

Affricate

ʦ ʣ

ʧ ʤ

Aspirated affricate

ʦʰ

ʧʰ

Lateral

l

Trill

r

Approximant

ʋ

8

j

Minimal (or near-minimal) pairs: Consonants

p : b

pénba

‘Saturday’

bámba

‘lamp’

p : pʰ

páŋ

‘tree’

pʰáŋ

‘spindle’

t : d

‘now’

ⁿdàʧa

‘to chew’

t : ʈ

‘stallion’

ʈá

‘hair (head)’

ʈ : ɖ

ʈàŋmo

‘cold’

ɖùmpo

‘thick (round objects)’

tʰ : ʈʰ

tʰúkpa

‘soup (traditional)’

ʈʰúkpa

‘quarrel’

ʈ : ʈʰ

ʈá

‘hair’

ʈʰá

‘hawk’

k : kʰ

káŋba

‘leg’

kʰáŋba

‘house’

s : ʃ

sákʧa

‘to collect, to hoard’

ʃákʧa

‘to split’

ʧ : ʤ

ʧéŋa

‘fifteen’

(ⁿ)ʤè̀ŋu

‘green’

ʧ : ʧʰ

ʧú

‘ten’

ʧʰú

‘water’

k : g

kúnma

‘thief’

gùnga

‘winter’

ʦ : ʣ

ʦákʧa

‘to sieve, to strain’

ⁿʣàkʧa

‘to climb’

ʦ : ʦʰ

ʦáː

‘bottom’

ʦʰám

‘meditation’

s : ʦʰ

‘vein’

ʦʰá

‘salt’

s : ʒ

sèrʧa

‘to say’

ʒètʧa

‘to forget’

ʦ : ʧ

ʦán

‘nest’

ʧàŋ

‘north’

m : n

‘wound’

‘nose’

n : ŋ

‘nose’

ŋá

‘five’

m : ŋ

mán

‘medicine’

ŋán

‘early’

n : ɲ

nám

‘sky’

ɲámbo

‘together’

m : ŋ

nàm

‘when’

nàŋ

‘inside’

r : l

ràma

‘goat’

làm

‘path’

The word-final stops seem to be slowly disappearing in Navakat.9 They are frequently realized as voiceless stops or they remain unreleased (e.g. [gjèpEQ031A] ‘behind’; [gjètEQ031A] ‘eight’; [ʧálakEQ031A] ‘thing’; [jòpEQ031A] ‘many (cnt)’). At the present stage of its development though, it is still possible to identify these word-final consonants in slow speech and, when asked to clarify, the language consultants were able to identify the consonant. However, when the same stop occurs in initial or medial position, it is articulated more clearly. In a very few cases, the loss of a final stop correlates with a compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel, e.g., [ʧáː] ‘iron’ vs. [ʧáktʰap] ‘fireplace made of iron’. The final consonant in recent loanwords is, however, articulated more clearly. For example, [ìːnʈ] ‘brick’ (Indo-Aryan loanword), [bɛ̀lʈ] ~ [bèlʈ] ‘(modern) belt’.

Navakat retroflex consonants are not distinctly retroflex. Their place of articulation is more towards post-alveolar. In some instances, there is variation in their phonetic realization, where at times, their realization is more like an alveolar stop followed by an r. The latter is indicated as “(r)” in examples. For example, [ʈ(r)ò] ‘wheat’, [ⁿɖ(r)ùl] ‘snake’.

Similarly, the intensity of the aspiration is very low, if any, in loanwords which contain voiced aspirated consonants, e.g., [bʰàgʋaːn] ‘god’, [b(ʰ)àːlaː] ‘spear’. is sometimes realized as [f] (see Appendix 3B for examples).

An alternation between p, pʰ and b; t, tʰ and d; and ʈ, ʈʰ and ɖ is found when the consonant occurs word-initially and the first syllable has a low tone. For example, [bàl] ~ [pʰàl] ~ [pàl] ‘wool’, [bètlu] ~ [pʰètlu] ~ [pètlu] ‘manner’, [bɛ̀ma] ~ [pʰɛ̀ma] ~ [pɛ̀ma] ‘sand’, [bèʧa] ~ [pʰèʧa] ~ [pèʧa] ‘to do (npst)’, [dùtpa] ~ [tʰùtpa] ~ [tùtpa] ~ [tʰỳtpa] ‘to smoke’.

2.1.1 Prenasalization

There are some instances of prenasalization in Navakat, and the existence of minimal pairs requires us to recognize prenasalization as phonemic, even if only marginally so. It occurs only word-initially in my data, and almost exclusively with bilabial, dental and retroflex voiced stops and affricates, although there are also occasional instances of other prenasalized consonants (e.g. ⁿzùːn ‘finger’). Rather than positing a full series of prenasalized consonants, I have chosen to treat prenasalization as a reduced (extra-short) variant of n: [n̆] (written in the phonemic orthography adopted here).

Minimal pairs: Prenasalization

dàmʤa

‘to tie’

ⁿdàmʤa

‘selection’

dàʧa

‘to chase’

ⁿdàʧa

‘to chew’

dỳn, dùn

‘seven’

ⁿdỳn ~ ()dùn

‘front’

2.2 Vowels

The vowel phonemes of Navakat are shown in Table 28, and a list of minimal pairs is provided below. For a discussion of the status of nasal vowels, see Section 2.2.1.

Table 28

Vowels in Navakat

i (y) / iː (yː)

(ʉ) / (ʉː)

u / uː

e (ø) / eː (øː)

o / oː

a / aː

Minimal (or near-minimal) pairs: Vowels

i : e

kírkir

‘round (of small objects), circle’

kérker

‘standing position’

e : a

ʧʰétpo

‘big’

ʧátpa

‘penalty’

a : o

kʰá

‘mouth’

kʰó

[3sg.nh]

o : u

‘tooth’

‘who’

i : u

ʧík

‘word’

tùk

‘poison’

The status of y, ʉ and ø in Navakat is unclear. In some cases these non-back rounded vowels and the back rounded vowels occur as variants of the same vowel. Further, as the following examples illustrate, the front and central rounded vowels mostly occur, when they are followed by t, d, r, n and l.

[tỳtEQ031Apa] ~ [tùtEQ031Apa]

‘smoke’

[ⁿɖỳl] ~ [ⁿɖùl]

‘snake’

[ɖʉ̀lma] ~ [dɔ̀lma]

‘a name’

[sʉ́r] ~ [súr]

‘piece’

[ⁿɖỳl] ~ [ⁿɖùl]

‘snake’

[lʉ̀tEQ031Apa] ~ [lùtEQ031Apa] ~ [lòtpa]

‘cough’

[bòenʉtEQ031A]

‘womb’

[sʉ́rtupEQ031A] ~ [súrtuːpEQ031A]

‘ring’

[nǿnpo] ~ [nɔ́npɔ]

‘sharp, pointed’

[nòʧʉn] ~ [nòʧun]

‘y.brother’

[sáŋʉn] ~ [sáŋɔn]

‘seed’

[sɛ̀ʋʉn] ~ [sɛ̀ʋʊn]

‘itch’

There are, however, also some cases where the front and central rounded vowels occur, even though the vowels are not followed by one of the aforementioned consonants.

[gø̀emo] ~ [gòemo]

‘night’

[kø̀elakEQ031A] ~ [kòelakEQ031A]

‘cloth’

[ʧʰǿe]

‘religion’

[lèdʉi] ~ [lèdui]

‘initiation ceremony’

[gjø̀ʤa] ~ [gjùʤa]

‘to have sex’

[maʦʰǿʋa] ~

‘unripe’

[maʧɔ́ɛʋa] ~

[maʧóeʋa]

There is free variation between close-mid and open-mid vowels; e is also realized as [ɛ] and o is, at times, also realized as [ɔ], without affecting the meaning. This includes also some IA loans (e.g. [rɔ̀ʈi] ~ [ròʈi] ‘chapati’). [a] and [o] variation is also observed in IA loans (e.g. [ʤàŋgal] ~ [ʤàŋgol] ‘forest’).

[lép] ~ [lɛ́p]

‘arrive (h)’

[ʧʰétpo] ~ [ʧʰɛ́tpɔ]

‘big’

[só] ~ [sɔ́]

‘tooth’

[zòʤa] ~ [zɔ̀ʤa]

‘to make’

A short “h” is heard word-initially when the word begins with a vowel (e.g. [(h)òŋʤa] ‘to come’, [(h)àʦe] ‘fox’). Similarly, a short “h”-like sound is heard when a word ends in a vowel (e.g. [(ⁿ)bù(h)] ‘insect, worm’).

Length is phonemic in Navakat. Some minimal pairs for vowel length are provided here.

kʰá

‘mouth’

kʰáː

‘snow’

‘saddle’

gàː

‘better’

‘nose’

náː

‘day after tomorrow’

‘music’

lùː

‘tradition, custom’

‘mountain’

làː

‘work(n)’

Apart from this, there are also instances where a sequence of two vowels appears (e.g. líu ‘flute’; bòa ‘foam’). Here, too, some variation is found, without any change in meaning. For example,

[gjàʧo] ~ [gìaʧo]

‘sea’

[rìa] ~ [rìja]

‘woods or forest’

[ʧéːra] ~ [ʧáera]

‘garden’

[gũ̀ã] ~ [gõ̀ã]

‘egg’

[ⁿɖàe] ~ [ⁿɖèː]

‘rice’

[rèan], [rìen]

‘beggar’

[ʃóa] ~ [ʃúa]

‘boil (n)’

[ʈíu] ~ [ʈéu]

‘monkey’

Finally, as mentioned earlier, word-final consonants are, at time, realized as their corresponding voiceless consonants or as unreleased consonant. When the word-final consonant is a nasal, the vowel preceding it is nasalized and in some cases lengthened, and the consonant is dropped (e.g., [ⁿzùːn] ~ [ⁿzũ̀ː] ‘finger’; [lúŋ] ~ [lṹː] ‘air’; [pʰúːn] ~ [pʰṹː] ‘cave’). In the word list in Appendix 3B we have provided the more detailed forms (e.g. lúŋ instead of lṹː for ‘air’). There are also instances of nasal vowels occurring without a following nasal consonant (e.g. [gũ̀ã] ~ [gõ̀ã] ‘egg’), possibly making nasal vowels marginally phonemic. Nasalization is marked here only in the last-mentioned cases.

2.2.1 Tone

Tone is phonemic in Navakat in that there are minimal pairs where the only distinguishing linguistic feature is the tonal distinction. Such pairs display a difference in intonation as well as in pitch, with the vowels with a low tone displaying a falling-rising tonal contour and the vowels with a high or neutral tone exhibiting a level tonal contour.

Minimal pairs: Tone

làm

‘path’

lám

‘shoe’

nàm

‘when’

nám

‘sky’

[1sg]

‘wound’

ŋà

[1sg] (h towards listener)

ŋá

‘five’

‘tantra performer (m)’

‘mountain’

In the following instances difference in transitivity is indicated by tonal contrast only.

kònʤa

‘to put on (intr)’

kónʤa10

‘to put on (tr)’

kùkʧa

‘to bend (intr)’

kúkʧa

‘to bend (tr)’

ʃàːʃa

‘to blow (intr)’

ʃáːʃa

‘to blow (tr)’

lùkʧa

‘to untie (intr)’

lúkʧa

‘to untie (tr)’

ʃìkʧa

‘to self-destruct (intr)’

ʃíkʧa

‘to destroy (tr)’

ʧàʧa

‘to break (intr)’

ʧáʧa

‘to break (tr)’

Grammatical morphemes, such as the case markers and conjunctions, do not take tone. Exceptions are some grammatical morphemes in the verb complex: (-)sṍŋ [pst.vis], ʈò [probability], túk [inference].

The tonal distinction is predictable to a large extent. This is consistent with the correlates of the tonal distinctions found in Tibetan in general, i.e., that the main tonal distinction is found only in the first syllable, where plain nasals and liquids tend to co-occur with low tone, but nasals and liquids with preradicals correlate with high tone (Huang 1995; Zeisler 2004: 250–257).11 Vowels following word-initial voiced consonants tend to have low tone. A slight aspiration on the first syllable correlates with the presence of the low tone.12 The tone of the first vowel determines the tone of the following syllable.

3 Noun Phrase

3.1 Noun Phrase Structure

The noun phrase in Navakat has the following basic structure:

(dem / NPPOSS / CL-nmlz) N(-pl) ((Adv) Adj) (Num) (=case)

Demonstrative pronouns precede nouns (see Section 3.3.1). NPPOSS is a possessive-marked NP, with the same structural possibilities as the NP of which it is a part, including the possibility of containing another embedded NPPOSS. Nominalized clauses (CL-nmlz) also go into the determiner slot before the head noun (see Section 5.3), rather than the modifier position after it.

(1)

íː

kʰáŋba

ʧʰétpo=raŋ

márʋo

ɲíːʋo

mà=ji

áʒo

ɲò-ʋãː(k)

this

house

big=com

red

both

1sg=poss

o.brother

buy-pst.fact

‘My older brother bought these two big red houses.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Adverbs (or intensifiers) such as ⁿʤìːʃa ‘much, very’ precede the adjective.

(2)

píti=na

òːkʋeɲ

ʧándertal-ʦʰó

ⁿʤìːʃa

ʧʰétpo

ò-kãːk

p.name=loc

specifier

p.name-lake

much

big

cop-npst.fact

‘The Chandertal lake which is in Spiti, is very big.’ (Indirect knowledge)

The following two constructions are used to express NP disjunction.

Construction 1

(3)

jàŋ=na

ɖòlma

jàŋ=na

ságar

nàu=na

òŋ-ãː(k)

either=loc

i.name

either=loc

i.name

p.name=loc

come-npst.fact

‘Either Dolma or Sagar will come to Nako.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(4)

nàŋbar

jàŋ=na

sáŋgla=la

jàŋ=na

píti=la

ⁿɖò-an

next.year

1sg

either=loc

p.name=all

either=loc

p.name=all

go.npst-fut.ego

‘Next year, I will either go to Sangla or to Spiti.’

Construction 2

(5)

nàŋbar

sáŋgla=raŋ

píti=nasu

ʧík=tu13

ⁿɖò-an

next.year

1sg

p.name=com

p.name=abl

place

one=term

go.npst-fut.ego

‘Next year, among Sangla and Spiti, I will go to one place.’

(6)

ságar=taŋ

ɖòlma=nasu

ʧík~ʧík14

dìlli=la

òŋ-ʋãː(k)

i.name=com

i.name=abl

one~echo

p.name=all

come-pst.fact

‘Among Sagar and Dolma, one of them came to Delhi.’ (Indirect knowledge)

3.2 Nouns

3.2.1 Noun Structure

Most simplex nouns in Navakat are mono- or disyllabic.

3.2.1.1 Monosyllabic Nouns

Monosyllabic nouns may end in vowels (long or short) or consonants. As mentioned above, in the word-final position stops tend to be realized either as voiceless stops (p, t or k) or they remain unreleased (pEQ031A, tEQ031A, kEQ031A). Monosyllabic nouns may also end in sonorant consonants (nasals, r or l).

kʰí

‘dog’

rèː

‘cotton’

ⁿɖè

‘ghost’

nùp

‘west’

‘saddle’

mík

‘eye’

ʧʰú

‘water’

ʧák

‘boundary’

‘nose’

kùr

‘tent’

‘year’

múl

‘silver’

ⁿdũ̀ː

‘bracelet’

dén

‘mat (to sit on)’

líu

‘flute’

mìn15

‘name’

3.2.1.2 Disyllabic Nouns

The final syllable in the disyllabic nouns is frequently one of the following: -mo, -po, -ma or -pa.

-mo: Many, though not all, disyllabic nouns which end in -mo, have female referents.

pòmo

‘girl, daughter’

támo

‘mare’

ʈíŋmo

‘sister’

g(j)èlmo

‘queen’

nòmo

‘younger sister’

ʦóŋmo

‘prostitute’

gènmo

‘old woman’

ʦʰámo

‘granddaughter, niece, daughter-in-law’

ɲìnmo

‘day, midday’

sénmo

‘fingernail’

rìmo

‘line’

píːmo

‘knee’

-po: Nouns ending in -po refer to animate objects (including humans), to inanimate objects, as well as to abstract phenomena. Human nouns ending in -po always have a male referent. -po is realized as -po or -bo/-ʋo. -bo and -ʋo, which are in free variation, occur when the preceding syllable ends in a sonorant consonant or a vowel; -po occurs when the preceding syllable ends in a voiceless consonant.

jókpo

‘servant, slave’

páŋbo

‘witness’

ʧʰúkpo

‘noble, rich (man)’

mìŋbo, mìnbo16

‘brother’

ʧàʋo

‘rooster, fowl’

g(j)èlʋo

‘king’

-pa: Nouns ending in -pa primarily have inanimate referents (see Set 1 below), but there are some nouns which have human referents. Such nouns have an agentive nominalized interpretation ‘(the) one who …’ (see Set 2 below). This is, however, not a productive process in Navakat. -pa is realized as -pa or -ba/-ʋa. To a large extent, the distribution of -pa and -ba/-ʋa is phonologically determined, where -pa predominantly occurs when the preceding syllable ends with a voiceless consonant and -ba/-ʋa tends to occur when the last element of the preceding syllable is voiced.17

Set 1

látpa

‘brain’

kútpa

‘thread’

bìkpa

‘walking stick’

tʰúkpa

‘soup’

líkpa

‘testicles’

ʃúkpa

‘wing’

púŋba

‘shoulder’

sàmba

‘bridge’

ⁿɖàmba

‘cheek’

kʰáŋba

‘house’

Set 2

ʦʰóŋba

‘merchant (male, female)’

cf. ʦʰóŋ ‘business’

ʦʰámba

‘one who meditates’

cf. ʦʰám ‘meditation’

-ma: This noun ending always has either a sonorant consonant or a vowel as the last segment of the syllable preceding it. Nouns ending in -ma may refer to animate objects (including humans), inanimate objects or to abstract phenomena. Their referents can be masculine or feminine.

náma

‘wife, daughter-in.law’

áma

‘mother’

ʦʰéma

‘twins’

kúnma

‘thief’

ràma

‘goat’

kʰálma

‘kidney’

gjùma

‘sausage, intestine’

tʰúrma

‘spoon’

òma

‘milk’

ɲìma

‘sun’

tʰáma

‘famine’

ʈìma

‘odor’18

Apart from this, disyllabic nouns may end in other consonants and vowels, too. At least some of them are historically compounds.

zúpʰo

‘body’

sèptuŋ

‘food’

pèrak

‘a type of flat cap with precious stones’

kúʃu

‘apple’

3.2.1.3 Polysyllabic Nouns

This category has both animate and inanimate common nouns. It is very possible that at least some of these nouns are morphologically complex, i.e., compounds or derived nouns.

néruma

‘pan’

gùʦʰiʋa

‘spine’

kʰánɖoma

‘witch, spirit’19

nàktara

‘lizard’

kʰímamo

‘woman’

ʈʰìpkja

‘shadow’

mòraŋmo

‘widow’

zèmbuliŋ

‘world’

3.2.1.4 Noun Types

As the examples below illustrate, there are no formal differences between (i) count and mass nouns, (ii) abstract and concrete nouns, (iii) animate, inanimate and human nouns and (iv) proper and common nouns. Mono- and disyllabic nouns with the same word-final vowels or consonants are found in all these noun types.

(i)

Count nouns

Mass nouns

éʋu

‘breast’

‘hair (body)’

lùk

‘sheep’

ⁿɖùk

‘thunder’

pʰák

‘pig’

ʈʰák

‘blood’

ràʧo

‘horn’

lókʃu

‘dandruff’

(ii)

Concrete nouns

Abstract nouns

lák

‘eagle’

sùk

‘pain’

gìtpa

‘calf of the leg’

ʦʰíkpa

‘anger’

ʧálak

‘utensil(s), equipment’

ʈàzak

‘envy, jealousy’

(iii)

Inanimate nouns

Animate nouns

Human nouns

ʃúː

‘paper’

lùː

‘lamb’

ʈúː

‘boy’

tʰákpa

‘rope’

ʈákpa

‘quail, partridge’

mákpa

‘husband’

(iv)

Proper nouns

Common nouns

‘a place name’

ʈúː

‘boy’

kálpa

‘a place name’

mákpa

‘husband’

áŋmo

‘a woman’s name’

ʈàŋmo

‘cold(n)’

3.2.1.5 Complex Nouns

Navakat also has complex nouns. Reduplication, although found in some cases, is not a productive process in Navakat.

ⁿdàŋdaŋ

‘lying down (position)’

mème

‘grandfather’

kírkir

‘standing position’

táktak

‘shelf’

Compound nouns, on the other hand, are relatively frequent in Navakat.

Noun + sá ‘land, place’

jàrsa

‘summer residence’

(jàr(ka) ‘summer’)

ɲàlsa

‘bed’

(ɲàl ‘sleep’)

ʧʰáksa

‘toilet’

(ʧʰák ‘defecate’)

Noun + rá ‘fence’

jákra

‘stable for yaks’

(ják ‘yak’)

lùkra

‘stable for sheep’

(lùk ‘sheep’)

tára

‘stable without roof’

( ‘horse’)

mík ‘eye’ + Noun

míkʃel

‘spectacles, glasses’

(ʃél ‘glass’)

míklam

‘dream’

(làm ‘path’)

míkpu

‘eyebrow’

( ‘hair (body)’)

Noun/Adjective + ⁿbù ‘insect’

sérnbu

‘bee’

(sér ‘yellow’)

tóraŋbu

‘spider’

(tóraŋ ‘net, web, ropeway’)

Some additional examples of compound nouns are:

mánkʰaŋ

‘hospital’

(mán ‘medicine’

+

kʰáŋba ‘house’)

ʧáktʰap

‘fireplace’ (made of iron)

(ʧák ‘iron’

+

tʰápka ‘oven’)

ʧáktʰak

‘chain’

(ʧák ‘iron’

+

tʰákpa ‘rope’)

3.2.1.6 Suppletive Honorific Noun Stems

There are some nouns in Navakat which have distinct honorific and non-honorific stems. For example,

h form

nh form

súŋ (h)

ʧì, ʧʰì

‘speech’

ʃàp

káŋba

‘foot’

The honorific forms (nouns as well as verbs, see below) are used when the speaker wants to show his respect to the person s/he is talking to or about. This may be due to the social status of that person or that the person is older than the speaker and the speaker wants to show respect to this person. The use of the honorific and non-honorific (or neutral) forms may also indicate the degree of formality or distance between the interlocutors. For example, if the speaker is meeting a person for the first time, s/he frequently uses the honorific form.

3.2.2 Number

A two-way number distinction is made in Navakat. The singular is zero-marked. Plural is marked by one of the following suffixes: -ʃak (and its allomorph -ʤak), -ʋat or -ja. -ʃak occurs only in pronouns. For example, mà-ʃak [1sg-pl], kʰóŋ-ʃak ~ kʰóŋ-ʤak [2sg.h-pl] and kʰó-ʃak20 [3sg.nh-pl]. The plural markers -ʃak and -ʋat occur with their respective, restricted sets of nouns and/or pronouns; they are not interchangeable with each other (except for the 3sg.nh pronoun which can take both). The plural suffix -ja, on the other hand, occurs in a wide range of contexts. It is the default plural marker on nouns. It may also be affixed to plural pronominal forms—apparently with no difference in meaning.21

(7)

mà-ʃak(-ja)

sèptuŋ

sòe-ʋan

1sg-pl-pl

food

eat.pst-pst.ego

‘We ate food.’

(8)

kʰó-ʋat(-ja)

ʃìŋga=la

pùt-sṍ(ŋ)

3sg.nh-pl-pl

field=all

go.pst-pst.vis

‘They went to the fields.’

(9)

kʰó-ʃak(-ja)

síku(l)=la

pùt

3sg.nh-pl-pl

school=all

go.pst

‘They went to the school.’

The following examples illustrate -ja as the plural marker on nouns.

Noun (sg)

Noun-pl

‘mountain’

là-ja

[mountain-pl]

ʧìʋa

‘child’

ʧìʋa-ja

[child-pl]

ⁿzùn22

‘finger’

ⁿzũ̀ː-ja

[finger-pl]

mèndok

‘flower’

mèndok-ja

[flower-pl]

gèlʒuː

‘livestock’

gèlʒuː-ja

[animal-pl]

ʈṹː, ʈúːŋ

‘story’

ʈṹː-ja

[story-pl]

With coordinated nouns, the plural marker -ja normally occurs only once—after the last noun. But, if asked, language consultants will provide a variant where the plural marker is suffixed to each coordinated noun.

(10)

ʈúː=raŋ

pòmo-ja

boy=com

girl-pl

‘Boys along with girls’ (Boys and girls)

(11)

ʈúː-ja=raŋ

pòmo-ja

boy-pl=com

girl-pl

‘Boys along with girls’ (Boys and girls)

Unlike Kinnauri (see Chapter 2), in Navakat the plural marker is not permitted with numerals.

(12)

ràma

súm

goat

three

‘Three goats’

3.2.3 Gender

Gender is not a grammatical category in Navakat. There are, however, some instances where the information about the natural gender of an animate referent is encoded linguistically, through word-formation devices. None of these processes are, however, productive.

In some cases the gender distinction is indicated by having separate lexical items. For example,

Nouns (m)

Nouns (f)

mákpa

‘husband, son-in-law’

náma

‘wife, daughter-in-law’

éu

‘paternal uncle’

áne

‘paternal uncle’s wife, woman, aunt’

jùksa

‘widower’

mòraŋmo

‘widow’

In addition, as mentioned above, there are instances where nouns with female referents end in -mo.23 The corresponding nouns with male referents have, at times, completely distinct lexical forms (e.g. ʈúː ‘boy, son’ vs. pòmo ‘girl, daughter’), while in other cases, -mo is suffixed to the masculine form (e.g. ‘blacksmith’ vs. zòmo ‘blacksmith’s wife’). There are also nouns where the masculine form ends with a -po and the feminine form ends with a -mo (e.g. gètpo ‘old man’ vs. gènmo ‘old woman’; ʧàʋo ‘rooster’ vs. ʧàmo ‘hen’).

Noun (m)

Noun (f)

‘male tantra performer’

lámo

‘female tantra performer’

‘blacksmith’

zòmo

‘blacksmith’s wife’

bàʋu

‘teacher, male’

bàmo

‘teacher, female’

ʦʰáo

‘nephew, grandson’

ʦʰámo

‘niece, granddaughter’

tápo

‘stallion’24

támo

‘mare’

gètpo

‘old man’

gènmo

‘old woman’

gjèlʋo

‘king’

gjèlmo

‘queen’

Further, -pa and -ma/-mo, respectively, are sometimes suffixed in Navakat to place names to denote ‘men’ (or ‘people’ in general) and ‘women’ from this place. While this is a rather productive process in Navakat, it is not permitted with all place names (for example, with kínoːr ‘Kinnaur’). Further, while in some cases, the feminine marker -mo is affixed directly to the place name, in other cases, -ma/-mo is affixed to the masculine form, as shown in Table 29. In this table place names are shown both in their Navakat form (Heading “Place name”) and how these villages are referred to officially (Heading “Official name”). The terms denoting ‘Men (people) from this place’, ‘Women from this place’ and the Navakat names for the languages spoken in this village are provided in subsequent columns in this table. The terms referring to ‘men’ (or more generally to ‘people’ from this place) are formed here (exception, kínoːra) by affixing -pa (allomorphs -pa, -ba/-ʋa) to the place names. In some cases the stem undergoes some changes. Finally, language names are formed similarly as compound nouns or possessive NP s. Possessive NP s are described in Section 3.2.4.4 (they are marked “[poss]” in the table). In the compound noun case, the first part (the place name) may appear in its uninflected form (marked “[–]” in the table), or in a form derived using a noun-forming suffix—sometimes the same suffix used for denoting inhabitants, sometimes another suffix (marked “[n>n]” in the table).

Table 29

Place names and nouns denoting inhabitants

Place name

Official name

Men (people) from this place

Women from this place25

Language of this place

ʧàːŋ

Chango

ʧàːŋgopa, ʧáːŋba

ʧàːŋbamo

ʧàŋgopakat [n>n]

hàŋ

Hango

hàŋba

hàŋbamo

hàŋbakat [n>n]

lì, lìju

Leo

lìʋa

lìʋamo

lìʋakat [n>n]

súmra

Sumra

súmraʋa

súmrama

súmrakat [–]

nàu

Nako

nàoʋa, nàʋa

nàoma, nàma

nàʋakat [n>n]

mèliŋ

Maling

mèliŋpa, mèlijãː

mèliŋma

mèlijakat [n>n]

sáŋgla

Sangla

sáŋglakpa26

sáŋglakma

sáŋlajikat [poss]

píti

Spiti

pítija, pítiʋa27

pítima

pítijakat [n>n]

nàmgja

Namgya

nàmgjaː

nàmgjamo

nàmgjakat [–]

kínoːr

Kinnaur

kínoːra

kínoːra, kínoːri

kínoːrikat[poss]

3.2.4 Case

The Navakat case markers are phrasal enclitics (see Table 30), i.e., they typically come at the end of an NP, after any adjectives and numerals which follow the noun. The comitative marker can also appear after other kinds of phrases when used in a coordinating function.

3.2.4.1 Nominative

The nominative form is the stem of a noun or a pronoun without any other case suffixes.

3.2.4.2 Ergative

The case marker =su functions as an ergative marker. It occurs with all persons and numbers as well as in all tenses. As the following examples show, the ergative marker occurs in transitive clauses.28

(13)

mà=su

mà-raŋ=la

táe

1sg=erg

1sg-refl=dat

observe.pst

‘I observed myself.’

(14)

kʰóŋ=su

kúnma=la

ʒùmb-ãːk

2sg.h=erg

thief=dat

catch-pst.fact

‘You caught a thief.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Table 30

Case markers in Navakat

Case

Case marker(s)

Nominative

Ø

Ergative

=su

Dative/allative

=la

Possessive

=ki, =i/=ji

Locative

=na

Terminative

=ru

Ablative

=nasu

Instrumental/comitative

=raŋ

(15)

pìa-ja=su

nã̀e

màŋbo

sòe-tãŋ

ⁿdùk

rat-pl=erg

grain

much

eat.pst-hi

aux.nfut.vis

‘Rats have eaten a lot of grains.’ (Direct knowledge)

(16)

áŋmo=su

kúnma=la

ʒùmb-ãːk

i.name=erg

thief=dat

catch-pst.fact

‘Angmo caught the thief.’ (Indirect knowledge)

The following examples show that the ergative marker does not obligatorily occur in all transitive clauses.

(17)

kʰáŋba

ʧík

zòe-ʋan

1sg

house

one

build.pst-pst.ego

‘I built a house.’

(18)

kʰó

kʰóŋ=la

tá-ãːk

3sg.nh

2sg.h=dat

observe-pst.fact

‘He observed you.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(19)

ténzin

ɖì=raŋ

kúʃu

ʧá-kãːk

i.name

knife=ins

apple

cut-npst.fact

‘Tenzin will cut the apple with a knife.’

=su does not usually have an instrumental function. In such cases, normally the instrumental/comitative case marker =daŋ occurs. However, =su occurs in some constructions where it might be considered as having a ‘cause’ or a ‘reason’ interpretation.

(20)

ⁿgò

sùk=su

ma-ɲàl-ʤa

head

pain=ins

neg-sleep-inf

‘Because of headache, I did not sleep.’

(21)

sèptuŋ

ʃìmbo=su

ⁿzùːn

síŋ

ⁿdàk-tãŋ

food

good=ins

finger

all

lick-hi

‘The food was so tasty that I have licked all (my) fingers.’

In the following example the case marker =su is affixed to the weather phenomenon. The verb has the typical agentive verb inflectional ending (see Section 4).

(22)

ùrjuk=su

ⁿdàŋ

páŋ

ʧák-tãŋ

ⁿdùk

storm=erg

yesterday

tree

break-hi

cop.nfut.vis

‘Yesterday the storm has broken the tree.’ (Direct knowledge)

3.2.4.3 Dative/Allative

The case marker =la functions as the dative marker as well as the allative marker. It occurs with all numbers and persons.

3.2.4.3.1 Dative29

In the following example, =la functions as an indirect object marker.

(23)

íː

gàɖi

mà=la

áʒi=su

táŋ-ʧuŋ

dem.prox

watch

1sg=dat

o.sister=erg

leave-pst.ena

‘(My) older sister gave this watch to me.’

The following examples illustrate =la occurring with a direct object.

(24)

kʰó(=su)

kʰóŋ=la

tó-ãːk

3sg.nh(=erg)

2sg.h=dat

see.pst-pst.fact

‘He looked at you.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(25)

ŋà=ji

ʦʰámo=la

sú=su

dùŋ-ãːk

1sg=poss

niece=dat

who=erg

beat-pst.fact

‘Who beat (past) my niece?’ (Indirect knowledge)

(26)

kʰó-ʋat

kʰóʋ=i

ʦʰámo=la

tʰúk-ãːk

3sg.nh-pl

3sg.nh=poss

niece=dat

meet-pst.fact

‘They met his/her niece.’ (Indirect knowledge)

The direct object may take =la, also in constructions where the subject has the ergative marker. For example,

(27)

giatsó=sú

kʰáŋba=la

tó-ãːk

i.name=erg

house=dat

see.pst-pst.fact

‘Giatso looked at the house.’

The dative marker also occurs in the reflexive construction.

(28)

kʰó=su

kʰó-raŋ=la

sát-ãːk

3sg.nh=erg

3sg.nh-refl=dat

kill-pst.fact

‘He killed himself.’ (Background: The speaker knows that this has happened, but he did not see this himself.)

(29)

kʰó=su

kʰó-raŋ=la

ʧát-ãːk

3sg.nh=erg

3sg.nh-refl=dat

break-pst.fact

‘He cut himself.’

(30)

kʰó=su

kʰó-raŋ=la

ʈúi-ʋãːk

3sg.nh=erg

3sg.nh-refl=dat

wash-pst.fact

‘He washed himself.’

The dative marker also occurs in the experiencer subject construction and the related possessive construction (see Section 5.1).

Additionally, it also functions as a subordinator, where it is suffixed to the non-final verb. The non-final verb has either a bare verb form or it has an infinitive form. The non-final clause, in such cases, has a purposive interpretation.

(31)

dùa=raŋ

ʈàk

síŋ

kʰáŋba

zò-ʤa=la

ʧák-tãŋ

ⁿdùk

stone=ins

rock

all

house

make-inf=dat

break-hi

cop.fut.vis

‘All the stones and rocks have been broken to construct houses.’ (Direct knowledge)

3.2.4.3.2 Allative

In addition to its use as a grammatical case, =la also functions as a local case marker, denoting the allative (which is also used in an adessive function, i.e., denoting position rather than direction; cf. examples 33–35).

(32)

rèl

ŋán-ʃo=la

ʃú-ʤa

ʃímla=la

pùt

1sg

train

early-cmp=dat

get.into-inf

p.name=all

go.pst

‘I went with the earliest train to Shimla.’

(33)

ʦáːnpʰo=ki

tʰà=la

ŋǿnpo30

kéː

dèt-uk

river=poss

shore=all

grass

blue

grow

aux-nfut

‘The green grass has grown on the shore of the river.’ (Direct knowledge)

(34)

kínoːr=ki

làm=la

bàmzar

màŋbo

ò-kãːk

p.name=poss

path=all

waterfall

many

cop-npst.fact

‘There are many waterfalls on the way to Kinnaur.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(35)

kʰóʃ=i

ʈúː

jòk=la31

láp-kãːk

3pl.nh=poss

son

city=all

study-npst.fact

‘Their son studies in the city.’ (Indirect knowledge)

3.2.4.4 Possessive

The possessive markers are =ki (allomorph =gi when preceded by a voiced consonant/vowel) and =i/=ji. Their distribution is not phonologically determined. There are instances where the same noun occurs with two different possessive markers.

dòrʒe=ji ~ dòrʒe=ki

[i.name=poss]

pàlaŋ=i ~ pàlaŋ=ki

[cow=poss]

jùl=ì ~ jùl=ki

[village=poss]

éʋi=ji ~ éʋi=ki

[grandmother=poss]

rìja=ji ~ rìja=ki

[forest=poss]

gètpo-ji ~ gètpo=ki

[old man=poss]

jào=ji ~ jào=ki

[friend=poss]

ɖòlma=ji ~ ɖòlma=i

[i.name=poss]

With the pronouns (including the demonstratives), however, only the possessive marker =i/=ji occurs.

Singular

Plural

1-poss

ŋà=ji, mà=ji

màʃak=i, màʃ=i32 (1ple), ò=ji (1pli)

2nh-poss

kʰjǿ=ji

kʰóʋat=i, kʰóʃak=i

2h-poss

kʰóŋ=i

kʰóŋʃak=i, kʰóŋʤak=i, kʰóŋʤ=i

3nh-poss

kʰó=ji, íː

kʰóʃak=i, kʰóʃ=i33

(36)

kʰó=ji

péraŋ

síŋ=gi

káŋba

ìzuk

rìŋpo

ò-kãːk

3sg.nh=poss

family

all=poss

leg

like.this

long

cop-npst.fact

‘In their family everybody’s legs are long like this.’

3.2.4.5 Locative

The case marker =na indicates location.

(37)

mà=ji

jùl=na

ɲìriŋ

màŋbo

mèt

1sg=poss

village=loc

relatives

many

neg.exist

‘I don’t have many relatives in the village.’

(38)

nàu=na

màŋbo

mè-kãːk

p.name=loc

man

much

neg.cop-npst.fact

‘There are not many people in Nako.’

The locative case marker also functions as a subordinator.

(39)

gùnga

kʰálʋa=ki

ʃá

sà-ʤa=na

zúpʰo

ʈònmo

dè-kãːk

winter

ram=poss

meat

eat-inf=loc

body

warm

cop-npst.fact

‘Eating ram meat in winter keeps the body warm.’ (Indirect knowledge)

3.2.4.6 Terminative

The terminative marker =ru has the following allomorphs: =ru, =tu and =ⁿdu. All instances of the allomorph =ru in the dataset occur with stems ending in vowels; =tu and =ⁿdu occur with stems ending in consonants.34 Like the allative marker (see Section 3.2.4.3.2), the terminative is used to express position in addition to direction (42).

(40)

mà=ji

káŋʦʰiʋa=ru

dùa

pʰók-ʧũŋ

1sg=poss

ankle=term

stone

hit-pst.ena

‘A stone has hit my ankle.’

(41)

píti=ki

ʦáːnpʰo

kʰáp=tu

sátluʤ

ʦáːnpʰo=ru

ⁿdèː

ⁿɖò-ʋãːk

p.name=poss

river

p.name=term

river.name

river=term

merge

go.npst-pst.fact

‘The Spiti river merges into the Satluj river at Khab.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(42)

ŋà

jùl=du

dè-kan

1sg

village=term

cop-fut.ego

‘I will be in the village.’

(43)

nàu=ru

kjǿt

sèr-ak

p.name=term

come.imp

say-auditory.evidential

‘(They) say: “Come to Nako!” ’

3.2.4.7 Ablative

The ablative marker is =nasu, possibly representing a combination of locative =na and ergative =su.

(44)

sémba=nasu

kʰó

ètpo

ò-kãːk

heart=abl

3sg.nh

man

good

cop-npst.fact

‘He is a good man at heart.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(45)

píti

lùŋba=nasu

ʦʰóŋba

ɲíː

léb

dèt-ok

p.name

valley=abl

trader

two

arrive(h)

aux-nfut.vis

‘Two traders have arrived from the Spiti valley (and they are still here).’ (Direct knowledge)

(46)

ⁿdàŋ=nasu

mà=ji

kùŋ

sùk

ʈàk

yesterday=abl

1sg=poss

back

pain

cop.nfut.nvis

‘Since yesterday my back has pain.’ (Since yesterday I have back pain.)

(47)

mà=ji

áne=ki

mík=nasu

sírisak

ʧʰú

tõ̀

ⁿdùk

1sg=poss

p.aunt=poss

eye=abl

often

water

come.out

cop.nfut.vis

‘From my aunt’s eyes water often flows.’ (Direct knowledge)

3.2.4.8 Instrumental/Comitative

=raŋ functions as the instrumental and the comitative (or associative) marker. It has three allomorphs: =daŋ, =taŋ and =raŋ.35 =daŋ occurs when the preceding noun ends with a voiced consonant; =taŋ occurs when the preceding noun ends in a voiceless consonant and =raŋ occurs when the preceding noun ends with a vowel.

(48)

ténzin=su

dùa=raŋ

ⁿdàmbak=taŋ

kʰáŋba

zòe-ʋãː(k)

i.name=erg

stone=ins

mud=ins

house

build.pst-pst.fact

‘Tenzin built the house with stone and mud.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(49)

kʰó=su

tíŋba=raŋ

sáʒa

kóe

3sg.nh=erg

heel=ins

surface

dig.pst

‘He dug a hole with (his) heel.’

The case marker =raŋ also functions as the comitative (or associative) marker, with a ‘together with, along with’ interpretation. The distribution of its allomorphs =taŋ, =daŋ and =raŋ here is the same as described above for the instrumental.

(50)

giatsó=raŋ

giatsó=ji

péraŋ

òŋ-kãːk

i.name=ins

i.name=poss

family

come-npst.fact

‘Giatso along with his family will come.’

(51)

tánzin

kʰó=ji

áʒo=raŋ36

ɲámbo

dìlli=la

pùt-ãː(k)

i.name

3sg.nh=poss

o.brother=ins

together

p.name=all

go.pst-pst.fact

‘Tenzin went to Delhi along with his brother.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(52)

ràm=daŋ

tánzin

nǿl

sṍ(ŋ)

i.name=ins

i.name

fight

pst.vis

‘Tenzin fought with Ram.’ (Direct knowledge)

3.3 Pronouns

3.3.1 Demonstrative Pronouns

The demonstrative pronouns in Navakat are íː, pʰíː and òti. Their distribution is as follows. íː occurs when the object is in close proximity to the speaker; pʰíː occurs when an object is not in close proximity to the interlocutors, but they can see it; òti is used to refer to an object which the interlocutors have seen before, but which may or may not be visible to them at the time of speaking. It seems to have the discourse interpretation ‘this/these very thing(s)/person(s)’.

As mentioned already, the demonstrative pronouns are placed before their head noun, and remain invariant to the number and gender of the head noun.

íː mì

‘this man’

íː mì-ja

‘these men’

íː pòmo

‘this woman’

íː pòmo-ja

‘these women’

íː kʰáŋba

‘this house’

íː kʰáŋba-ja

‘these houses’

íː tá

‘this horse’

íː tá-ja

‘these horses’

pʰíː kʰáŋba

‘that house’

pʰíː kʰáŋba-ja

‘those houses’

pʰíː pòmo

‘that woman’

pʰíː pòmo-ja

‘those women’

pʰíː tá

‘that horse’

pʰíː tá-ja

‘those horses’

òti pòmo

‘that woman’

òti pòmo-ja

‘those women’

òti mì

‘that man’

òti mì-ja

‘those men’

òti tá

‘that horse’

òti tà-ja

‘those horses’

òti kʰáŋba

‘that house’

òti kʰáŋba-ja

‘those houses’

3.3.2 Personal Pronouns

SG

PL

1

mà, ŋà

màʃak (1ple), ɲèt (1ple)

1pli

òn

2h

kʰóŋ

kʰóŋʃak, kʰóŋʤak

2nh

kʰjǿt

kʰjǿtʋat

3h

kʰóŋ

kʰóŋʃak, kʰóŋʤak

3nh

kʰó

kʰóʃak, kʰóʋat

The distribution of the first person singular pronouns and ŋà is pragmatically conditioned. In everyday situations, is used by the younger participants in a conversation to refer to himself/herself, as a symbol of respect towards the other participant(s).37 The older participant, on the other hand, uses ŋà while talking about himself/herself in the same conversation. Friends normally use ŋà irrespective of their age. In a conversation between a layman and a lama, the lama normally uses ŋà to refer to himself/herself, while the layman (irrespective of his/her age) uses to refer to himself/herself. In situations where the participants do not know each other too well, thus they don’t know what social role they have in the conversation, is normally used by the participants to refer to themselves as a precautionary measure.

These pragmatic factors are also relevant in the distribution of the first person exclusive plural pronoun (màʃak and ɲèt) and the third person pronouns (kʰó and kʰóŋ). Between the two 1ple pronouns ɲèt occurs in situations corresponding to 1sg ŋà and màʃak occurs in situations corresponding to 1sg . Similarly, in the third person, kʰóŋ (which otherwise occurs as the 2sg.h pronoun) occurs where the speaker wants to pay respect to the listener; kʰó occurs elsewhere.38

Unlike Kinnauri (see Chapter 2), the same pronominal form occurs in nominative and non-nominative positions in Navakat.

Possessive

Dative/allative

1sg

mà=i

mà=la

2sg.h

kʰóŋ=i

kʰóŋ=la

2sg.nh

kʰjǿt=i

kʰjǿt=la

3sg.h

kʰóŋ=i

kʰóŋ=la

3sg.nh

kʰó=i, í=i

kʰó=la, íe=la

1ple

màʃak=i, màʃ=i

màʃak=la

2pl.h

kʰóŋʃak=i, kʰóŋʤak=i, kʰóŋʤ=i

kʰóŋʃak=la, kʰóŋʤak=la

3pl.nh

kʰóʃak=i, kʰóʃ=i

kʰóʃak=la

3.3.3 Interrogative Pronouns and Adverbs

Some interrogative pronouns and adverbs in Navakat are as follows.

ʦúk

‘how’

kàndu

‘where (specific location)’

ʦám

‘how much, how many’

kàna

‘where (non-specific location)’

ʧí

‘what’

kàŋ(te)

‘which’

nàm

‘when’

‘who’

The interrogative pronouns occur with animate (including, human) as well as inanimate arguments, with singular as well as plural arguments. See Section 5.2 for the structure of WH-questions.

3.3.4 Reflexive Pronouns

Reflexive pronouns are formed by suffixing -raŋ to the pronoun.

(53)

kʰó

kʰóŋ=la

táe-ʋãːk

3sg.nh

2sg.h=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘He observed you.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(54)

kʰó=su

kʰó-raŋ=la39

táe-ʋãːk

3sg.nh=erg

3sg.nh-refl=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘He observed himself.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(55)

mà=su

mà-raŋ=la

táe

1sg=erg

1sg-refl=dat

observe.pst

‘I observed myself.’

(56)

màʃak=su

màʃak-raŋ=la

táe

1ple=erg

1ple-refl=dat

observe.pst

‘We observed ourselves.’

(57)

kʰóŋ=su

kʰóŋ-raŋ=la

táe-ʋãːk

2sg.h=erg

2sg.h-refl=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘You observed yourself.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(58)

kʰóʋat=su

kʰóʋat-raŋ=la

táe-ʋãːk

3pl.nh=erg

3pl.nh-refl=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘They observed themselves.’ (Indirect knowledge)

In fast speech, the reflexive marker -raŋ is, at times, realized as -re.

(59)

ʧìʋa-ja

kʰóʃak-re

áʒaŋ=la

tʰúk-pãː(k)

child-pl

3pl.nh-refl

uncle=dat

meet-pst.fact

‘The children met their (own) uncle.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(60)

ʧìʋa-ja=su

kʰóʃak-re=la

táe-ʋãːk

child-pl=erg

3pl.nh-refl=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘The children observed themselves.’ (Indirect knowledge)

3.3.5 Reciprocal Pronoun

An invariant form ʧík+taŋ+ʧík [one+com+one] ‘each other’ occurs in the reciprocal construction.

(61)

màʃak-ja

ʧíktaŋʧík=la

táe-ʋan

1ple-pl

each.other=dat

observe.pst-pst.ego

‘We observed each other.’

(62)

òn-ja

ʧíktaŋʧík=la

táe-ʋan

1pli-pl

each.other=dat

observe.pst-pst.ego

‘We observed one another.’

(63)

kʰóŋʤak=su

ʧíktaŋʧík=la

táe-ʋãːk

2h.pl=erg

each.other=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘You (pl) observed one another.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(64)

ʈúː=raŋ

pòmo

ʧíktaŋʧík=la

táe-ʋãːk

boy=com

girl

each.other=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘The boy and the girl observed each other.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(65)

kʰóʋat=su

ʧíktaŋʧík=la

táe-ʋãːk

3pl.nh=erg

each.other=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘They observed one another.’ (Indirect knowledge)

3.4 Adjectives

Adjectives in Navakat follow their head nouns. In case the adjective has an adverbial modifier, such as an intensifer (e.g. ⁿʤìːʃa ‘much’), this precedes the adjective (N Adv Adj; see example 63 below). Coordinated adjectival phrases (Adj=com Adj) go into the same slot as simple adjectives, i.e., they follow their head nouns (see example 64 below).

kítaːp ʈápo40

[book thin]

‘thin book’

ʦʰó òptoŋ41

[lake deep]

‘deep lake’

pòmo ʈʰámo

[girl thin]

‘thin girl’

mì ɖùmpo

[man fat]

‘fat man’

sólok ʈʰáŋbo

[road straight]

‘straight road’

(66)

kʰó=ji

ʧé

ⁿʤìːʃa

rìŋpo

ⁿdùk

3sg.nh=poss

tongue

emp

much

long

cop.nfut.vis

‘His tongue is very long.’ (Direct knowledge)

(67)

íː

kʰáŋba

ɲíŋba=raŋ

márʋo

ɲámbo

mà=ji

áʒo

ɲø̀e-ʋãk

dem.prox

house

old(nhum)=com

red

together

1sg=poss

o.brother

buy.pst-pst.fact

‘My older brother bought this old, red house.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Adjectives do not inflect in Navakat. In examples (68–69) below the same adjectival form (ɖùmpo ‘thick, fat (round objects)’) occurs with nouns denoting both males and females. Examples (70–71) show that adjectives do not inflect for number.

(68)

ɖùmpo

man

fat

‘Fat man’

(69)

pòmo

ɖùmpo

woman

fat

‘Fat woman’

(70)

ʧìʋa

kítpu

child

happy

‘Happy child’

(71)

ʧìʋa-ja

kítpu

child-pl

happy

‘Happy children’

3.4.1 Adjective Structure

Adjectives in Navakat are mono- or disyllabic. With a few exceptions, monosyllabic adjectives end either in nasals (m, n, or ŋ) or in vowels.

ʃàu

‘lame’

ʦʰéu

‘salty’

ŋán

‘early’

tún

‘short’

ʧyn, ʧún

‘small (non-long objects)’

ʧʰóm

‘ready’

ʃàŋ

‘wide’

kól

‘deaf; mute’

As with nouns, disyllabic adjectives, too, frequently end in -po, -pa,42 -mo or -ma. However, the largest group of adjectives end in -po. There is no clear distinguishing factor determining the distribution of the various adjectival endings.

ʧʰúkpo

‘rich’

kámpo

‘dry’

ʃímbo

‘good (edibles)’

ʈàŋbo

‘true, honest’

ⁿbòlmo

‘soft’

kʰémo

‘cheap’

sóma

‘new’

ɲérma

‘wrinkled’

ɲíŋba

‘old (nhum)’

rìtpa

‘weak’

As was the case with nouns, disyllabic adjectives, too, may end in other vowels or consonants.

(ⁿ)ʤéŋu

‘green’

kàːpo

‘difficult’

(ⁿ)bàːpʰa

‘dirty’

gùrkøk

‘crooked’

ʧínte

‘heavy’

lánte

‘wet’

gìrgir43

‘round (large objects)’

nèʒuŋ

‘young (hum)’

Descriptive adjectives are classified according to whether they refer to, for example, age, dimension, value or color. The following are some examples of descriptive adjectives.

Age

nèʒuŋ

‘young (hum)’

ɲérma

‘wrinkled’

dàŋbo

‘old (time)’

gètpo

‘old (anim)’

(72)

kʰó=ji

gètpo

ʃí-s-ãːk

3sg.nh=poss

horse

old(anim)

die-mdl-pst.fact

‘His old horse died.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Dimension

ɖùmpo

‘thick (round)’

tʰúpo

‘thick (non-round objects)’

ʈʰámo

‘thin (round objects)’

ʈápo

‘thin (objects with surface)’

rìŋpo

‘long, tall’

ʧʰétpo

‘big’

ʈòkpo

‘narrow’

ʈʰáŋbo

‘straight’

(73)

kʰó=ji

ʈá

rìŋpo=raŋ

nàkpo

ⁿdùk

3sg.nh=poss

hair

long=com

black

cop.nfut.vis

‘Her hair is long and black.’ (Direct knowledge)

Value

ètpo

‘good (anim)’

ʃímbo

‘delicious (eatables)’

dèmo

‘good (external qualities)’

zàŋbo

‘good (internal qualities)’

kʰámlokʧa

‘bad (disgusting)’

ŋànba

‘bad’

ʈúː ètpo

[boy good]

‘good boy’

ʈúː dèmo

[boy good (exterior)]

‘handsome boy’

káʧa dèmo

[news/rumour good]

‘good news’

sèptuŋ ʃímbo

[food delicious]

‘delicious food’

námla ŋànba

[weather bad]

‘bad weather’

káʧa ŋànba

[news/rumour bad]

‘bad news’

ʧìʋa-ja ŋànba

[child-pl bad]

‘bad children’

ʈúː ŋànba

[boy bad]

‘bad boy’

Most color terms in Navakat end in -po (allomorphs -po, -bo/ʋo).

Color

kárʋo

‘white’

ŋónpo, ŋǿnpo

‘blue’

nàkpo

‘black’

sér(ʋo)

‘yellow’

márʋo

‘red’

(ⁿ)ʤéŋu

‘green’

Properties relating to physical characteristics, personality traits and speed are also expressed by adjectives in Navakat.

Physical characteristics

kjòŋbo

‘hard’

dùmpa

‘blunt’

ⁿbòlmo

‘soft’

ʧínte

‘heavy’

ɲø̀npo

‘sharp’

jàŋmo

‘light’

kámpo

‘dry’

lánte

‘wet’

sáʒa ⁿbòlmo44

[land soft]

‘soft surface’

sáʒa kjòŋbo

[land hard]

‘hard surface’

Personality traits

gèri

‘happy, proud’

ʧáŋbo

‘clever’

Speed

ŋán

‘early’

ⁿgjòpʰa45

‘fast’

ʈíːn, ʈíːŋ

‘late’

gùlejraŋ

‘slow’

(74)

rèl

tíːŋ-ʃo

ʃú-ʤa

ʃímla=la

pùt

1sg

train

after-cmp

get.into-inf

p.name=all

go.pst

‘I went with the earliest train to Shimla.’

(75)

rèl

ŋán-ʃo=la

ʃú-ʤa

ʃímla=la

pùt

1sg

train

early-cmp=dat

get.into-inf

p.name=all

go.pst

‘I went with the earliest train to Shimla.’

Non-numeral quantifier adjectives

jòp

‘many (cnt)’

màŋbo

‘many (ncnt)’

kónbo

‘few’

ʦám

‘approximately’

At times, when the speaker either does not need to or want to specify the exact amount, màŋbo ‘many’ occurs even with countable objects (77).

(76)

ʧʰã́rʋa

màŋbo

gjè(p)

ma-ʒṍ(ŋ)46

now

year

rain

many

shoot

neg-pst.vis

‘This year it didn’t rain much.’

(77)

òti

séŋgul=su

kʰáŋba

màŋbo

dìp

sṍ(ŋ)

that

year

earthquake=ins

house

many

fell.down

pst.vis

‘That year the earthquake destroyed many houses.’ (Direct knowledge)

màŋbo ‘many’ also functions as an adverb.

(78)

bàs=ki

nàŋ=du

màŋbo

dè-ʧa

ʧónto

sùk

ʈàk

bus=poss

inside=loc

many

sit-inf

buttock

pain

cop.nfut.nvis

‘(My) buttock is aching because of (my) sitting in the bus for a long time.’

3.4.2 Degrees of Comparison

The superlative is formed by suffixing -ʃo to an adjective. If the stem is a disyllabic stem, the final syllable is deleted in the process.

ʧúŋ-ʃo

‘smallest’

< ʧún

‘small (objects which are not elongated)’

tíːn-ʃo

‘very late’

< tíːn, tíːŋ

‘late’

màŋ-ʃo

‘most’

< màŋbo

‘many(ncnt)’

In the contrastive construction (also called “comparative construction”) sãː47 occurs between the objects which are being compared.

(79)

rìa=ki

kúʃu

sãː

ʦʰáera-i

kúʃu

ʃim-kãːk

forest=poss

apple

cont

orchard-poss

apple

tasty-npst.fact

‘Orchard apples are sweeter than wild apples.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(80)

ténzin

sãː

dòrʒe

rìŋ-ãːk

i.name

cont

i.name

tall-npst.fact

‘Tenzin is taller than Dorje.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(81)

íː

kʰáŋba

sãː

pʰíː

kʰáŋba

ɲìŋba

jìn-uk

this

house

cont

that

house

old(nhum)

cop-nfut.vis

‘This house is older than that house.’ (Direct knowledge)

3.5 Numerals

Like adjectives, numerals in Navakat come after the head noun. Any adjectives are placed between the noun and the numeral. Numerals can be suffixed with -bo, marking the NP as given information.

(82)

ràma

súm

goat

three

‘Three goats’

(83)

kʰáŋba

ɲìŋba=raŋ

márʋo

súm

mà=i

áʒo

ɲòe-ʋãːk48

house

old(nhum)=com

red

three

1sg=poss

o.brother

buy.pst-pst.fact

My older brother bought three old red houses.

(84)

kʰáŋba

ɲìŋba=raŋ

márʋo

súm=bo

mà=i

áʒo

ɲòe-ʋãːk

house

old(nhum)=com

red

three-given

1sg=poss

o.brother

buy.pst-pst.fact

My older brother bought the three old red houses.

The numerals 1–10 are as follows.

ʧík

‘one’

ʈùk

‘six’

ɲíː

‘two’

dùn, dỳn

‘seven’

súm

‘three’

gjèt

‘eight’

ʒì

‘four’

‘nine’

ŋá

‘five’

ʧú

‘ten’

Navakat exhibits a consistent decimal system. See Chapter 5 for more information on Navakat numerals. As the following examples illustrate, several connecting morphemes (e.g. sok-,49 ŋak-) occur in higher numerals. These connecting morphemes are neither in free variation nor is their distribution phonologically determined.50

ɲìːʃu

‘20’

ɲìː

‘2’

×

ʧú

‘10’

súmʤu

‘30’

súm

‘3’

×

ʧú

‘10’

súnʤu sokʃík

‘31’

súmʤu

‘31’

sok-

ʧík

‘1’51

ʒìpʧu

‘40’

ʒì

‘4’

×

(p)ʧú

‘10’

ʒìpʧu ʒakʃík

‘41’

ʒìpʧu

‘40’

ʒak-

ʧík

‘1’

ŋépʧu52

‘50’

ŋá

‘5’

×

(p)ʧú

‘10’

ŋépʧu ŋakʃík

‘51’

ŋépʧu

‘50’

ŋak-

ʧík

‘1’

ʈùkʧu

‘60’

ʈùk

‘6’

×

ʧú

‘10’

ʈùkʧu rakʃík / *rokʃík

‘61’

ʈùkʧu

‘60’

rak-

ʧík

‘1’

dùnʤu

‘70’

dùn

‘7’

×

ʧú

‘10’

dùnʤu tokʃík / tonʃík53

‘71’

dùnʤu

‘70’

tok-/ton-

ʧík

‘1’

gèʤu, gètʧu

‘80’

gèt

‘8’

×

ʧú

‘10’

gèʤu kakʃík

‘81’

gèʤu

‘80’

kak-

ʧík

‘1’

gòpʧu

‘90’

‘9’

×

(p)ʧú

‘10’

gòpʧu kokʃík

‘91’

gòpʧu

‘90’

kok-

ʧík

‘1’

4 The Verb Complex

The verb complex in Nàvakat is considerably simpler than that of Kinnauri. There is no subject or object indexing, tense and evidentiality information is conveyed by combinations of lexical verbs, nominalizers, suffixes/clitics and auxiliaries.

4.1 Verb Lexemes and Their Structure

4.1.1 Simplex Verbs

The focus here is on simplex verbs. Below we give some examples of verbs of different semantic types, illustrating that there is no formal differentiation of these types. The verbs are provided here in their infinitive forms (ending either in -ʧa or -ʤa).54

Involuntary processes

ⁿɖòʤa

‘to flow (nh)’

ʒètʧa

‘to forget’

ʈè(t)ʧa

‘to drift (intr)’

ʃíʤa

‘to die (nh)’

Bodily functions

kjúkʧa

‘to vomit’

ⁿdàrʧa

‘to shiver’

ŋùʤa

‘to cry’

gjùʤa

‘to have sex’

mìkʧa

‘to swallow’

ⁿdàʧa

‘to chew’

Motion verbs

ⁿɖòʤa

‘to go (npst)’

ⁿʣàkʧa

‘to climb’

òŋʤa

‘to come’

táŋʤa

‘to leave’

pʰúrʧa

‘to fly’

ʧʰóŋʤa

‘to jump’

Action verbs

ʈúʧa

‘to wash’

kóʧa

‘to dig’

kúŋʤa

‘to bury’

dàmʤa

‘to tie’

ⁿdàʧa

‘to chew’

ʒàŋʤa

‘to build (h)’

Cognition verbs

ʃéʃa

‘to know’

ʒètʧa

‘to forget’

Utterance verbs

sèrʧa

‘to say’, ‘to tell’

ʈíʤa

‘to ask’

Focussed attention verbs

táʤa

‘to observe’

númʤa

‘to smell (tr)’

4.1.2 Honorific and Non-Honorific Verb Stems

Some verbs in Navakat have distinct honorific and non-honorific verb stems.

h verb form

nh verb form

‘to arrive’

pʰéʧa

lépʧa

‘to go’

kjǿtʧa

ⁿɖòʤa

‘to come’

pʰéʧa

òŋʤa

‘to be born’

ʈʰúŋʤa

kéʤa

‘to die’

ʈònʃa

ʃíʤa

‘to drink’

ʧʰǿtʧa

tʰúŋʤa

‘to give’

púlʤa

térʧa

‘to know’

kʰénʤa

ʃéʃa

‘to sit, to stay’

ʒùːʃa

dèʧa

4.1.3 Complex Verbs

Navakat has a kind of light or support verb construction, consisting of a noun without case marking and a verb. In this construction, the noun carries the main semantic content and the verb functions primarily as the carrier of the verb inflectional morphology. Verbs which occur in this construction are: òŋʤa ‘to come’, òʧa ‘to exist’, g(j)èpʧa ‘to shoot’, pèʧa ‘to do’, lènʤa ‘to take’, táŋʤa ‘to send’, and térʧa ‘to give (nh)’.

Complex verbs with òŋʤa ‘to come’ describe non-voluntary situations.

tókri òŋ-ʤa

[hunger(n) come-inf]

‘to be hungry’

míklam òŋ-ʤa

[dream(n) come-inf]

‘to dream (nvol)’

tʰìːfa55 òŋ-ʤa

[drip(n) come-inf]

‘to drip, to dribble(intr)’

ʈìma òŋ-ʤa

[smell(n) come-inf]

‘to smell (intr)’

With the verb òʧa ‘to exist’, we get states.

ʧá ò-ʧa

[knowledge(n) exist-inf]

‘to know about’

sónpo ò-ʧa

[alive(n) exist-inf]

‘to be alive’

ʧóreʒik ò-ʧa

[resemblance(n) exist-inf]

‘to seem similar’

g(j)èpʧa ‘to shoot’ provides a volitional interpretation.

mónlam gjèp-ʧa

[pray(n) shoot-inf]

‘to pray’

ʧík gjèp-ʧa

[word(n) shoot-inf]

‘to paint’

gùrma gjèp-ʧa

[crawl(n) shoot-inf]

‘to crawl’

The verb pèʧa ‘to do’ derives complex activity verbs. The activity can be abstract (e.g. ‘to hope’) or concrete (e.g. ‘to perform a religious activity’).

rèʋa pè-ʧa

[hope(n) do-inf]

‘to hope’

ʧʰǿe pè-ʧa

[religious.activities(n) do-inf]

‘to preach’

jào pè-ʧa

[friend do-inf]

‘to help’

All instances of complex verbs constructed with lènʤa ‘to take’ involve bodily actions.

ɖìtpa lèn-ʤa

[sneeze(n) take-inf]

‘to sneeze’

hùiɖa lèn-ʤa

[snore(n) take-inf]

‘to snore’

jàl lèn-ʤa

[yawn(n) take-inf]

‘to yawn’

táŋʤa ‘to send’ and térʧa ‘to give (nh)’ both derive complex verbs which describe activities.

lú táŋ-ʤa

[song(n) send-inf]

‘to sing’

kjákpa táŋ-ʤa

[feces(n) send-inf]

‘to defecate’

kʰíreː táŋ-ʤa

[hunting(n) send-inf]

‘to hunt’

ʧìmleː tér-ʧa56

[blessing(n) give-inf]

‘to bless’

ʈèu tér-ʧa

[permission(n) give-inf]

‘to permit’

4.1.4 Intransitive, Transitive and Ditransitive Verbs

The direct object in transitive clauses may take the dative marker. Ditransitive verbs take three core arguments. As is the case with transitive verbs, even in this case, the direct object and the indirect object need not occur explicitly in the clause.

(85)

ɲìma

ʃár-sṍ(ŋ)

sun

rise-pst.vis

‘The sun rose.’ (Direct knowledge)

(86)

kʰóʃak

ʃíŋ

ʧá-sṍ(ŋ)

3pl.nh

wood

break-pst.vis

‘They cut the wood.’ (Direct knowledge)

(87)

áŋmo=su

kúnma=la

ʒùm-ãːk

i.name=erg

thief=dat

catch-pst.fact

‘Angmo caught the thief.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(88)

àŋmo=su

ténzin=la

múl

tát-ãːk

i.name=erg

i.name=dat

money

give.pst-pst.fact

‘Ram gave (some) money to Tenzin.’ (Indirect knowledge)

4.2 Verbal Inflectional Categories

Navakat verbs do not exhibit subject or object indexing, but like most other Tibetic languages, Navakat has an extensive set of grammatical morphemes which combine the expression of evidentiality and tense in complex ways (Saxena 1997a; Zeisler 2004; Tournadre 2008; DeLancey 2012, 2018; Tournadre and LaPolla 2014). With respect to the categories recognized and (to some extent) the terminology used, the present description of the Navakat verbal inflectional system draws on earlier descriptions of West Tibetic language varieties—and especially the varieties classified together with Navakat under “Western Innovative Tibetan” in Bielmeier et al. (MS 2008)—e.g., those of Hein (2001) and Zeisler (2004, p.c.), although with due consideration of the fact that the grammatical systems of even closely related Tibetic varieties may differ considerably in their details (Tournadre and LaPolla 2014: 252–256). Table 31 provides an overview of the verbal inflectional categories in Navakat.57

Table 31

Verbal inflectional categories in Navakat

Copulas and their inflectional categories

Equational

Existential

nfut

fut

nfut

fut

ego

jìn

ʧʰá-na jìn

ò-at

dèt-kan58

fact

jìn-ɖo

ʧʰá-kãːk

ò-kãːk

dèt-kãːk

vis

jìn-uk

ⁿdùk

now

dèt-uk

nvis

ʈàk

Verbal inflectional categories in non-copula constructions

npst

pst

fut

ego

-at

-an/-ʋan, V.pst

-(k)an

ena

-ʧuŋ

fact

-(k)ãːk

-ãːk/-ʋãːk

-(k)ãːk

vis

V-nmlz jìn-uk, (tã(ŋ)) ⁿdùk

(-)sõ(ŋ)

now

-uk

V dèt-uk

nvis

ʈàk

hi

(-)tã(ŋ)

4.3 Copula Constructions

4.3.1 Non-Future Tense

jìn, ò, ⁿdùk, dèt and ʈàk occur in non-future copula constructions, where jìn occurs in the equational copula construction in non-future and the rest occur in the existential copula construction. jìn with no inflectional ending is egophoric, while the copula jìn with -uk indicates that the speaker has direct knowledge of that which is being described as s/he has seen it personally, while jìn with the suffix -ɖo indicates that the speaker does not have direct (factual) knowledge.

(89)

ŋà

ʃìŋba

jìn

1sg

farmer

cop.nfut.ego

‘I am/was a farmer.’

(90)

ɲèt

ʃìŋba

jìn

1ple

farmer

cop.nfut.ego

‘We are/were farmers.’

(91)

kʰjǿt

ʃìŋba

jìn-uk

2sg.nh

farmer

cop-nfut.vis

‘You are/were a farmer.’ (Direct knowledge)

(92)

kʰó

ʃìŋba

jìn-ɖo

3sg.nh

farmer

cop-nfut.fact

‘He is/was a farmer.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(93)

kʰóʋat

ʃìŋba

jìn-uk

3pl.nh

farmer

cop-nfut.vis

‘They are/were farmers.’ (Direct knowledge)

(94)

ʈúː

ʧúkʃik=i

jìn-uk

son

year

eleven=poss

cop-nfut.vis

‘(His) son is eleven years old.’ (Direct knowledge)

In the following example, jìn-uk occurs, if, the speaker has personally seen that the meat is/was fresh.

(95)

íː

ʃá

sóma

jìn-uk

this

meat

fresh

cop-nfut.vis

‘This meat is/was fresh.’ (Direct knowledge)

In non-future tense constructions, time adverbials are used to specify the temporal framework of a copula construction.

(96)

ŋà

ʃìŋba

jìn

1sg

farmer

cop.nfut.ego

‘I am/was a farmer.’

(97)

ɲíː

ŋàn=la

ŋà

ʃìŋba

jìn

year

two

inside=all

1sg

farmer

cop.nfut.ego

‘Two years ago I was a farmer.’

ò, ⁿdùk, dèt and ʈàk occur in the existential copula construction. The copula ò followed by the suffix -at occurs in egophoric and factual contexts (98–99), while ò-kãːk occurs when the speaker does not have direct knowledge, but knows it for a fact (100–103).

(98)

ŋà

jùl=na

ò-at

1sg

village=loc

cop-prs.ego

‘I am in the village.’

(99)

ɲèt

jùl=na

ò-at

1ple

village=loc

cop-prs.ego

‘We are in the village.’

(100)

kʰjǿt

jùl=na

ò-kãːk

2sg.nh

village=loc

cop-npst.fact

‘You are in the village.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(101)

kʰó

jùl=na

ò-kãːk

3sg.nh

village=loc

cop-npst.fact

‘He is in the village.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(102)

kʰóʋat

jùl=na

ò-kãːk

3pl.nh

village=loc

cop-npst.fact

‘They are in the village.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(103)

píti=na

gùnba

màŋbo

ò-kãːk

p.name=loc

temple

many

cop-npst.fact

‘Spiti has many temples.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Similarly, the distribution of the remaining existential copulas (i.e., ⁿdùk, dèt and ʈàk), too, is evidentially conditioned. ⁿdùk indicates that the speaker has direct knowledge of that which is being described by having seen it personally (104).

(104)

kàkʦe=ji

kʰá=na

púli

ʧík

ⁿdùk

crow=poss

mouth=loc

bread

one

cop.nfut.vis

‘There is somebread in the crow’s beak.’ (Direct knowledge)

dèt-uk, on the other hand, marks a change of state, where the speaker was a witness to the change (105).

(105)

nám59

ʈín

dèt-uk

weather

cloud

cop-nfut.now

‘The weather is cloudy.’ (It is cloudy.) (Background: it was sunny just a while ago, but now it is cloudy; the speaker witnessed the change.)

Finally, the copula ʈàk (allomorph ɖàk60) indicates that the information conveyed in this clause is direct knowledge, but based on the speaker’s non-visual perceptions. This includes expressing internal feelings as well as perceptions of touching and smelling. See (106–109).

(106)

tʰérmos=ki

nàŋ=na

ʧà

ʈàk

thermos=poss

inside=loc

tea

cop.nfut.nvis

‘There is tea in the thermos.’ (Background: The speaker feels the weight of a thermos, and inferes/guesses/assumes that there is tea in the thermos.)

(107)

tʰérmos=ki

nàŋ=na

ʧà

ⁿduk

thermos=poss

inside=loc

tea

cop.nfut.vis

‘There is tea in the thermos.’ (Direct knowledge)

(108)

kʰáŋb=i61

nàŋ=na

kʰí

ʈàk

house=poss

inside=loc

dog

cop.nfut.nvis

‘There is a dog in the house.’ (Background: The speaker hears the noise of the barking coming from the house. Thus he assumes that there is a dog in the house.)

(109)

kʰáŋb=i

nàŋ=na

kʰí

ⁿduk

house=poss

inside=loc

dog

cop.nfut.vis

‘There is a dog in the house.’ (Direct knowledge)

The existential copulas (excluding dèt-uk) also occur in constructions with adjectival predicates.62 The existential copulas in such constructions retain their evidential properties, described above (110–118).

(110)

rìŋpo63

ò-at

1sg

tall

cop-prs.ego

‘I am tall.’

(111)

kʰó

lã̀ːpʰo64

ⁿdùk

3sg.nh

beautiful

cop.nfut.vis

‘She is/was beautiful.’ (Direct knowledge)

(112)

màʃ=i65

mème=ki

màlej

ⁿʤìːʃa

rìŋpo

ò-kãːk

1ple=poss

grandfather=poss

chin

much

long

cop-npst.fact

‘My grandfather has a very long chin.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(113)

nàkpo

táeŋ-an

ò-kãːk

horse

black

foc

agressive-nmlz

cop-npst.fact

‘The black horse has agressivity.’ (The black horse is agressive) (Indirect knowledge)

(114)

dòrʒə=ki

náma

lã̀ːpʰo

ʧík

ⁿdùk

i.name=poss

wife

foc

beautiful

one

cop.nfut.vis

‘Dorje’s wife is beautiful.’ (Direct knowledge)

(115)

nám=la

ʦʰátpa

ʈàk66

weather=all

hot

cop.nfut.nvis

‘The weather is hot.’ (It is hot.) (Background: The speaker is sweating and he feels that it is hot today.)

(116)

tìriŋ

lágde

ʈákpo

ʈàk

today

wind

fierce

cop.nfut.nvis

‘The wind is fierce today.’ (Background: The speaker experiences strong wind.)

(117)

ʧà

ʈ(r)ã́ː

saŋ

ⁿdùk

tea

cold

completely

cop.nfut.vis

‘The tea has become cold.’ (Direct knowledge).

(118)

ʧà

ʈ(r)ã́ː

saŋ

ʈàk

tea

cold

completely

cop.nfut.nvis

‘The tea is cold. (Background: After the speaker drank the tea, s/he feels that the tea has turned cold).’

4.3.2 Future Tense

In the future tense, the regularly inflected verbs ʧʰá ‘become’ and dèt ‘sit, remain, live’ function as the equational and existential copula, respectively. The egophoric form is ʧʰá-na jìn [become-nmlz aux.nfut.ego]. This verbal form occurs also in the obligative construction. In other contexts the verb (ʧʰá) takes the inflectional ending -kãːk, which also occurs in noncopula constructions as a mark of indirect (factual) evidentiality.

(119)

ŋà

ʃìŋba

ʧʰá-na

jìn

1sg

farmer

become-nmlz

aux.nfut.ego

‘I will be a farmer.’

(120)

ɲèt

ʃìŋba

ʧʰá-na

jìn

1ple

farmer

become-nmlz

aux.nfut.ego

‘We will be farmers.’

(121)

kʰjǿt

ʃìŋba

ʧʰá-kãːk

2sg.nh

farmer

become-npst.fact

‘You are/will be a farmer.’

(122)

kʰó

ʃìŋba

ʧʰá-kãːk

3sg.nh

farmer

become-npst.fact

‘(S)he is/will be a farmer.’

(123)

kʰóʋat

ʃìŋba

ʧʰá-kãːk

3pl.nh

farmer

become-npst.fact

‘They are/will be farmers.’

In the existential copula construction in the future tense dèt ‘sit, remain, live’ functions as the copula. The inflectional endings here are the same as those in the noncopula construction (see the next section).

(124)

ŋà

jùl=ⁿdu

dèt-kan [dèkan]

1sg

village=term

sit-fut.ego

‘I will be in the village.’

(125)

ɲèt

jùl=ⁿdu

dèt-kan [dèkan]

1ple

village=term

sit-fut.ego

‘We will be in the village.’

(126)

kʰjǿt

jùl=ⁿdu

dèt-kãːk [èkãːk]

2sg.nh

village=term

sit-npst.fact

‘You are/will be in the village.’

(127)

kʰó

jùl=ⁿdu

dèt-kãːk [dèkãːk]

3sg.nh

village=term

sit-npst.fact

‘(S)he are/will be in the village.’

(128)

kʰóʋat

jùl=ⁿdu

dèt-kãːk [dèkãːk]

3pl.nh

village=term

sit-npst.fact

‘They are/will be in the village.’

4.4 Non-Copula Constructions

4.4.1 Past Tense

The distribution of the finite verb inflectional endings in the past tense is as follows. The two allomorphs of egophoric -an/-ʋan are distributed as follows: -an occurs when the verb stem ends in a consonant and -ʋan67 occurs when the verb stem ends in a vowel.

(129)

ʈì-ʋan

1sg

write-pst.ego

‘I wrote.’

(130)

màʃak

ɲámbo

ⁿɖùl-an

1ple

together

walk-pst.ego

‘We walked together.’

Some verbs have suppletive forms in the past tense, e.g., ‘go’ and ‘do’: ⁿɖò [go.npst] : pùt [go.pst]; [do.npst] : ʧè [do.pst]. The same set of verb inflections is used with the verbs which have suppletive verb forms and those which do not have suppletive forms in past and non-past. To some extent the Navakat verb forms reflect the stem formation of Old and Classical Tibetan (see Appendix 3A to this chapter).

There are some instances of finite clauses where a bare verb occurs in the past tense, without any inflectional ending. When asked to clarify, the language consultants provided the corresponding sentence with inflectional endings.

(131)

kʰó=la

tʰóŋ

1sg

3sg.nh=dat

see(nvol)

‘I saw him.’

(132)

rèl

ŋán-ʃo=la

ʃú-ʤa

ʃímla=la

pùt-an

1sg

train

early-sup=dat

board-inf

p.name=all

go.pst-pst.ego

‘I took the earliest train to Shimla.’

Other verb inflectional endings in the past tense are -ãːk/-ʋãːk and (-)sõ(ŋ). -ʋãːk occurs often, but not only, when the stem ends with a vowel and -ãːk occurs when the verb stem ends with a consonant.

When (-)sõ(ŋ) functions as a verb ending, it immediately follows the main verb.68 The phonological status of (-)sõ(ŋ) seems to fall somewhere between a free auxiliary and a bound morpheme as the place of articulation of s in (-)sõ(ŋ) is sometimes assimilated to the place of articulation of the stem-final consonant of the preceding verb, whereas in other contexts, there is no assimilation. Similarly, ŋ in (-)sõ(ŋ) is not always articulated clearly. The vowel in (-)sõ(ŋ) is nasalized with or without the final ŋ. (-)sõ(ŋ) occurs with agentive (transitive, intransitive) as well as with non-agentive verbs.

(133)

mà=ji

lùk

ʦó=ru

pùt-sṍ(ŋ)

1sg=poss

y.brother

sheep

graze=term

go.pst-pst.vis

‘My younger brother went to herd lambs.’ (Direct knowledge)

(134)

ràm

kjúk

sṍ(ŋ)

i.name

vomit

pst.vis

‘Ram vomited.’ (Direct knowledge)

The distribution of the verb endings -ãːk/-ʋãːk and (-)sõ(ŋ) is evidentially conditioned: (-)sõ(ŋ) occurs when the speaker has direct knowledge of that which is being described by having seen it; -ãːk/-ʋãːk occurs when the speaker does not have direct evidence, but knows it for a fact.

(135)

kʰóŋ

pùt-ãːk / *pùt-ʋãːk

3sg.h

go.pst-pst.fact

‘He went.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(136)

kʰjǿt

pùt-ãːk/ *pùt-ʋãːk

2sg.nh

go.pst-pst.fact

‘You went.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(137)

kʰó

mà=la

táe-ʋãːk

3sg.nh

1sg=dat

observe.pst-pst.fact

‘He observed me.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(138)

kʰó

mà=la

táe-sṍ(ŋ)

3sg.nh

1sg=dat

observe.pst-pst.vis

‘He observed me.’ (Direct knowledge)

(139)

dòrʒe=su

kʰó=la

dùn-sṍ(ŋ)

i.name=erg

3sg.nh=dat

beat-pst.vis

‘Dorje beat him.’ (Direct knowledge)

(140)

dòrʒe

kʰó=la

dùn-ʋãːk

i.name

3sg.nh=dat

beat-pst.fact

‘Dorje beat him.’ (Indirect knowledge)

Finally, -ʧũ(ŋ), (-)tã(ŋ), túk and ʈò too, occur as verbal inflectional endings in the noncopula constructions.

When the first person argument is the affected (i.e., non-agent) argument in the past tense, the verb takes the suffix -ʧu(ŋ) (allomorph [ʤɔ̃(ŋ)]). It always occurs as the last element in a finite sentence. The first person argument may, but need not necessarily, be the grammatical subject in the clause.

(141)

tìriŋ

pʰírok

ná=nasu

mà=ji

ná-ʈʰák69

tø̀n-ʤu(ŋ)

today

evening

nose=abl

1sg=poss

nose-blood

come.out-pst.ena

‘Today evening the blood came out from my nose.’

(142)

mà=ji

ʈø̀tpa=ru

kʰó=ji

ʈʰímoʒoŋ

pʰók-ʧũ(ŋ)

1sg=poss

stomach=term

3sg.nh=poss

elbow

hit-pst.ena

‘His elbow hit my stomach.’

The following two pairs of examples show that the first person argument has to be the recipient (i.e., the non-agentive argument) for -ʧũ(ŋ) to occur.

(143)

mà=su

kʰó=ji

làkpa=ru

sóa

gjèp-tã(ŋ)

1sg=erg

3sg.nh=poss

hand=term

tooth.pl

shoot-hi

‘I bit his hand.’

(144)

ʧìʋa=su

mà=ji

làkpa=ru

sóa

gjèp-ʧũ(ŋ)

child=erg

1sg=poss

hand=term

tooth.pl

shoot-pst.ena

‘The baby bit my hand.’

(145)

íː

gàɖi

mà=su

áʒi

ʧʰétpo=la

tát

tã(ŋ)

this

watch

1sg=erg

o.sister

big=dat

give.pst

hi

‘I gave this watch to my elder sister.’

(146)

íː

gàɖi

mà=la

áʒi

ʧʰétpo=su

tá-ʧũŋ

dem.prox

watch

1sg=dat

o.sister

big=erg

give-pst.ena

‘My elder sister has given this watch to me.’

As these examples show, (-)tã(ŋ) too, occurs with first person subjects. Unlike -ʧũ(ŋ), (-)tã(ŋ) occurs in constructions where the first person argument is also the agent. Further, unlike ʧũ(ŋ), (-)tã(ŋ) also occurs with all persons. Phonologically the status of (-)tã(ŋ) is somewhere between a bound morpheme and a free auxiliary. At times, it is also realized as -sã(ŋ). It indicates heightened intentionality.70 (-)tãŋ is the grammaticalized form of the verb meaning ‘give’. The verb inflectional ending (-)tã(ŋ) is frequently, but not necessarily, followed by the auxiliary ⁿdùk.

(147)

púʃi=su

òma

síŋ

tʰúŋ-tã́(ŋ)

ⁿdùk

cat=erg

milk

all

drink-hi

aux.nfut.vis

‘The cat drank all the milk.’

(148)

ràm=su

ʧák

tã́(ŋ)

ⁿdùk

i.name=erg

break

hi

aux.nfut.vis

‘Ram has broken (X).’

As the ungrammaticality of the following example illustrates, (-)tã́(ŋ) cannot be followed by the auxiliary jin (see below).

(149)

*mà

síkul=la

pùt-tã(ŋ)

jìn

1sg

school=all

go.pst-hi

aux.nfut.ego

‘I have gone to the school/I went to the school.’

Further, (-)tã(ŋ) does not occur with non-past verb forms. For example:

(150)

*mà

síkul=la

ⁿɖò-tã(ŋ)

jìn

1sg

school=all

go.npst-hi

aux.nfut.ego

‘I have gone to the school/I went to the school.’

The copula forms jìn-uk and ⁿdùk occur in noncopula constructions, where they function as auxiliaries. In my material the auxiliary jìn-uk is always preceded by a nominalized verb form. For example:

(151)

ɖòlma

náma=la

pùt

dè-kan71

jìn-uk

i.name

wife=all

go.pst

sit-nmlz

aux-nfut.vis

‘Dolma has gone as a wife (and has stayed there that way).’ (Direct knowledge)

ⁿdùk as an auxiliary is frequently preceded by tã(ŋ). Such constructions can have an agentive or a non-agentive interpretation. ⁿdùk here indicates that the speaker has direct knowledge of that which is being described.

(152)

tʰápka=ji

nàŋ=i

ʃíŋ-ja

síŋ

tùk-sãŋ

ⁿdùk

oven=poss

inside=poss

wood-pl

all

burn(intr).pst-hi

aux.nfut.vis

‘All the wood inside the oven has burnt (non-volitional).’ (Direct knowledge)

(153)

kʰóʃak-ja

màma=la72

pùt

ⁿdùk

[pùⁿdukEQ031A]

3pl.nh-pl

city=all

go.pst

aux.nfut.vis

‘They have gone to the city.’ (Direct knowledge)

(154)

kʰóŋ

màma

la

pùt

ⁿdùk

[pùⁿdukEQ031A]

2sg.h

city

all

go.pst

aux.nfut.vis

‘You (h) have gone to the city.’ (Direct knowledge)

4.4.2 Non-Past Tense

The verbal ending -at occurs as an egophoric marker in non-past.

(155)

ʃàktaːn

làː=la

ⁿɖò-at

1sg

every.day

work=all

go.npst-prs.ego

‘I go to work every day.’

(156)

màʃak

ʃàktaːn

ɲámbo

ⁿɖúl-at

1ple

every.day

together

walk-prs.ego

‘We walk together every day.’

The verb ending -(k)ãːk73 indicates indirect (factual) knowledge of that which is being described. While the verbal inflection -uk74 indicates a change of state which the speaker has direct knowledge of. Depending on the context, the verb can have a present or a future tense interpretation, but never past.

(157)

kʰí-ja

mú-kãːk75

dog-pl

bark-npst.fact

‘The dog will bark’ or ‘The dog barks.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(158)

dòrʒe

síkul=la

ⁿɖò-ãːk

i.name

school=all

go.npst-npst.fact

‘Dorje goes to school.’ (Indirect knowledge)

The semantic differences between -(k)ãːk and -uk can also be seen by comparing examples (157, 159) with examples (158, 160). When -(k)ãːk is replaced with -uk, the semantic interpretation of the clause changes too.

(159)

kʰóʃak

ʃíŋ

ʃá-kãːk

3pl.nh

wood

break-npst.fact

‘They cut wood (every day) or They will cut wood.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(160)

kʰóʃak

ʃíŋ

ʃák-uk

3pl.nh

wood

break-npst.vis

‘They cut wood (every day) or They will cut wood.’ (Change of state, direct knowledge)

(161)

ʧìʋa

ʦé-ãːk

child

play-npst.fact

‘The child plays (every day)’ or ‘The child will play.’

(162)

ʧìʋa

ʦé-uk

child

play-nfut.now

‘The child is playing.’ (Change of state, direct knowledge)

The following examples illustrate that -(k)ãːk and -(ʋ)ãːk have different temporal reference.

(163)

kʰjǿt

ʃíŋ

túp-kãːk

2sg.nh

wood

chop-npst.fact

‘You (nh) (will) chop wood.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(164)

kʰjǿt

ʃíŋ

túp-ʋãːk

2sg.nh

wood

chop-pst.fact

‘You (nh) chopped wood.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(165)

dòlma

ʃé-kãːk

i.name

know-npst.fact

‘Dolma knows/will know (X).’ (Indirect knowledge)

(166)

dòlma

ʃé-ʋãːk

i.name

know-pst.fact

‘Dolma knew (X).’ (Indirect knowledge)

The copulas dèt-uk and ʈàk occur in noncopula constructions, where they function as auxiliaries.

dèt-uk in a non-copula construction indicates that there is a change of state and that the resulting state prevails. It further indicates that the speaker has direct knowledge of this change of state, having witnessed it personally. The main verb in its bare form immediately precedes this auxiliary.

(167)

pʰíː=na

pàlaŋ

ʃí

dèt-uk

that=loc

cow

die

aux-nfut.now

‘A cow has died there.’ (Background: A cow was alive and suddenly, right in the front of the speaker’s eyes, she fell off and died; the cow is still lying there.) (Direct knowledge)

(168)

píti

lùŋba=nasu

ʦʰóŋba

ɲíː

lép

dèt-uk

p.name

valley=abl

businessman

two

arrive

aux-nfut.now

‘Two traders from the Spiti valley have arrived (here).’ (Background: The speaker saw the two businessmen from Spiti arrive here; they are still here.) (Direct knowledge)

(169)

mà=ji

ʧìʋa=ji

ʈála

tʰúg

dèt-uk

1sg=poss

child=poss

forehead

hurt/collide

aux-nfut.now

‘My child’s forehead is hurt.’ (Background: The speaker’s child was well just a while ago, but now he got hurt and his forehead is hurting; the speaker himself saw the child getting hurt.) (Direct knowledge)

The copula ʈàk, too, retains its semantic qualities when it occurs as an auxiliary in non-copula constructions.

(170)

mà=ji

púŋba

sùk

ʈàk

1sg=poss

inside

pain

cop.nfut.nvis

‘My shoulder has pain.’ (The speaker is feeling the pain)

4.4.3 Future Tense

-(k)an is the future tense egophoric suffix. It is realized as -kan and -an. Their distribution is, however, not phonetically conditioned. -kan occurs also with verb stems endings in consonants, e.g. kór-kan [drive-fut.ego] (cf. kórʧa ‘to drive’); kól-kan76 [cook-fut.ego] (cf. kólʤa ‘to cook’). Similarly, the allomorph -an occurs, too, with the verb stems ending in vowels, e.g. zò-an, *zò-kan [make-fut.ego] (cf. zòʤa ‘to make’); ʦé-an, *ʦé-kan [play-fut.ego] (cf. ʦéʤa ‘to play’).

(171)

láp-kan

1sg

teach/study-fut.ego

‘I will teach/study.’

(172)

ʈì-an / *ʈì-kan

1sg

write-fut.ego

‘I will write.’

4.5 Final Auxiliaries

Finally, túk and ʈò which occur sentence-finally, indicate probability. They differ, however, in their semantic qualities. túk indicates that the speaker is drawing an inference, based on some observation. For example,

(173)

kʰó=ji

ʈúː=ki

látpa

ètpo

ò-ta77

túk

3sg.nh=poss

son=poss

brain

good

cop-?

inference

‘His son (seems to) have good brain.’ (Indirect inference) (Background: His son is securing good results in his exams, even though he is seen playing all the time)

(174)

sèptuŋ

ʃìmbo

kól

pòr-a

túk

food

good

cook

keep

inference

‘There is delicious cooked food.’ (Background: Good smell of food is coming, therefore the speaker infers that there is good food.)

Distinct from this, ʈò78seems to convey probability, without reference to any external perceivable cause. It occurs with all persons in copula and non-copula constructions. In the copula construction it occurs with òt and jìn in my material.

(175)

màʃak

sàt

ʈò

1ple

eat

probability

‘We might eat.’

(176)

kʰó

dìlli=na

òt

ʈò

3sg.nh

p.name=loc

cop

probability

‘He may be in Delhi.’

(177)

ʧʰòdon=gi

ʈòtpa

pʰítaː=la

tòn / tø̀n

dèt-uk

ʧìʋa

òt

ʈò

i.name=poss

stomach

outside=loc

come.out

aux-nfut.now

child

exist

probability

‘Choden’s belly has come out, maybe she is pregnant.’

(178)

táːn=na

kàkʦe

kʰá

gjá-irak

ⁿdònbo

òŋ-na

jìn-ɖò

roof=loc

crow

mouth

shoot-aux.nfut.nvis

guest

come-nmlz

aux-probability

‘(The speaker hears that) A crow is cawing on the roof, (some) guest may come.’

When ʈò follows the copula jìn the two comprise one prosodic unit. In such constructions ʈò is always realized as ɖo ([jìnɖo]). [jìnɖo] occurs with all persons.

(179)

íː

mi-láp-ʧa=na

tàksaŋ

lùkzi

jìn-ɖò

this

neg-educate-inf=loc

1sg

immediately

herdsman

aux-probability

‘Without this education, I might probably be be a herdsman (now).’

(180)

táːn79=na

kàkʦe

tágera

ⁿɖònbo

òŋ-na

jìn-ɖò

roof=loc

crow

caw(n)

guest

come-nmlz

aux-probability

‘The crow is cawing on the roof, some guest may come.’

ʈò also occurs in constructions with non-first person subjects, where the preceding verb takes the egophoric marker -at, which may serve to indicate that the statement is a judgement (a guess) on the part of the speaker.

(181)

kʰó

gàːdi

kór-ʧa

láp-at

ʈò

3sg.nh

vehicle

drive-inf

learn/study-prs.ego

probability

‘He might be learning to drive.’

In constructions with suppletive past-tense verb stems, ʈò can follow the bare verb.

(182)

pùt

ʈò

1sg

go.pst

probability

‘I might go.’

4.6 Negation

mi- and ma- function as negative markers in Navakat and mèt functions as a negative existential. mi- occurs in copula and noncopula constructions in the non-past tenses in finite and non-finite clauses (including nominalized clauses).

(183)

tʰúr=la

rìʋoŋ

gjùk-gui80

mi-ʃór-kãːk

downhill=all

rabbit

run-internal.capability

neg-run-npst.fact

‘Rabbits can’t run downwards.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(184)

mi-sìn-na

làː

neg-finish-nmlz

work

‘The work which does not get finished’

ma- occurs in the past tense with all persons in copula and noncopula constructions.

(185)

ŋà

ɖàgdar

màːn

1sg

doctor

neg.cop

‘I was not a doctor.’

(186)

ʧàmo-ja

gùã

màŋbo

tát81

ma-sṍ(ŋ)

now

year

hen-pl

egg

many

give. pst

neg-pst.vis

‘This year the hens did not produce many eggs.’ (Direct knowledge)

mèt functions as the negative existential. It occurs with all persons and numbers in all tenses.

(187)

jùl=na

ɲìriŋ

màŋbo

mèt

1sg

village=loc

relative

many

neg.cop

‘I don’t have many relatives in the village.’

(188)

ɲèt

jùl=na

mèt

1ple

village=loc

neg.cop

‘We are not in the village.’

(189)

kʰó

jùl=na

mè-kãːnk

3sg.nh

village=loc

neg.cop-npst.fact

‘He will not be in the village.’

In constructions where the finite verb consists of a main verb and an auxiliary, the negative prefix is affixed to the auxiliary.

(190)

ⁿgò

sùk=su

dìriŋ

làː

pè-ʧa

mi-ɖàk

head

pain=ins

today

work

do-nmlz

neg-aux.nfut.nvis

‘Because of headache, (I) am not feeling like working today.’

4.7 Imperative and Prohibitive

4.7.1 Imperative

As seen in Section 4.1.2, Navakat has a small set of verbs which have distinct honorific and non-honorific verb forms. This distinction in this verb set is maintained in the imperatives. Further, in the non-honorific verb forms, as shown below, there is a change in the stem vowel in two instances (, dòt); in other cases the non-honorific imperative verb forms are suppletive forms.

Infinitive

h Imperative

nh Imperative

‘to eat’

ʧʰǿtʧa (h), sàʤa (nh)

ʧʰǿt

‘to drink’

ʧʰǿtʧa (h), tʰúŋʤa (nh)

ʧʰǿt

tʰúŋ

‘to go’

kjǿtʧa (h), ⁿɖòʤa (nh)

kjǿt

sóŋ

‘to sit’

ʒùːʃa (h), dèʧa (nh)

ʒùː

dòt

Besides this rather small set of verbs, the honorific imperative verb form is formed by adding the suffix -roʧì [rɔʧi] to the verb stem. The formation of the non-honorific imperative verb forms, on the other hand, exhibits more than one strategy. First, it could just be a bare verb stem (i.e., the verb form without the infinitive marker).

Infinitive

h Imperative

nh Imperative

‘to burn’

túkʧa

túk-roʧi

túk

‘to put on’

kónʤa

kón-roʧi

kón

‘to cook’

kólʤa

kól-roʧi

kól

‘to throw’

ʈìmʤa

ʈìm-roʧi

ʈìm

Next, there are also some instances, as illustrated below, where the nonhonorific imperative verb form involves a change in the stem vowel (as compared to the vowel in the infinitive). Most infinitive verbs in this set have a as the stem vowel in their infinitive forms; some have e as the stem vowel in their infinitive forms. Their imperative verb stems have [o] as the stem-final.82

Infinitive

h Imperative

nh Imperative

‘to sleep’

ɲàlʤa

ɲàl-roʧi

ɲòl

‘to live’

dèʧa

dèt-roʧì

dòt

‘to fold’

tápʧa

táp-roʧi

tóp

‘to tie’

dàmʤa

dàm-roʧi

dòm

‘to carry’

ʈàkʧa

ʈàk-roʧì

ʈò

In addition, there are some instances where the non-honorific imperative verb form takes an additional final vowel (-i or -e).

Infinitive

h Imperative

nh Imperative

‘to dig’

kóʧa

kót-roʧi

kó-e

‘to gather’

ⁿdùʧa

ⁿdùt-roʧi

ⁿdù-i

‘to hide’

bàʧa

bàt-roʧì

bò-e

‘to bathe, to wash’

ʈúʧa

ʈút-roʧi

ʈú-i

Finally, while the honorific imperative verb form continues to be formed by adding -roʧi to the verb stem, in the following instances in the non-honorific imperative verb forms the stem-final consonant is deleted and there is a compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel.

Infinitive

h Imperative

nh Imperative

‘to bury’

kúŋʤa

kúŋ-roʧi

kṹː

‘to plant’

ʦúkʧa

ʦúk-roʧi

ʦúː

‘to beat’

dùŋʤa

dùŋ-roʧi

dũ̀ː

‘to play, to dance’

ʦéʤa

ʦé-roʧì

ʦéː

4.7.2 Prohibitive

The honorific and nonhonorific distinction is also maintained in the prohibitives.

h.inf

nh.inf

h.proh

nh.proh

‘to say, to tell’

súŋ-ʤa

sè(r)-ʧa83

ma-súŋ

ma-sèr

‘to sleep’

zìm-ʤa

ɲàl-ʤa

ma-zìm

ma-ɲàl

‘to stay’

ʒùːʃa

dè-ʧa

ma-ʒùː

ma-dèt

‘to put on (clothes)’

nám-ʤa

kón-ʤa

ma-nám

ma-kón

Apart from this limited set, the non-honorific prohibitive verb forms are formed by prefixing the negative morpheme ma- to the infinitive verb stem. The honorific prohibitive verb form, on the other hand, is composed by suffixing -ro to the verb stem, and adding mapèt to this verb form (i.e., V-ro mapèt).

inf

h.proh

nh.proh

‘to do’

pè-ʧa

pèt-ro mapèt

ma-pèt

‘to burn, to light’

tùk-ʧa

tùk-ro mapèt

ma-tùk

‘to sew (by hand)’

ʦém-ʤa

ʦém-ro mapèt

ma-ʦém

‘to wrap’

ʈíl-ʤa

ʈíl-ro mapet

ma-ʈíl

‘to get’

tʰóp-ʧa

tʰóp-ro mapet

ma-tʰóp

‘to kill’

sá-ʧa

sát-ro mapèt

ma-sát

‘to scrape’

dàr-ʧa

dàr-ro mapèt

ma-dàr

5 Clauses and Sentences

Navakat is a verb-final language.

(191)

nám=la

kárma

ʃár-sṍ(ŋ)

sky=all

star

rise-pst.vis

‘Stars rose (appeared) in the sky.’ (Direct knowledge)

(192)

tʰá=su

pʰíː=na

ʧíltik

ʧík

sát

pór-uk

hawk=erg

dem.dist=loc

sparrow

one

kill

keep-nfut.now

‘The hawk has killed a sparrow over there.’ (Direct knowledge)

While SOV is the most frequent word order in Navakat, other word orders are also encountered.

(193)

nòʧʉŋ=gi

kítaːb

ʧìʋa-ja=su

ʃá-tãŋ

ⁿdùk

y.brother=poss

book

child-pl=erg

tear-hi

cop.nfut.vis

‘The children have torn (my) younger brother’s book.’ (Direct knowledge)

5.1 Experiencer Subjects

As other languages of this region, Navakat, too, has the so-called experiencer subject construction (or dative subject construction). When the “subject” is not a volitional participant, it takes the dative marker.

(194)

éʋi=ki

ʈúːŋ-ja

mà=la

àtlə

mi-nɖàk

grandmother=poss

story-pl

1sg=dat

remember(n)

neg-cop.nfut.nvis

‘I don’t remember grandmother’s stories.’

(195)

mà=la

ʈàŋmo

ʈàk

1sg=dat

cold(n)

cop.nfut.nvis

‘I feel cold.’

A similar construction is used for expressing possession in a wide sense.

(196)

ɖòlma=la

mìŋbo

ŋá

ò-kãːk

i.name=dat

brother

five

cop-npst.fact

‘Dolma has five brothers.’ (Indirect knowledge)

(197)

mà=la

ʧìʋa

súm

ò-at

1sg=dat

child

three

cop-prs.ego

‘I have three children.’

As in Kinnauri, the verb forms are differently distributed in the experiencer subject constructions, compared to clauses with regular nominative or ergative subjects, with respect to the egophoric and evidential markers.

5.2 Questions

In content questions the question word (see Section 3.3.3) tends to “right”-dislocate towards the focus position immediately before the verb (see example 196–199). The verbal inflection in the interrogative constructions remains the same as in the declarative sentences, except that the verb takes the question suffix (-aː/-ʋaː or -eː/-ʋeː), where -aː/-ʋaː functions as the honorific interrogative suffix and -aː/-ʋaː functions as the non-honorific interrogative suffix.84 The allomorphs with occur when the verb stem ends with a vowel.

(198)

kʰó

kànɖu

ɲàl-sṹ85-(ʋ)ãː

3sg.nh

where

sleep-pst.vis-q.h

‘Where did he sleep?’ (Direct knowledge)

(199)

kʰóʋat

ʧíla

pùt-sṹ-(ʋ)ãː86

3pl.nh

why

go.pst-pst.vis-q.h

‘Why did they go?’ (Direct knowledge)

(200)

kʰáŋba

sú-su

zòe-sṹ-(ʋ)ãː

house

who-erg

build.pst-pst.vis-q.h

‘Who built the house.’ (Direct knowledge)

(201)

kʰjǿ

ʦúk

ʧè-ʤa

òŋ-ʋeː

2sg.nh

how

play-inf

come-q.nh

‘How did you come.’

The polar (yes-no) question construction, on the other hand, is formed by simply affixing the interrogative suffix -aː/-ʋaː or -eː/-ʋeː to the verb stem.

(202)

kʰóŋ=su

kʰóŋ-raŋ=la

táe-ʋaː

2sg.h=erg

2sg.h-refl=dat

observe.pst-q.h

‘Did you observe yourself?’

(203)

áŋmo

sèptuŋ

ma-sòe-ʋaː

i.name

food

neg-eat.pst-q.h

‘Didn’t Angmo eat?’

(204)

kʰjǿ

ʃimla=la

pùt-eː

2sg.nh

p.name=all

go.pst-q.nh

‘Did you go to Shimla?’

(205)

kʰjǿ

jè(j)

láp-eː

2nh

script

learn-q.nh

‘Did you study?’

5.3 Clausal Nominalization

-po, -kan and -na function as nominalizers in Navakat. While -po occurs in a few lexicalized, frozen expressions (e.g. jókpo ‘servant’), -kan and -na are productive nominalizers. The nominalizer -kan functions as a non-patientive nominalizer. Its head noun is someone who has the qualities to carry out the described action.87 That seems to be the reason why examples such as, ‘bird which will die (on its own)’ and ‘mirror which will break (because it is old)’, too, take the nominalizer -kan.

(206)

òma

tér-kan

pàlaŋ

milk

give-nmlz

cow

‘Cow which gives milk’

(207)

tʰúŋ-an

()

drink-nmlz

(man)

‘Man who drinks’

(208)

mi-pʰúr-kan

ʧà

neg-fly-nmlz

bird

‘Bird which does not fly’

(209)

múk(ʰ)88-an

kʰí

bark/bite-nmlz

dog

‘The dog which barks/bites’

(210)

ʃí-an89

ʧà

die-nmlz

bird

‘Bird which is to die (on its own)’

This nominalization exhibits some noun-like characteristics. For example, the plural marker can be suffixed to the nominalized verb, e.g. dùŋʤa ‘to beat’, dùŋan ‘drummer’: dùŋ-an-ja ‘drummers’; lútaŋ-an ‘singer’: lútaŋ-an-ja ‘singers’ (cf. ‘song’, táŋʤa ‘to leave’). The nominalized clause also retains some verb-like characteristics. For example, it takes the negative marker mi-, and when there is a direct object in a nominalized clause, it precedes the nominalized verb, obeying normal intraclausal constituent order. Syntactically, the nominalized clause behaves like a determiner rather than like an adjective, in that it precedes the head noun.

The nominalizer -na, on the other hand, occurs in constructions where the head noun is a patient. The head noun follows the nominalized verb. As is the case with the nominalizer -kan, -na, too, can take the negative marker mi-. As we can see in these examples, a stem-final consonant appears when the nominalizer is suffixed to the verb stem (ʈút-na, sád-na, ʃík-na), which does not appear in the corresponding infinitive verb forms (ʈúʧa ‘to wash (clothes etc.)’, sáʧa ‘to kill’, and ʃíʤa ‘to die’).

(211)

ʈút-na

kòelak(-ja)

wash-nmlz

garment(-pl)

‘Clothes which will be or are to be washed’

(212)

sád-na

ʧà

kill-nmlz

bird

‘Bird which will be or is to be killed (by someone)’

(213)

ʃík-na

kʰáŋba

die-nmlz

house

‘House which will be or are destroyed (by someone)’

(214)

mi-sìn-na

làː

neg-finish-nmlz

work

‘Work which will not be get finished’

Appendix 3A: Classical Tibetan Verb Stems and Their Correspondences in Navakat

To some extent the Navakat verb forms reflect the stem formation of Old and Classical Tibetan. The verb stem system of Classical Tibetan (CT) can be described in broad outline as follows:90

The Classical Tibetan stem III (future stem) has become obsolete in all modern Tibetan varieties.

Classical Tibetan consonant alternations (eg. vs. k) are levelled out, typically towards stem II (past stem) and implicitly also towards the former stem III.

Classical Tibetan vowel alternations between stem I (present stem) and stem II (or stem III) have been levelled (exception: CT byed), typically towards stem II.

The -d suffix of the Classical Tibetan stem I may or may not be preserved in certain tense and modal forms in Navakat. In a few cases, it also appears where the attested Classical Tibetan verb does not have any such suffix, e.g. CT rko ‘dig’.

Hence almost all Navakat verbs with an originally closed syllable root, apart from the imperative forms, correspond to the Classical Tibetan stem II, minus its prefix and suffix. And, in most, but not all cases, they thus also correspond to stem III minus their prefixes. One exception is the verb lèndʒa ‘to take’, which corresponds to the Classical Tibetan stem I.

CT root

Navakat correspondence

Stem I

Stem II

Stem III

Stem IV

CT lta ‘look at’

lta

b-lta-s

b-lta

lto-s

Navakat ta

tá-

tá-e-

tó-e

CT za ‘eat’

za

zo-s

zo

Navakat

sà-

sò-e-

CT rʦe ‘play’

rʦe

b-rʦe-s

b-rʦe

rʦe-s

Navakat ʦé ‘dance, play’

ʦé

ʦé-e-

ʦé-e

CT khru ‘wash, bathe’

khru-d

b-kru-s

b-kru

khru-s

Navakat ʈú

ʈú-t-

ʈú-i-

ʈú-i

CT sba ‘hide’

sbe-d

sba-s

sba

sbo-s

Navakat ba

bà-t-

bà-e-

bò-e

CT rmo ‘plough’

rmo-d

rmo-s

rmo

rmo-s

Navakat

mó-ø-

mó-e-

mó-e

CT rko ‘dig, carve’

rko-ø

b-rko-s

b-rko

rko-s

Navakat

kó-t-

kó-e-

kó-e

CT bya ‘do’

bye-d

bya-s

bya

byo-s

Navakat

pè-t-

ʧè-j-

ʧì

In the case of the last verb, the split-palatalisation rule of West Tibetan (labial plus glide > palatal affricate only before back vowels, loss or neutralisation of the palatal glide before front vowels) has yielded these seemingly unrelated forms.

After an open syllable root, the Classical Tibetan -s suffix of stem II and IV (imperative stem) becomes -e or -i in the Navakat past tense, resulting in a diphthong after back vowels (-ae, -oe, -ui) and to a lengthening of the front vowels (eː, iː):

pst.ego

prs.ego

fut.ego

sàʤa ‘to eat’

sòe-ʋan

sà-at

sàn

móʤa ‘to plough’

móe-ʋan

mó-at

mó-an

zòʤa ‘to make’

zòe-ʋan

zò-at

zò-an

ʈúʧa ‘to wash’

ʈúi-ʋan

ʈút-at

ʈú-kan

kílʤa ‘to sweep’

kíl-an

kíl-at

kíl-kʰan

ʧáʧa ‘to cut’

ʧát-an

ʧát-at

ʧát-an

ʧákʧa ‘to break’

ʧák-pan

ʧá-at

ʧák-an

Appendix 3B: Navakat Basic Vocabulary

(by Anju Saxena and Padam Sagar)

This is the Navakat IDS/LWT list. It has been compiled on the basis of the 1,310 items of the original Intercontinental Dictionary Series concept list (Borin et al. 2013) plus the 150 items added to it in the Loanword Typology project, for a total of 1,460 concepts (Haspelmath and Tadmor 2009). However, some IDS/LWT items have been left out from this list, as there were no equivalents in Navakat or there were gaps in our material. The resulting list as given below contains 1,135 items (concepts). The list also includes loanwords.

3B.1 Notational Conventions

For ease of comparison we have kept the original IDS/LWT glosses unchanged in all cases, and Navakat senses which do not fit the IDS/LWT meaning completely are given more exact glosses in the Navakat column. Sometimes there will be multiple (separately glossed) items in the Navakat column when Navakat exhibits lexical differentiation of meaning or form within an IDS/LWT item. Pronunciation or form variants are separated by commas, and formally distinct items are separated by semicolons. Glosses and notes belong with their enclosing “semicolon grouping”.

3B.2 The Navakat IDS/LWT List

Id

Gloss

Navakat

S01.100

the world

zèmbuliŋ

S01.210

the land

sáʒa

S01.212

the soil

tʰáʋa

S01.213

the dust

pùʧur

S01.214

the mud

ⁿdàmbak

S01.215

the sand

pèma

S01.220

the mountain

S01.222

the cliff

pʰáloŋ

S01.230

the plain

tʰáŋa ‘plain; plateau’

S01.240

the valley

lùŋba

S01.270

the shore

tʰà

S01.280

the cave

pʰúːn

S01.310

the water

ʧʰú; ti91

S01.320

the sea

gjàʦʰo

S01.322

calm

zàŋbo

S01.323

rough(2)

ʈákpo

S01.324

the foam

bòa

S01.330

the lake

ʦʰó

S01.360

the river

ʦáːnpʰo

S01.370

the spring

ʧʰúmik

S01.390

the waterfall

bàmzar

S01.410

the woods or forest

ʤàŋgal, ʤàŋgol; rìa

S01.430

the wood

ʃíŋ

S01.440

the stone

dùa

S01.450

the earthquake

séŋgul

S01.510

the sky

nám, námkʰa

S01.520

the sun

ɲìma

S01.530

the moon

ⁿdàːr

S01.540

the star

kárma

S01.580

the storm

ùrjuk

S01.590

the rainbow

ⁿʤà

S01.620

the darkness

mùnna

S01.630

the shadow

ʈʰìpkja

S01.640

the dew

sìlʋa

S01.710

the air

lúŋ

S01.720

the wind

lágdai

S01.730

the cloud

ʈín

S01.740

the fog

múkpa

S01.750

the rain

ʧʰã́rʋa

S01.760

the snow

kʰáː

S01.770

the ice

tàr

S01.7750

to freeze

kʰĩ́ãʃa

S01.780

the weather

námla

S01.810

the fire

‘fire; flame’

S01.820

the flame

‘fire; flame’

S01.830

the smoke

tùtpa

S01.8310

the steam

lã́ː(n)fa

S01.840

the ash

kò(k)tal

S01.841

the embers

mèlo

S01.851

to burn(1)

túkʧa92(vol)

S01.852

to burn(2)

tùkʧa (general, nvol)

S01.860

to light

túkʧa

S01.861

to extinguish

sáʧa

S01.870

the match

mèʧ

S01.890

the charcoal

sólaː

S02.100

the person

S02.210

the man

mì; pʰúʒa

S02.220

the woman

kʰímamo; áne ‘father’s sister; woman’

S02.230

male(1)

pʰó

S02.240

female(1)

S02.250

the boy

ʈúː

S02.251

the young man

kʰókʈõ(ŋ)

S02.260

the girl

pòmo

S02.261

the young woman

pòmo

S02.270

the child(1)

ʧìʋa

S02.280

the baby

ʧìʋa

S02.310

the husband

mákpa

S02.320

the wife

náma ‘wife; bride’

S02.330

to marry

pàklen táŋʤa

S02.340

the wedding

pàklen

S02.341

the divorce

tʰákʧat

S02.350

the father

áʋa

S02.360

the mother

áma

S02.410

the son

ʈúː

S02.420

the daughter

pòmo

S02.430

the child(2)

ʧìʋa

S02.440

the brother

mìŋbo, mìnbo

S02.444

the older brother

áʒo (ʧʰétpo), áʒu (ʧʰétpo)

S02.445

the younger brother

nò(ʧʉn), nò(ʧun)

S02.450

the sister

ʈíŋmo

S02.454

the older sister

áʒi (ʧʰétpo)

S02.455

the younger sister

nòmo(ʧʉn), nòmo (ʧun)93

S02.456

the sibling

mìʈiŋ

S02.458

the twins

ʦʰéma

S02.460

the grandfather, old man

mème

S02.461

the old man

gètpo;94 mème ‘grandfather; old man’

S02.470

the grandmother

éʋi, áʋi

S02.4711

the grandparents

gèngun

S02.471

the old woman

gènmo

S02.480

the grandson

ʦʰáo

S02.510

the uncle

áʒã(ŋ); éu

S02.511

the mother’s brother

áʒã(ŋ)95

S02.512

the father’s brother

éu

S02.520

the aunt

áne; mèʒõ(ŋ)

S02.521

the mother’s sister

mèʒõ(ŋ)

S02.522

the father’s sister

áne

S02.530

the nephew

ʦʰáu

S02.540

the niece, wife

ʦʰámo

S02.5410

the sibling’s child

ʦʰáu

S02.560

the ancestors

gèndok

S02.570

the descendants

pʰadokpʰudok

S02.610

the father-in-law (of a man)

áʒã(ŋ)

S02.611

the father-in-law (of a woman)

áʒã(ŋ)

S02.620

the mother-in-law (of a man)

áne

S02.621

the mother-in-law (of a woman)

áne

S02.6220

the parents-in-law

áʒãŋane

S02.630

the son-in-law (of a man)

mákpa

S02.631

the son-in-law (of a woman)

mákpa

S02.640

the daughter-in-law (of a man)

ʦʰámo; náma

S02.641

the daughter-in-law (of a woman)

ʦʰámo; náma

S02.710

the stepfather

pʰájer

S02.720

the stepmother

màjar

S02.750

the orphan

tèʈuk

S02.760

the widow

mòraŋmo

S02.770

the widower

jùksa

S02.810

the relatives

ɲìriŋ

S02.820

the family

péraŋ

S02.910

I

ŋà (h towards listener);

S02.920

you (singular)

kʰóŋ (h); kʰjǿt (nh)

S02.930

he/she/it

kʰó (nh)

S02.940

we

òn [1pli]; màʃak, ɲèt [1ple]

S02.941

we (inclusive)

òn

S02.942

we (exclusive)

màʃak, ɲèt

S02.950

you (plural)

kʰóŋʤak, kʰóŋʃak (h)

S02.960

they

kʰóʃak (h); kʰóʋat (nh)

S03.110

the animal

gélʤu; sémʧen

S03.120

male(2)

pʰó

S03.130

female(2)

S03.150

the livestock

gèlʒuː

S03.160

the pasture

rìa

S03.180

the herdsman

lùkzi

S03.190

the stable without a roof

tára

S03.200

the cattle

gèlʒuː

S03.220

the ox

lẽ́ũ(n)

S03.230

the cow

pàlaŋ

S03.240

the calf

pèo

S03.250

the sheep

lùk

S03.260

the ram

kʰálʋa

S03.280

the ewe

màmo

S03.290

the lamb

lùː

S03.320

the boar

pʰák

S03.340

the sow

pʰák

S03.350

the pig

pʰák

S03.360

the goat

ràma

S03.420

the stallion

tápo, tá

S03.440

the mare

támo

S03.450

the foal

téʈuk

S03.460

the donkey

põ̀ː

S03.470

the mule

ʈìju

S03.500

the fowl

ʧàʋo

S03.520

the cock/rooster

ʧàʋo

S03.540

the hen

ʧàmo

S03.550

the chicken

ʧà

S03.570

the duck

ʧàlõ(ŋ)

S03.580

the nest

ʦán

S03.581

the bird

ʧà

S03.584

the eagle

lák

S03.585

the hawk

ʈʰá

S03.586

the vulture

ʧárgʉt

S03.592

the parrot

tóta

S03.593

the crow

kàkʦe

S03.610

the dog

kʰí

S03.614

the rabbit

rìʋõ(ŋ) ‘rabbit; hare’

S03.620

the cat

púʃi

S03.630

the rat

pìa

S03.650

the fish

ɲà; màʧʰli

S03.730

the bear

bàːlu

S03.740

the fox

àʦe

S03.760

the monkey

ʈíu, ʈéu

S03.770

the elephant

láŋboʧi

S03.780

the camel

ùːnʈ

S03.810

the insect, worm

ⁿbù

S03.811

the head louse

ʃík

S03.8112

the body louse

ʃík

S03.813

the flea

(ⁿ)ɖẽ̀o

S03.815

the scorpion

dìkpa ràʧu

S03.816

the cockroach

màʧʰar

S03.817

the ant

ʈìmaŋbu

S03.818

the spider

tóraŋbu

S03.819

the spider web

ʦʰáː(n)

S03.820

the bee

sérnbu

S03.822

the beehive

ʦʰáː(n)

S03.830

the fly

(ⁿ)ɖẽ̀o

S03.832

the mosquito

màʧʰar

S03.8340

the termites

ʃíŋ tʰárambu

S03.840

the worm

(ⁿ)bù ‘worm; insect’

S03.850

the snake

ⁿɖỳl, ⁿɖùl

S03.8630

the hare

rìʋõ(ŋ) ‘rabbit; hare’

S03.8650

the quail

ʈákpa

S03.8800

the kangaroo

káŋgaːru

S03.9170

the buffalo

bẽ̀s, bɛ̃̀s

S03.920

the butterfly

pʰéma lápʦe

S03.930

the grasshopper

àŋbu

S03.960

the lizard

nàktara

S03.970

the crocodile or alligator

màgarmaʧʰ

S03.980

the turtle

káʧʰua

S04.110

the body

zúpʰo

S04.120

the skin or hide

pã́ː(n)pʰo

S04.140

the hair

ʈá

S04.142

the beard

kʰépu ‘beard; moustache’

S04.144

the body hair

S04.145

the pubic hair

S04.146

the dandruff

lókʃu

S04.150

the blood

ʈʰák

S04.151

the vein or artery

‘vein; artery; grass’

S04.160

the bone

rùːgok

S04.162

the rib

ʦíu

S04.170

the horn

ràʧo

S04.180

the tail

ŋáma

S04.190

the back

kùŋ

S04.191

the spine

gùʦʰiʋa

S04.200

the head

(ⁿ)gò ‘top; peak; head’

S04.202

the skull

kùrʒok

S04.203

the brain

látpa

S04.204

the face

ŋòdo(ŋ)

S04.205

the forehead

ʈála

S04.207

the jaw

ⁿɖàm

S04.208

the cheek

ⁿɖàmba

S04.210

the eye

mík

S04.212

the eyebrow

míkpu

S04.214

the eyelash

míkpu

S04.215

to blink

míkʦup gjèpʧa

S04.220

the ear

námʤok

S04.222

the earwax

náʋorok

S04.230

the nose

S04.231

the nostril

néhõŋ

S04.240

the mouth

kʰá

S04.241

the beak

kʰá

S04.250

the lip

ʧʰúto

S04.260

the tongue

ʧé

S04.271

the gums

ɲíl

S04.300

the shoulder

púŋba

S04.310

the arm

làkpa

S04.312

the armpit

kílikʦe

S04.320

the elbow

ʈʰímoʒoŋ

S04.321

the wrist

làkpa

S04.330

the hand

làkpa

S04.331

the palm of the hand

làktʰil

S04.340

the finger

ⁿzùːn

S04.342

the thumb

tʰéʋoʦʰi

S04.344

the fingernail

sénmo

S04.345

the claw

ʈánʦe

S04.350

the leg

káŋba

S04.351

the thigh

l(ʰ)áʃa

S04.352

the calf of the leg

gìtpa

S04.360

the knee

píːmo

S04.370

the foot

káŋba; ʃàp (h)

S04.371

the ankle

káŋʦʰiʋa

S04.372

the heel

tíŋba

S04.374

the footprint

ʃàpʒej

S04.380

the toe

kíŋtil

S04.392

the wing

ʃúkpa

S04.393

the feather

S04.400

the chest

ʈàŋ

S04.410

the breast

éʋu

S04.420

the udder

éʋu

S04.430

the navel

ʈíja

S04.4310

the belly

ʈòtpa

S04.440

the heart

ɲíŋ; sémba ‘mind; heart’

S04.441

the lung

lóa

S04.451

the kidney

kʰálma

S04.460

the stomach

ʈòtpa, ʈø̀tpa

S04.461

the intestines or guts

gjùma ‘intestines; sausage’

S04.462

the waist

kétpa

S04.463

the hip

ʧṍ(n)to

S04.464

the buttocks

ʧṍ(n)to

S04.470

the womb

pùinʉt

S04.490

the testicles

líkpa

S04.492

the penis

kóto

S04.4930

the vagina

kúp

S04.510

to breathe

ú lènʤa

S04.520

to yawn

jàl lènʤa; kjǿʃat lènʤa, kjóʃat lènʤa

S04.530

to cough

lʉ̀tpa lùʧa, lòtpa lùʧa

S04.540

to sneeze

ɖìtpa lènʤa

S04.550

to perspire

ʦʰátpa tónʤa

S04.560

to spit

ʧʰímak póʤa

S04.570

to vomit

kjúkʧa

S04.580

to bite

sóa gjèpʧa

S04.590

to lick

ⁿdàkʧa

S04.591

to dribble

tʰíːfa òŋʤa

S04.610

to sleep

ɲàlʤa

S04.612

to snore

húiɖa lènʤa

S04.620

to dream

míklam òŋʤa96 (nvol)

S04.630

to wake up

lã̀ːʃa (intr)

S04.640

to fart

tùkri táŋʤa

S04.650

to piss

ʧíʋi táŋʤa

S04.660

to shit

kjákpa táŋʤa

S04.670

to have sex

gjùʤa

S04.680

to shiver

ⁿdàrʧa

S04.690

to bathe, wash

ʈúʧa

S04.720

to be born

kéʤa (nh); ʈʰúŋʤa (h)

S04.730

pregnant

ʈòtpala ʈúː

S04.732

to conceive

ʈúː kʰíjanʃa

S04.740

to be alive

sónpo òʧa

S04.7410

the life

mìʦʰe; ʦʰéʋa

S04.7501

dead

ʃíro (nh), dua (h)

S04.750

to die

ʃíʤa (nh); ʈònʤa (h)

S04.751

to drown

dùrʧa, tùrʧa (nvol)

S04.760

to kill

sáʧa

S04.770

the corpse

ʃíro

S04.780

to bury

kúŋʤa

S04.810

strong

ʃéʧen

S04.820

weak

rìtpa

S04.830

healthy

gjàpʰa, gjàfa

S04.841

the fever

ʈòt

S04.843

the cold

ʈàŋmo

S04.8440

the disease

nàza

S04.850

the wound

S04.853

the swelling

bòepʰo

S04.8541

to scratch

dàrʧa

S04.854

the itch

sàʋun, sèʋʉn

S04.855

the blister

ʧʰúrgãː

S04.856

the boil

ʃóa

S04.857

the pus