Chapter 4 A Linguistic Sketch of Kinnauri Pahari

In: The Linguistic Landscape of the Indian Himalayas
Author:
Anju Saxena
Search for other papers by Anju Saxena in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
Open Access

1 Introduction*

A few works (Cunningham 1844; B.R. Sharma 1976; Bajpai 1991; D.D. Sharma 1988; Saxena 2006b; Eberhard et al. 2021; Kumar and Bezily 2015) and Census of India report an Indo-Aryan (IA) community in Kinnaur, administratively officially classified as a “scheduled caste”.1 In this chapter this indigenous IA community will be referred to as the IA community of Kinnaur and its language will be referred to as Kinnauri Pahari. According to the 1991 Census of India report, the total population of this community in the Kinnaur district was 19,153 (9,882 male and 9,271 female). In the 2011 census the size of this community had decreased to 14,750 individuals (7,433 males and 7,317 females).2 While this community is found in the whole of Kinnaur, in lower Kinnaur (including Sangla) it has its own language, distinct from the Sino-Tibetan (ST) language of this region (Kinnauri; see Chapter 2), whereas in the Upper Kinnaur region the corresponding community speaks the local ST language, for example, Navakat (see Chapter 3) in the Nako village.

Of the works mentioned above, only Cunningham (1844), B.R. Sharma (1976), Saxena (2006b), Eberhard et al. (2020), and Kumar and Bezily (2015) even note the existence of the language of this community. D.D. Sharma states that this community speaks “a variety of Indo-Aryan” (1988: 5), but he does not provide any further details. Both Ethnologue (Eberhard et al. 2021) and Glottolog (Hammarström et al. 2020) include the language of this community in their classification (ISO 639 code kjo; referred to as “Kinnauri, Pahari” in Ethnologue and “Indo-Aryan Kinnauri” in Glottolog), as belonging to the Western Pahari subgroup of Indo-Aryan.

According to Cunningham (1844: 224), “[Kinnauri Pahari] differs as much from the Kunawaree, as that does from the Bhotee”. He provides a word-list (92 items). B.R. Sharma (1976) provides a short text (6 lines) in two Kinnauri Pahari varieties from five different localities (Chaura-Kafor, Rajgramang, Ribba, Morang, and Ropa). Saxena (2006b) presents a set of linguistic features in Kinnauri and Kinnauri Pahari in order to discuss the socio-cultural and linguistic situation in Sangla. Kumar and Bezily (2015) present an analysis of the phonemic inventory of Kinnauri Pahari, but do not specify in which village or region in Kinnaur the variety is spoken on which their analysis is based. Similarly to the local ST varieties, IA spoken in Kinnaur exhibits variation, too. Consequently, the differences between the analysis presented below and earlier studies could be due to variety differences.

The Kinnauri Pahari data for the present study were collected during a series of fieldtrips to Kinnaur, beginning in 2002. The data represent the speech of the Chamang sub-community in Sangla tahsil (Brua and Sangla villages) and in Nichar tahsil (Chagaon village).3 An informal comparison of the data collected from these villages shows minor variation. If these differences reflect regional dialectal differences or not, is difficult to ascertain at this stage. It is important to note that because of the small size of the sub-groups of this community, it is commonplace that young Kinnauri Pahari men get married to women from outside Kinnaur (primarily from the lower Himachal Pradesh region), who speak a different language, but they belong to the same IA sub-community. After getting married, many of these married couples settle down in the husband’s village in Kinnaur and the wives slowly adjust to their new surroundings (including learning a new language or languages). In the present work, the focus is on the speech of the Kinnauri Pahari community members who have been long-time residents of these villages. All my consultants were either born in Kinnaur or had lived in Kinnaur for more than twenty years at the time of data collection.

2 Phonology

2.1 Consonants

The Kinnauri Pahari consonant phoneme inventory is presented in Table 32 and a list of minimal pairs is given below. Retroflex consonants tend to a relatively forward articulation in Kinnauri Pahari. This phenomenon is also observed in some other IA languages (e.g. Kvāri and Bangani, cf. Jouanne 2014).

2.1.1 Consonant Realization and Allophony

As in ST Kinnuari, lexical items which in other IA languages such as Hindi contain a clearly separate phoneme /bʰ/, show free variation between [bʰ] and [b] in Kinnauri Pahari. For example, [b(ʰ)ai] ‘brother’, [b(ʰ)aːg] ‘fate’, [b(ʰ)anʣaː] ‘sister’s son’. This variation is found in our material only in word-initial position. There are no instances of [bʰ] in non-initial position in our material, whereas [b] occurs in all positions. There are also many instances of non-varying word-initial [b]. For this reason, /bʰ/ is posited as a (marginal) phoneme of Kinnauri Pahari, as the most straightforward way of indicating the instances of variation. Unlike the [b] ~ [bʰ] variation, we do not find similar variation between [d] and [dʰ], or between [g] and [gʰ]. Here we find only [d] and [g] in all positions, even where other IA languages have the aspirated counterparts as phonemes. For example, [goːri] ‘mare’, [gjuː] ‘clarified butter’, [kaːŋgi] ‘comb’, [gãːd] ‘smell’. One exception is [budʰ] ‘Wednesday’. This as well as other occasional instances of voiced aspirated consonants in modern Kinnauri Pahari may reflect the growing influence of Hindi.

The voiceless aspirated stops and are also realized as voiceless fricatives ([f] and [x]) in Kinnauri Pahari. According to Kumar and Bezily (2015), this happens only in non-initial positions. But in the speech of some language consultants, [pʰ] is in free variation with [f] in all positions. For example, pʰajul [pʰajul] ~ [fajul] ‘valley’; pʰo [pʰoh] ~ [foh] ‘deer’; pʰirnɔ [pʰirnɔ] ~ [firnɔ] ‘to have, to become’; saːpʰ [saːpʰ] ~ [saːp] ~ [saːf] ‘clean’. As can be seen from the last example, [pʰ] also alternates with unaspirated [p] in word-final position.

Table 32

Consonant phonemes in Kinnauri Pahari

Bilabial

Labiodental

Dental

Alveolar

Palatoalveolar

Retroflex

Palatal

Velar

Glottal

Plosive

p b

t d

ʈ ɖ

k g

Aspirated

pʰ (bʰ)

ʈʰ

Fricative

s

ʃ

h

Affricate

ʦ ʦʰ

ʧ ʧʰ

ʣ

ʤ

Nasal

m

n

ŋ

Lateral

l

Trill

r

Approximant

ʋ

j

Minimal (or near-minimal) pairs: Consonants

p : b

pɔʃ

‘mat’

bɔːʃ

‘liver’

p : b

paːr

‘wound, sore’

baːra(ː)

‘twelve’

p : pʰ

saːp

‘snake’

saːpʰ

‘clean’

p : d

ʃapat

‘oath’

ʃadot

‘witness’

t : d

dãːt

‘tooth’

gãːd

‘smell’

t : d

tɛar [tɛjar]

‘ready’

dɛar [dɛjar]

‘always’

t : tʰ

baːt

‘path’

haːtʰ

‘hand’

ʈ : ɖ

ʈiːʃ

‘thirst’

ɖiːʃ

‘whit’

d : ɖ

diː

‘daughter’

ɖeː

‘body’

d : ɖ

deːn

‘adult woman’

ɖeːŋ

‘divorce’

k : g

kaɔ

‘crow’

gaɔ

‘cow’

k : kʰ

kaːnɔ

‘one-eyed/blind’

kʰaːnɔ

‘to eat’

ʈ : ʈʰ

gaʈɔ [gaʈɔh]

‘narrow’

kaʈʰɔ

‘hard’

d : s

dɛo

‘god’

sɛo

‘apple’

s : ʃ

siːr

‘vein, artery’

ʃĩːg

‘horn’

ʦ : ʃ

naʦnɔ

‘to dance’

naʃnɔ

‘to go’

s : ʦʰ

‘hundred’

ʦʰɔ

‘six’

ʦ : ʦʰ

ʦaːr

‘four’

ʦʰaːr

‘ash’

ʦ : ʦʰ

ʦaːlnɔ

‘to strain, to seive’

ʦʰaːlu

‘blister’

ʦ : ʧ

ʦumnɔ

‘to crouch’

ʧumaːnɔ

‘to squeeze’

ʃ : ʧ

ʃaːn

‘ice’

ʧaːn [ʈraːn]

‘ornament’

ʃ : ʧ

ʃeːlɔ [ʃeːlɔh], [ʃeːlo]

‘cold’

ʧeːr

‘west’

ʣ : ʤ

ʣor [zor]

‘forceful’

ʤɔr

‘pile, heap’

t : r

suːt

‘cotton’

suːr

‘fermented drink’

b : m

‘grease, fat’

[mɔh]

‘honey’

d : n

dɔʃ

‘ten’

nɔʃ

‘fingernail’

g : ŋ

ʃaːg

‘vegetable’

ʃaːŋli [ʃaːŋgli]

‘chain’

m : n

kaːm

‘work’

kaːn

‘ear’

n : ŋ

ʃaːn

‘ice’

ʃaːŋli [ʃaːŋgli]

‘chain’

l : r

taːlɔ

‘key’

taːrɔ

‘star’

j : ʋ : h

jaː

‘or’

ʋaː

‘nest’

haːr

‘defeat’

ɖ has two allophones: [ɖ] and [ɽ]. According to Kumar and Bezily (2015: 7), “[ɖ] occurs word-initially, after homorganic nasal and in gemination […] [ɽ] occurs elsewhere”. As the following examples show, in our material, [ɖ] also occurs after [l].

sɔlɖɔ

[sɔlɖɔ]

‘straight’

kanalɖi

[kanalɖi]

‘granddaughter’

ʦʰɛlɖu

[ʦʰɛlɖu]

‘son’

ranɖolo

[ranɖolo]

‘widower’

ʦʰɛlɖi

[ʦʰɛlɖi]

‘daughter’

kʰunɖi

[kʰunɖi]

‘leg’

kanalɖu

[kanalɖu]

‘grandson’

ʈʰanɖi

[ʈʰanɖi], [ʈʰãɖi]

‘cold (illness)’

pãːɖ

[pãːɖ]

‘floor’

ɖanɖoriŋ

[ɖanɖoriŋ]

‘dust’

ʃõːɖ

[ʃõːɖ]

‘beak’

ɖuɖɖu, ɖuɖu

[ɖuɖːu],

‘owl’

[ʹɖuˌɖu]

Except for kɔɖʋɔ [kɔɽʋɔ] ‘bitter’, pɔɖnɔ [pɔɽnɔ] ‘to study’, grɔɭɖuŋ [grɔɭɽuŋ] ‘wooden yoke on ox’, lomɖiː [lomɽiː] ‘fox’, [ɽ] in our material occurs only intervocalically.

uɖaːr

[uɽaːr]

‘cave’

hatʰɔɖaː

[hatʰɔɽaː]

‘hammer’

bɔɖɔ

[bɔɽɔ]

‘big, older (m)’

baːɖi

[baːɽi]

‘carpenter’

buɖi

[buɽih]

‘old (f)’

uɖijaːnɔ

[uɽijaːnɔ]

‘to fly’

ʤoɖiː

[ʤoɽiː]

‘pair’

rɛlgaːɖi

[rɛlgaːɽi]

‘train’

rɛɖu(ː)

[rɛɽu(ː)],

‘radio’

diʋaːrgaɖi(ː)

[diʋaːrgaɽi(ː)]

‘clock’

[rɛɖu(ː)]

[ʣ] and [z] are in free variation in Kinnauri Pahari. As can be seen below, both [z] and [ʣ] occur word-initially, word-medially and word-finally. The same language consultant uses [z] in one recording and [ʣ] in another in the same word. As [ʣ] occurs more frequently, we treat ʣ as the phoneme.

ʣanʈi

[zanʈi]

‘stone’

hiːʣ

[hiːz]

‘yesterday’

ʣoŋgai

[zoŋgai]

‘son-in-law’

bʰanʣaː

[bʰanzaː]

‘nephew’

aːʣ

[aːz]

‘today’

punʣar

[punzar]

‘tail’

biːʣ

[biːz]

‘female’

bɛʣnɔ

[bɛznɔ]

‘to send’

While h in word-initial position is always audible (e.g. [haːr] ‘necklace’, [hãũ] [1sg.nom], [harko] ‘bone’), in medial position it is often not audible. For example, [mɛ(h)ŋga(ː)] ‘expensive’, [mɛ(h)maːn] ‘guest’, [ʃɛr] ‘town’, [mɛdi] ‘henna’.

ʧ in Kinnauri Pahari, too, shows some variation. In some lexical items it is also realized as [ʈr] (e.g., ʧaːn [ʧaːn] ~ [ʈraːn] ‘ornament’; paːʧ [paːʧ] ~ [paːʈr] ‘leaf’) or as [ʈ] ʧɔprin [ʈɔprin] ~ [ʧɔprin] ‘scold’.4 In word-final position a variation [ʧ] ~ [ʦ] is found in examples such as bukʧ [bukʧ] ~ [bukʦ] ‘bunch’.5 As these variations occur only in a restricted set of lexical items, they may be results of different diachronic changes.

According to Kumar and Bezily (2015: 15–16), ʃ has two allophones, with [ʂ] occurring before a retroflex plosive and [ʃ] elsewhere. This does not seem to be the case in my material.

Unlike Kinnauri and Kanashi, we have not noticed any variation in the phonetic realization of word-final voiced stops e.g. garib [gariːb] ‘poor’. In Kinnauri Pahari they are articulated clearly as voiced stops.

2.1.2 Geminated Consonants

The following are some examples of geminates.

samuddar

[samudːar]

‘sea, ocean’

mumbatti

[mumbatːi]

‘candle’

gɔʈʈ

[gɔʈː]

‘mill’

himmɔt

[himːɔt]

‘courage’

ʃukkur

[ʃukːur]

‘Friday’

ʧʰummaː

[ʧʰumːaː]

‘walking stick’

As shown in Figures 6–7, there is a clear difference in the duration of geminates and singletons.

2.2 Vowels

2.2.1 Oral Vowel Phonemes

The oral vowel phonemes of Kinnauri Pahari are listed in Table 33. In addition, Kinnauri Pahari has nasal vowel phonemes (see Section 2.2.2).

Figure 8 shows a formant plot of these phonemes (except o, for which we had insufficient data).

Kumar and Bezily (2015) make a phonemic distinction between lax and tense vowels, but not vowel length. In our analysis length is phonemic in Kinnauri Pahari. The spectrograms in Figures 9–12 show a clear difference in quantity between short and long vowels.

d155303993e154409
Figure 6

Duration of geminate and nongeminate /m/: ʧʰummaː ‘walking stick’ (left) and tʃamai ‘unload’ (right)

d155303993e154428
Figure 7

Duration of geminate and non-geminate /t/: kittɛg ‘how many’ (left) and bitɛ ‘inside’ (right)

For i, a, u, length and quality are tied together. When short, a is more central and schwa-like. In some cases it is realized as [ə], but when long, it is clearly [aː]. Similarly short i is more like [ɪ], but it is clearly [iː] when long. The same is the case with u, where the short version is the somewhat more open and central [ʊ], but [uː] when long.

and ɛː are separate phonemes, as are and ɔː. Note the near-minimal pairs [deːn] ‘female’ : [ʦʰɛːn] ‘peace’, [ɖeː] ‘body’ : [tɛː] ‘if’, [doːʃ] ‘ten’ : [bɔːʃ] ‘lung’, and [ʣoː] ‘yak’ : [ʣɔː] ‘grain’. In these lexical items, the vowel quality is clearly different but there is no clear difference in length. This is so both in auditory impression and in measurements.

Table 33

Oral vowel phonemes in Kinnauri Pahari

i, iː

u, uː

o, oː

ɛ, ɛː

ɔ, ɔː

a, aː

d155303993e154559
Figure 8

Formant plot of Kinnauri Pahari vowel phonemes

d155303993e154587
d155303993e154602
d155303993e154617

All vowel phonemes occur as both long and short, with one exception: There is no clear evidence for short e and ɛ as two distinct phonemes. It seems that these two have merged into a single phoneme, which is phonetically most like [ɛ].

Minimal (or near-minimal) pairs: vowels

i : ɛ

tsʰiknɔ

‘to sneeze’

ʦʰɛknɔ

‘to finish’

a : o

tamori

‘we (incl)’

tomori

‘you (pl)’

ɔ : a

ʃɔl

‘roof’

baʃal

‘summer’

o : ɔ

ʣor

‘much’

ʣɔt

‘moon’

o : ɔ

noʃ

‘fingernail’

nɔr

‘animal’

u : o

puʃãː

‘husband’

poʃɔ

‘male’

i : u

ʦʰɛlɖi

‘daughter’

ʦʰɛlɖu

‘son’

i : u

bai

‘arm’

bau

‘p.uncle’

i : o

ranɖoli

‘widow’

ranɖolo

‘widower’

Minimal (or near-minimal) pairs: vowel length

i : iː

rin

‘a kind of thread’

riːn

‘loan, debt’

i : iː

pʰir

‘become’

siːr

‘vein’

i : iː

bid

‘shoulder’

biːt

‘wall’

a : aː

kam

‘less’

kaːm

‘work’

a : aː

ʤag

‘keep’

ʣaːt

‘caste, race’

u : uː

kul

‘descendant’

kuːl

‘ditch’

ɛ : ɛː

hɛnʈi

‘jaw’

ʧɛːn

‘peace’

ɛ : ɛː

brɛnʦ

‘grasshopper’

bɛːnt

‘cane’

ɔ : ɔː

sɔrgo

‘sky’

sɔːr

‘small man-made pond’

ɔ : ɔː

pɔʃ

‘mat’

bɔːʃ

‘lung’

ɛː : aː

tɛː

‘because’

taː

‘if’

uː : ɔː

suːr

‘wine’

sɔːr

‘small man-made pond’

With regard to the vowels i, a and u there is a clear difference between long and short vowels. The difference in quantity is much more obvious than the difference in their quality. But when it comes to ɛ and e the difference between long and short is not that clear.

Vowels tends to sound longer in final open syllables. The (perceived) length in some cases may also be a result of extra stress on that vowel. However, there is also a clear difference in some items between long and short final vowels, as illustrated in Figure 13.

What we hear as long vowel, may in fact, in some cases, be stress. But in some cases it is very clear that there is a long vowel. It is not always clear if the vowel is long or short in word-final position, and there seems to be some variation both among speakers and even in the speech of the same individual. This appears to be especially common with word-final a, where it is often hard to know whether to transcribe with -aː or -a. However, some word-final vowels are clearly short, for example, in likʰɛ ‘nit’.

d155303993e155518
Figure 13

Long and short final /ɔ/: ʣɔː ‘grain’ (left) and ʤɔ ‘this’ (right)

2.2.2 Nasal Vowels

Vowels preceding a nasal consonant are regularly nasalized in Kinnauri Pahari. There are also some instances where there are two possible phonetic realizations of a word—one where the nasalized vowel has a nasal consonant following the vowel, and one without a following nasal consonant. In some cases a compensatory vowel lengthening is also observed, when the following nasal consonant is not there explicitly.

hanɖnɔ

[hãnɖnɔ], [hãɖnɔ]

‘to walk’

ganɖɔ

[gãnɖɔ], [gãɖɔ]

‘knot’

kunɖɔ

[kũnɖɔ], [kũːɖɔ]

‘stove’

bandar

[bãndar], [bãdar]

‘monkey’

kuaŋ

[kũãŋ], [kũã]

‘well (n)’

kʰoʤaŋ

[kʰoʤãŋ], [kʰoʤãː]

‘left (direction)’

In addition to the phonetic realization of nasalized vowels, nasalization is also phonemic in Kinnauri Pahari.

puː

‘feather’

dũː

‘smoke (n)’

baːt

‘path’

dãːt

‘tooth’

dɛo [dɛo], [djo]

‘god’

dɛ̴õ

[give.imp]

bɛ̴t [bẽːt]

‘walking stick’

ʃiːl

‘grinding stone’

ʃĩːg

‘horn’

hĩũ

‘snow’

kam

‘less’

kãɖɔ

‘(grassy) mountain’

kaːm

‘work’

kãːɖɔ

‘fishhook, thorn’

kʰau

‘meal’

hãũ

‘I’ [1sg.nom]

ʃiʃa(ː) [ʃiʃah]

‘glass’

puʃãː

‘husband’

ʃɔk

‘doubt’

ʃɔ̃k

‘interest’

In this chapter nasalization is marked only in those instances where there is no nasal consonant following a nasalized vowel.

2.2.3 Vowel Variation

When a word ends with a vowel, [h] is heard at times after the final vowel. As can be seen in the examples provided below, [h] can occur after both front and back vowels, rounded as well as unrounded. This is more often the case when the vowel is short.

si

[si(h)]

‘with’

[mɔ(h)]

‘honey’

lɛʈi

[lɛʈi(h)]

‘glue’

halkɔ

[halkɔ(h)]

‘light (2)’

gɔri

[gɔri(h)]

‘coconut’

ʃuklɔ

[ʃuklɔ(h)]

‘white’

dari

[dari(h)]

‘beard’

kɔŋglɔ

[kɔŋglɔ(h)]

‘soft’

ʦandi

[ʦandi(h)]

‘silver’

ʈikʰɔ

[ʈikʰɔ(h)]

‘sharp, pointed’

[kɛ(h)]

‘at’

gɔrkɔ

[gɔrkɔ(h)]

‘heavy’

ʧa

[ʧa(h)]

‘tea’

ʃukɔ

[ʃukɔ(h)]

‘dry’

ʃiʃa

[ʃiʃa(h)]

‘glass’

taːtɔ

[taːtɔ(h)]

‘warm’

piʧʰu

[piʧʰu(h)]

‘after’

ʃɛlɔ

[ʃɛlɔ(h)]

‘cold’

ʤuː

[ʤuː(h)]

‘cloud’

ʃaːrɔ

[ʃaːrɔ(h)]

‘beautiful’

Similarly, in words beginning with [ɔ], a [h] is heard word-initially. For example, [(h)ɔnʧʰɛ] ‘there’, [(h)ɔrɛs] ‘a community name’.

There is also some variation found between [a] and [ɔ] in words which in Hindi have an [a] (e.g., [maʃʈar] : [maʃʈɔr] ‘teacher’).

2.2.4 Diphthongs

The following diphthongs are found in our material.

[ai]

ain

‘spline’

[ãːĩ]

nãːĩ

‘navel’

[ao]

nao

‘name’

[ãõ]

kɛlɛãõ

‘fir’

[aɔ]

taɔ

‘fever’

[au]

kʰau

‘food’

[ãũ]

hãũ

‘I’ [1sg.nom]

[ɛa]

tɛar

‘ready’

[ãːɛ̴]

piʦʰãːɛ̴

‘behind’

[ɛi]

ɛisa

‘twenty’

[ɛ̃ĩ]

mɛ̃ĩjɛ

[1sg.erg]

[ɛo]

sɛo

‘apple’

[ɛ̴ũ]

gɛ̴ũ

‘wheat’

[iɛ]

maːriɛn

‘quarrel’

[iu]

dius

‘sun’

[ĩũ]

hĩũ

‘snow’

[ɔa]

bɔa

‘father’

[ɔɛ]

gɔɛn

‘rain’

[ɔi]

ɖɔinɔ

‘to burn (intr)’

[ɔu]

lɔuɖi

‘older’

[ua]

kuaŋ

‘well (n)’

[ui]

dui

‘two’

[ũɛ̴]

ʤũɛ̴

‘louse’

In the orthography adopted for this chapter, we write all diphthongs as sequences of two vowel symbols. Especially the [i] and [u] components exhibit variation between a more vocalic realization and one closer to [i̯]/[u̯] or [j]/[ʋ]: [dui] : [dui̯] : [duj], [duar] : [du̯ar] : [dʋar].

2.3 Words with Special Prosody

There is a restricted set of words whose prosodic structure is markedly different from Kinnauri Pahari’s default stress pattern. In this set of words there is a clear secondary stress on the syllable following the stressed (first) syllable, and also a slight break between the syllables.

tɛtɛ [ʹtɛ.ˌtɛ]6

‘grandfather’

[ʹapi(ː).ˌtɛ.ˌtɛ], [ʹaʋɛ(ː).ˌtɛ.ˌtɛ]

‘grandparents’

[ʹbiː.ˌbaːp]

‘stepfather’

[ʹɖu.ˌɖu]

‘owl’

[ʹlaː.ˌʃaːnɔ]

‘to look for’

[ʹbiː.ˌdiː]

‘stepdaughter’

[ʹbiː.ˌajũː]

‘stepmother’

This can be seen clearly when we compare the spectrograms of tɛtɛ ‘grandfather’ and ʈʰaʈɛ ‘joke’ (see Figure 14).

As we can see in Figure 14, there is a marked syllable boundary in tɛtɛ ‘grandfather’, which is not found, e.g. in ʈʰaʈɛ ‘joke’. It is possible that [ʹtɛ.ˌtɛ] ‘grandfather’ had originally a longer mid-word consonant, which is not audible synchronically, resulting in a marked prosodical stress structure. In Kinnauri Pahari di- and polysyllabic words the primary stress appears on the first syllable, and the stressed syllable is much more prominent than other syllables in the word, as in ʈʰaʈɛ ‘joke’. In tɛtɛ ‘grandfather’, however, it seems that both syllables have approximately equal prominence.

d155303993e157069

Figure 14

Two stress patterns in bisyllabic words: tɛtɛ ‘grandfather’ (left) and ʈʰaʈɛ ‘joke’ (right)

3 Noun Phrase

3.1 Noun Phrase Structure

The noun phrase in Kinnauri Pahari has the following basic structureː

(dem / NPPOSS) (Num) ((Adv) Adj(-m/-f)) N(-dim)(-pl)(def.hum)(pl)((-)case)

(1)

hɔsɔ

hɔnɔri

dui

bɔɖ-ɔ

ʃukl-ɔ

ʣanʈi-rɔ

gɔr-rɔ

maːlik

3sg.dist.nom

dem.dist.pl

two

big-m

white-m

stone-poss.m

house-poss.m

owner

‘He is the owner of those two big white houses of stone.’

With pronouns, however, the non-numeral quantifier adjectives (e.g. sɛb ‘all’) follow the pronoun.

(2)

hɔtɛnɔri

sɛb(=ɛ)

ɔrɛs

pʰir-ɛs

3pl

all(=emp)

carpenter

become-aux.prs.3

‘They all will be carpenters.’

3.2 Nouns

3.2.1 Noun Structure

3.2.1.1 Noun Stems

Unlike what we encounter in some other IA languages, Kinnauri Pahari does not exhibit a distinction in its noun declension between a nominative and oblique noun stem form. Further, on the whole all nouns—both masculine and feminine nouns and both native items and loanwords—inflect in the same way. They take the same set of plural markers and the case markers are the same in both numbers.

The nominal morphology of Kinnauri Pahari is close to the agglutinative ideal, but as in any language, there are some exceptions. Many nouns do not express the plural formally, there is some phonologically conditioned allomorphy and some lexically determined idiosyncrasies in the system of case endings, and the expression of the plural is partially conditioned by animacy.

Most IA-origin nouns and adjectives which take an adaptive marker in Kinnauri (see Chapter 2), occur in Kinnauri Pahari without the adaptive marker. The following are all the nouns and adjectives which end in the adaptive marker -aŋ, -iŋ, -es in the Kinnauri Pahari IDS/LWT list (see Appendix 4B). All are the same in ST Kinnauri, although grɔlɖuŋ ‘yoke’ also appears in the variant form golɖuŋ in Kinnauri.

paːlɛs

‘herdsman’

ʣolaŋ

‘twins’

tijarɛs

‘duck’

ʃɔkraŋ

‘orphan’

ɔrɛs

‘name of a social group’

masaŋ

‘flesh, meat’

kʰusiɛs

‘happy’

ʃiʈaŋ

‘nasal mucus’

ʦɔriŋ

‘trough’

dusraŋ

‘chimney’

ʋaːmaŋ

‘wrong, fault’

joʤaŋ

‘tool’

siːmaŋ

‘boundary’

kʰoʤaŋ

‘left’

kuaŋ

‘well (n)’

ʦuʈkaŋ

‘quiet’

ʧʰodaŋ

‘waterfall’

grɔlɖuŋ

‘yoke’

mɛsaŋ

‘match (n)’

multʰaŋ

‘roof’

3.2.1.2 Nominal Compounds

In Kinnauri Pahari noun compounds are formed by a combination of two bare nouns (i.e., [N N]) or with a possessive marker affixed to the first noun (i.e., [N-poss N]). The former kind comprises both copulative and endocentric compounds.

[N N]

ajũː+bɔa

[mother+father]

‘parents’

b(ʰ)aːi+bɔɛn

[brother+sister]

‘sibling’

aːʋi+tɛtɛ

[grandmother+grandfather]

‘grandparents’

ʃɔrɔ+ʃɔʃaːj

[father.in.law+mother.in.law]

‘parents-in-law’

diʋaːr+gaɖiː

[wall+watch]

‘clock’

piːʈʰ+harko

[back+bone]

‘spine’

[N-poss N]

maʦʰi-rɔ pãːkʰ

[fish-poss.m feather/wing]

‘fin’

maʦʰi-rɔ harkɔ

[fish-poss.m bone]

‘scale’

muʈkan-rɔ ʤũɛ̴

[head-poss.m louse]

‘head louse’

ɖeː-rɔ ʤũɛ̴

[body-poss.m louse]

‘body louse’

mɔ-rɔ maːkʰi

[honey-poss.m fly]

‘bee’

duraː-rɔ kiːrɛ

[wood-poss.m insect]

‘termite’

ɖeː-rɔ baːl

[body-poss.m hair]

‘body hair’

piʃi-ro noʃ

[cat-poss.m fingernail]

‘claw’

nuniː-rɔ muʈkan

[breast-poss.m head]

‘nipple or teat’

paːni-rɔ ʣaːʣ

[water-poss.m ship]

‘ship’ (any kind of naval

vehicle)

mulk-rɔ manuʃ

[country-poss.m man]

‘citizen’

ɔʃʈi-rɔ goliː

[medicine-poss.m tablet]

‘pill or tablet’

ʣɔnɔm-nɔ sarʈifikaʈ

[birth-poss.m certificate]

‘birth certificate’

ɖrajʋar-ɔ lɛsɛns

[driver-poss.m license]

‘driver’s license’

biː- ‘step-’ which occurs in some kinship relationships should perhaps be treated as a derivational prefix as it never occurs on its own, and it occurs only in a few words (cf. Kinnauri: Chapter 2, Section 3.2.1.2).

biːbaːp

(baːp ‘father’)

‘stepfather’

biːajũː

(ajũː ‘mother’)

‘stepmother’

biːʦʰɛlɖu

(ʦʰɛlɖu ‘boy’)

‘stepson’

biːdiː

(diː ‘girl/daughter’)

‘stepdaughter’

3.2.2 Number

Kinnauri Pahari makes a two-way number distinction: singular and plural. The singular is zero-marked. A restricted set of nouns take one of the following plural suffixes: -ɛ, -ɔ or -aː. The distribution of the plural suffixes is not phonologically conditioned. In each such case, only one of the three plural suffixes is permitted.

SG

PL

SG

PL

kukur

‘dog’

kukur-aː

beːri

‘sheep’

beːr-ɛ

manuʃ

‘person, man’

manuʃ-aː

baːt

‘talk(n)’

baːt-ɛ

raːkaːs

‘demon’

raːks-aː

gaːʦʰ

‘garment’

gaːʦʰ-ɔ

A noun phrase with a numeral can also receive plural marking.

(dui) manuʃ-aː

[(two) man/human.being-pl]

dui kukur-aː

[two dog-pl]

dui beːr-ɛ

[two sheep-pl]

However, plural suffixes do not occur with all nouns; for example, the following nouns do not take plural suffixes:

ʣanʈi

‘stone’

ʧammaʧ

‘spoon’

taːrɔ

‘star’

zimadaːr

‘farmer’

gɔr

‘house’

bapuː

‘uncle’

pãːkʰ

‘feather, wing’

ʦʰɛlɖu

‘boy’

dukaːn

‘shop’

ʦʰɛlɖi

‘girl’

sɔlɔkʰ

‘road’

ɖakʈar

‘physician’

daːmɔ

‘ox’

puʃãː

‘man’

In such instances, as we will see below, plurality may be indicated either by means of a separate plural marker (hɔri and/or pɛrɛ) and/or by means of a quantifier adjective (e.g. baːdɔ ‘many’). Most recent loanwords,7 too, do not take the plural suffixes. The loanwords polis ‘police’ and pʰɔʤi ‘army man’ are exceptions, taking two different plural suffixes (-aː and -e, respectively).

pʰilam hɔri

‘movies’

ɖiʋiɖi hɔri

DVD s’

ʤiːns hɔri

‘jeans’

haʋaːi-ʤaːʤ hɔri

‘airplanes’

mɛz hɔri

‘tables’

rɛl hɔri

‘trains’

kurasi hɔri

‘chairs’

polis hɔri, polis pɛrɛ, polis-aː

‘police (pl)’

kamiːz hɔri

‘shirts’

pʰɔʤi hɔri, pʰɔʤi pɛrɛ, pʰɔʤi-ɛ

‘army men’

pɛrɛ and hɔri both mark plurality.8 In addition, pɛrɛ—which also appears as an independent lexical item ‘family, clan’,9 e.g. mɛ-rɔ pɛrɛ [1sg-poss.m family/clan] ‘my family, my clan’—indicates animacy. Thus, with animate nouns, both hɔri and pɛrɛ can occur, while hɔri occurs only with inanimate nouns.10

raːkaːs

‘demon’

raːks-aː, raːkaːs pɛrɛ, raːkaːs hɔri

manuʃ

‘man, person’

manuʃ-aː, manuʃ hɔri, manuʃ pɛrɛ

ʧammaʧ

‘spoon’

ʧammaʧ-aː, ʧammaʧ hɔri

padʒaːrɔ

‘priest’

padʒaːro hɔri, padʒaːro pɛrɛ

ʦʰɛlɖu

‘boy’

ʦʰɛlɖu hɔri, ʦʰɛlɖu pɛrɛ

ʦʰɛlɖi

‘girl’

ʦʰɛlɖi hɔri, ʦʰɛlɖi pɛrɛ

beːri

‘sheep’

beːri hɔri, beːri pɛrɛ, bɛːrɛ

ʦɔrkʰi

‘bird’

ʦɔrkʰi hɔri, ʦɔrkʰi pɛrɛ

ɖakʈar

‘physician’

ɖakʈar hɔri, ɖakʈar pɛrɛ

ʣanʈi

‘stone’

ʣanʈi hɔri

taːrɔ

‘star’

taːro hɔri

pãːkʰ

‘feather’

pãːkʰ hɔri

dukaːn

‘shop’

dukaːn hɔri

sɔlɔkʰ

‘road’

sɔlɔkʰ hɔri

paːʧʰ

‘leaf’

paːʧʰ hɔri

gaːʦʰ

‘garment’

gaːʦʰ() hɔri

The following examples illustrate pɛrɛ and hɔri as plural markers.

(3)

gɔr

hɔri11

ʣɔl-i

house

pl

light-pfv

‘The houses lit (burned).’

(4)

bjopaːri-jɛ

baːdɔ

ʃuklɔ

baːkri

hɔri/pɛrɛ

lɔj-i

businessman-erg

many

white

she-goat

pl/pl.anim

buy-pfv

‘The businessman bought many white female goats.’

(5)

aːmɔri

zimidaːr

hɔri / pɛrɛ

si

1ple

farmer

pl/pl.anim

cop.prs.1pl

‘We are farmers.’

Further, noun phrases with hɔri/pɛrɛ may also take quantifier adjectives (e.g. baːdɔ ‘many’).

SG

PL

kukur

‘dog’

kukur hɔri

kukur pɛrɛ

‘dogs’

baːdɔ kukur

baːdɔ kukur hɔri

baːdɔ kukur pɛrɛ

‘many dogs’

daːmɔ

‘ox’

daːmɔ hɔri

daːmɔ pɛrɛ

‘oxen’

baːdɔ daːmɔ

baːdɔ daːmɔ hɔri

baːdɔ daːmɔ pɛrɛ

‘many oxen’

They may also occur when the NP contains a numeral.

(6)

dui

gɔr

hɔri

ʣɔl-i

two

house

pl

light-pfv

‘Two houses lit (burned).’

(7)

hɔtɛn

dui-rɔ

dui

ʦʰɛlɖu

hɔri / pɛrɛ

tʰɛo

3sg

two-poss.m

two

boy

pl / pl.anim

cop.pst.m

‘Those two had two boys.’

Further, the grammaticalized function of manuʃ (see Section 3.2.5) may also occur in noun phrases where plurality is indicated by one of the plural markers and/or by means of a plural quantifier adjective.

(8)

sɛb(=ɛ)12

puʃãː

manuʃ

maʃʈɔr

pʰir-ɛs

all(=emp)

man

def.hum

teacher

become-aux.prs.3

‘All the men will be teachers.’

(9)

deːn13

manuʃ

hɔri / pɛrɛ

gɔr

ʣurja-ɛs

woman

def.hum

pl/pl.anim

house

make-aux-prs.3

‘The women will build a house.’

Normally, noun phrases with hɔri/pɛrɛ do not carry the plural suffix. Its occurrence, however, is not prohibited. This means that some animate nouns can exhibit up to five different plural forms.

SG

PL

ʦor

‘thief’

ʦor-aː

ʦor hɔri

ʦor pɛrɛ

ʦor-aː hɔri

ʦor-aː pɛrɛ

According to the language consultants, there is no difference in meaning if there is one plural marker or more than one plural marker in an NP.

3.2.3 Gender

Gender is a grammatical category in Kinnauri Pahari, which manifests itself through various agreement phenomena. Kinnauri Pahari has two genders: masculine and feminine. Nouns have inherent gender, adjectives and some verb complex elements exhibit gender (and number) agreement with a head noun. There are also some word formation devices deriving nouns where a gender distinction is indicated. For example, the suffix -aːni is suffixed to the masculine noun form (which is also the default form in Kinnauri Pahari) which describes a man’s profession, to denote the corresponding female professional.14

zim(i)daːr

‘farmer (m)’

zimdaːrni

‘farmer (f)’

ɖɔkʈar

‘physician (m)’

ɖɔkʈaraːni

‘physician (f)’

maʃʈar

‘teacher (m)’

maʃʈaraːni

‘teacher (f)’15

The gender distinction is also indicated in animate nouns, such as the following. Here feminine nouns end in -i, with some exceptions. In the latter cases the feminine nominal forms end in a -e (e.g. ʦor ‘thief’, ʦor-e, *ʦor-i ‘female thief’; see below).

ʦʰɛlɖu

‘boy, son’

ʦʰɛlɖi

‘girl, daughter’

laːro

‘bridegroom’

laːri

‘bride’

kanalɖu

‘grandson’

kanalɖi

‘granddaughter’

kutuː

‘nephew’

kutiː

‘niece’

ranɖɔlɔ

‘widower’

ranɖɔli

‘widow’

gablu

‘ram’

gabli

‘lamb (f)’

suŋgaːr

‘boar’

suŋgaːri

‘sow’

goːro

‘stallion’

goːri

‘mare’

baːkrɔ

‘goat (m)’

baːkri

‘goat (f)’

kukur

‘dog’

kukuri

‘bitch’

Similarly, adjectives, too, are, to some extent, sensitive to the gender of the head noun. A subset of adjectives end in with masculine nouns, and the corresponding feminine forms end in -i (see Section 3.4 for details).

(10)

tu

buɖ-ɔ

manuʃ

2sg.nom

old-m

man

cop.prs.2pl

‘You are an old man.’

(11)

tu

buɖ-i

deːn

2sg.nom

old-f

woman

cop.prs.2sg

‘You are an old woman.’

Further, in a possessive construction the gender of the head noun determines the form of the possessive marker (-rɔ or -ri). The possessive marker -ri occurs with feminine and -rɔ with masculine head nouns.

sitaː-ri ʦʰɛlɖi

[i.name(f)-poss.f girl]

‘Sita’s daughter’

ʋikram-ri bɔɛn

[i.name(m)-poss.f sister]

‘Vikram’s sister’

ʋikram-ri gori

[i.name(m)-poss.f mare]

‘Vikram’s mare’

ʋikram-ri kukrauʈi

[i.name(m)-poss.f bitch]

‘Vikram’s bitch’

ʋikram-rɔ ʦʰɛlɖu

[i.name(m)-poss.m son]

‘Vikram’s son’

sitaː-rɔ ʦʰɛlɖu

[i.name(f)-poss.m son]

‘Sita’s son’

ʋikram-rɔ gaɔ

[i.name(m)-poss.m cow]

‘Vikram’s cow’

ʋikram-rɔ piʃiː

[i.name(m)-poss.m cat]

‘Vikram’s cat’

mɛ-rɔ balʈi

[1sg-poss.m bucket]

‘My bucket’

Similarly, the distribution of the relative clause suffixes -sjaː16 and -seː is also sensitive to the gender of their referents: -seː occurs with feminine referents and -sjaː with masculine referents (see Section 5.4 for details).

(12)

naʦ-dɔ-sjaː

dance-hab.m-rel.m

‘(male) who dances’

(13)

naʦ-di-seː

dance-hab.f-rel.f

‘(female) who dances’

Finally, the distribution of the habitual aspect markers (-dɔ/-ndɔ and -di/-ndi), and the distribution of the past tense markers (tʰɔ vs. tʰi), too, are sensitive to the gender of the subject. -di/-ndi and tʰi occur when the subject has feminine gender; -dɔ/-ndɔ and tʰɔ occur with masculine subjects (see Sections 4.2.2 and 4.3.2.1 for details).

(14)

raːdʰaː

ʦiʈʰiː

banʧjaː-ji

piʧʰu

haːs-di

i.name(f)

letter

read-pfv

after

laugh- hab.f

‘Radha laughs after reading the letter.’

(15)

raːm

kʰau

kʰaː-ndɔ

i.name(m)

food

eat-hab.m

‘Ram eats food.’

While the gender distinction described above holds for the most part, there are some instances, where the default form (i.e. the masculine form) was spontaneously provided in constructions where we should, in principle, get the feminine form (16). When asked, the language consultant provided the “correct” form.

(16)

amaː-jɛ

ap-rɔ

ɖiː

la

lɔs-indɛ

mother-erg

self-poss.m

girl

dat

beat-pfv

‘Mother beat her own daughter.’

In general, apart from the tendencies mentioned above, there are no salient formal indicators showing the gender of Kinnauri Pahari nouns. Nouns of both genders can end in various vowels (bɔbaː ‘father (m)’; amaː ‘mother (f)’; hatʰiː ‘elephant (m)’; apiː ‘grandmother (f)’ baːkri ‘goat (f)’) or consonants (bɔɛn ‘sister (f)’; nɔr ‘animal (m)’; deːn ‘woman (f)’; dɛkʰraʦ ‘young man (m)’; nars ‘nurse (f)’). Together with the contact situation where the historically dominant language ST Kinnauri is one without systematic gender distinctions (see Chapter 2), this accounts at least in part for the peripheral role of gender in the grammar of Kinnauri Pahari, where this distinction is upheld mainly for animate nouns.

3.2.4 Case

The Kinnauri Pahari case markers are shown in Table 34. Following a long tradition in IA grammatical description, the case markers are analyzed as postpositions, except in those cases where morphophonology indicates that they should be classified as suffixes (cf. Masica 1991: 223 f.).17

Table 34

Case markers in Kinnauri Pahari

Case

Case marker(s)

Nominative

Ø

Ergative/instrumental

Dative

la, na

Possessive

-rɔ/-ri

Locative

-ɛ, kɛ

Allative

bilɛ

Ablative

ka

3.2.4.1 Nominative

The nominative form is the stem of a noun or pronoun without any other case suffixes. This form can be used for subjects (intransitive and transitive)—i.e., the NP triggering subject indexing in the verb—and direct objects.

3.2.4.2 Ergative/Instrumental

The suffix functions as the ergative marker. It is realized as -jɛ when the stem ends with a vowel, and optionally as -ʋɛ when the stem ends with a round vowel; occurs after consonants.18 The ergative marker occurs with all persons and numbers in all tenses and aspects.19

(17)

mẽĩ-jɛ

gɛt

na-lja-ji

1sg-erg

song

neg-sing-pfv

‘I did not sing (a) song.’

(18)

ʧʰokru

hɔri-jɛ

pʰɔl

kʰa-ɛn

boy

pl-erg

fruit

eat-prog

‘Boys (are) eating fruit(s).’

(19)

aːmɔri-jɛ

sɛo

gar-indɛ

1ple-erg

apple

take-pfv

‘We took apples.’

(20)

tɛnori-jɛ

tãu -la

ki

bɔl-ɔ

3pl-erg

2sg-dat

what

tell-pfv.dir

‘What did they tell you?’

The ergative marker occurs only in transitive clauses. Its occurrence is, however, not obligatory.

(21)

raːm

gɔr-ɛ

naʃ-i

i.name(m)

house-loc

go-pfv

‘Ram went home.’

(22)

hãũ /

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ʧunni

baːn-indɛ

1sg.nom

1sg-erg

scarf

tie-pfv

‘I tied the scarf.’

The ergative marker is affixed to the last element of an NP (e.g., 18, 23).20

(23)

hɔsɔ

buɖɛ-buɖi-rɔ

sɛb

ka

lɔuɖo

ʦʰɛlɖu-jɛ

gɔr

lɔj-i

dem.dist

o.man-o.woman-poss.m

all

abl

young

boy-erg

house

buy-pfv

‘The youngest son of the old man and woman bought the house.’

The case marker also functions as the instrumental marker (24–26) and as one of the two locative case markers (see below).

(24)

ʃuriː

ʈikʰɔ

ʧʰuri-jɛ

ʃaːg

kaːʈ-ɛn-s

i.name(f)

sharp

knife-ins

vegetable

cut-prog-aux.prs.3

‘Shuri is cutting vegetables with a sharp knife.’

(25)

sonam-ɛ

ap-rɔ

haːtʰ-ɛ

gɔr

ʈua-ji

i.name(f)-erg

self-poss.m

hand-ins

house

build-pfv

‘Sonam built the house with her own hands.’

(26)

raːdʰaː-jɛ

paːni-jɛ

gaːʦʰ-ɔ

dɔ-ji

i.name(f)-erg

water-ins

garment-pl

wash-pfv

‘Radha washed clothes with water.’

3.2.4.3 Dative21

The postposition la functions as the dative case marker. With the first person singular pronoun, na can also appear as an alternative to la.22

(27)

bɔa(-jɛ)

ma

la / na

ra

rupjaː

dɛ-ndɔ

father(-erg)

1sg.nnom

dat

100

money

give-hab.m

‘Father gives me hundred rupees.’

(28)

raːm-ɛ

mohan

la / *na

gɔr

bikin-i

i.name(m)-erg

i.name(m)

dat

house

sell-pfv

‘Ram sold the house to Mohan.’

la also occurs with direct objects. Again, na can be used with the 1sg pronoun.

The occurrence of the dative marker is, however, not obligatory. Semantic factors such as animacy and definiteness determine its occurrence.

(29)

raːm-ɛ

kataːb

dɛ-ji

i.name(m)-erg

book

give-pfv

‘Ram gave the book.’

(30)

hãũ

tãũ

la

ʃa-ɛn

su

1sg.nom

2sg.nnom

dat

look-prog

aux.prs.1sg

‘I am looking at you.’

(31)

ardʒun-ɛ

kũã

laːŋ

ʦʰarja-indɛ

ap

la

maːr-i

i.name(m)-erg

well(n)

loc

jump(n)

leave-pfv

self

dat

kill-pfv

‘Arjun jumped into the well and killed himself.’

The case marker la (and na) also occurs in the following constructions.

(32)

raːm-ɛ

mohan

la

ɛk(k)

ganʈaː

pɔkʰ-i

i.name(m)-erg

i.name(m)

dat

one

hour

wait-pfv

‘Ram waited for Mohan for an hour.’

(33)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ʧʰɔkur

pɛrɛ

la

gaːʦʰ-ɔ

lɔj-i

1sg-erg

m.child

pl.anim

dat

garment-pl

buy-pfv

‘I bought clothes for the children.’

The dative marker la also occurs in complex constructions, where it follows the nominalized forms of the subordinate clause verb.

(34)

hɔsɔ

bazaːr

naʃ-mɛ

la

tɛaːr

pʰir-i

dem.dist.nom

market

go-nmlz

dat

ready

become-pfv

‘He got ready to go to the market.’

(35)

ʃiki-mɛ

la

bɔlɔ

kataːb

learn-nmlz

dat

good

book

‘The book which is worth learning (reading)’

(36)

hãũ

raːm-rɔ

kad

ʃun-mɛ

la

uzi-jɔ

1sg.nom

i.name(m)-poss.m

voice

hear-nmlz

dat

stand-pfv.dir

‘I got to hear Ram’s voice.’

The dative case markers also occur in Kinnauri Pahari in the so-called experiencer subject construction (see Section 5.1).

3.2.4.4 Possessive

The case marker -rɔ/-ri functions as the possessive marker in Kinnauri Pahari with singular and plural nouns and pronouns. As mentioned above, it has two allomorphs: -rɔ and -ri. Generally speaking, -ri occurs on possessive modifiers of feminine head nouns and -rɔ with masculine head nouns, though there are some instances in my material where -rɔ was also provided with feminine head nouns.

(37)

mɛ-ri

ʦʰɛlɖi-jɛ

ʃɔl

bun-indɛ

1sg-poss.f

girl-erg

shawl

weave-pfv

‘My daughter wove a shawl.’

(38)

mɛ-rɔ

ʦʰɛlɖu-jɛ

ʃɔl

bun-indɛ

1sg-poss.m

boy-erg

shawl

weave-pfv

‘My son wove a shawl.’

(39)

hatʰiː-rɔ

dãːt-rɔ

kaːʦɛ

elephant-poss.m

tooth-poss.m

necklace

‘The elephant’s-tooth necklace.’

(40)

ʃimla-rɔ

mɔsɔm

bɔlɔ

na-i

p.name-poss.m

weather

good

neg.pfv

‘Shimla’s weather is not good.’

(41)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

hɔi

kataːb

mɛ-rɔ

ajũːbɔa-rɔ

tɛ̃ĩ=ɛ

lɔj-i

1sg-erg

dem.prox

book

1sg-poss.m

parents-poss.m

for=emp

buy-pfv

‘I bought this book for my parents.’

When the noun ends in -r, the possessive is realized as -ɔ/-i: ɖrajʋarɔ lɛsɛns ‘driver’s license’ (ɖrajʋar ‘driver’); gaːrɔ tʰaːs ‘river bottom’ (gaːr ‘river’).

In some restricted instances when the stem ends in a sonorant consonant (e.g. hɔtɛn [3sg.nnom], ʣonom ‘birth’, b(i)jal ‘evening’), the consonant of the possessive marker assimilates to the stem-final consonant. For example, hɔtɛn-(n)ɔ [3sg-poss.m], bijal-lɔ kʰau [evening-poss.m food] ‘dinner’. The regular possessive form -rɔ (e.g hɔtɛn-rɔ) is also found in the data in such contexts. In one case (ʣonom-nɔ sarʈifikeʈ ‘birth certificate’ [birth-poss.m certificate]), -nɔ occurs as the possessive marker.

The possessive marker also occurs in a construction which describes that a person belongs to a particular region (42–43).

(42)

raːm

kinnɔr-ɔ

(sa)

i.name(m)

p.name-poss.m

(cop.prs.3)

‘Ram is of Kinnaur.’ (Ram is from Kinnaur.)

(43)

aːmɔri

kinnɔr-i

()

1ple

p.name-poss.f

(cop.prs.1pl)

‘We (females) are of Kinnaur.’ (We are from Kinnaur.)

Finally, the possessive marker -rɔ also occurs after a non-finite subordinate clause with the verb in the infinitive.

(44)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

hɔtɛn-nɔ

mɔr-nɔ-rɔ

baːtɛ

ʃun-ɔ

1sg-erg

3sg-poss.m

die-inf-poss.m

talk(n).pl

hear-pfv.dir

‘I heard the news of his dying’

3.2.4.5 Locative

All Western Pahari languages (as also many other IA languages) have the same case marker for ergative and locative. This is also the case in Kinnauri Pahari, where expresses both the locative and the ergative. The suffix is realized as -jɛ after a vowel, and may optionally be realized as -ʋɛ after a round vowel. However, unlike other Western Pahari languages, Kinnauri Pahari exhibits an additional locative marker (with the occasional variant ʧɛ).

Both and occur with stems ending in consonants and vowels. While a restricted set of nouns (e.g. baʣaːr ‘market’) allow both, only one of the two case markers is permitted in most cases (see examples below). At this stage it is not clear what determines their selection.

(45)

raːm

bazaːr-ɛ (/

bazaːr

kɛ)

naʃ-i

i.name(m)

market-loc (/

market

loc)

go-pfv

‘Ram went to the market.’

(46)

hãũ

gɔr-ɛ (/

*gɔr

kɛ)

naʃ-i

1sg.nom

house-loc (/

house

loc)

go-pfv

‘I went home.’

(47)

raːm

dilli

ka

ʃiml-ɛ / *ʃimla kɛ

rel kɛ / *rel-ɛ

aʦʰ-i

i.name(m)

p.name

abl

p.name-loc

train loc

come-pfv

‘Ram came from Delhi to Shimla on the train.’ (by train)

(48)

hãũ

hɔtɛn

ʧɛ

naʃ-mɛ

1sg.nom

3sg.nnom

loc

go-nmlz

‘I need to go there (= to it).’

(49)

saŋgla

kinnɔr

kɛ=s

p.name

p.name

loc=cop.prs.3

‘Sangla is in Kinnaur.’

(50)

ʧa

ʧiniː=s

tea

loc

sugar=cop.prs.3

‘There is sugar in the tea.’

(51)

ʋikram

dukaːn

kɛ-s

i.name(m)

shop

loc-cop.prs.3

‘Vikram is in the shop.’

The locative marker also occurs in constructions where it indicates ownership; is not permitted here.

(52)

mu

kɛ /*-jɛ

ɛk(k)

gɔr=ɛs [gɔrǝs]

1sg.nnom

loc

one

house=cop.prs.3

‘I have a house.’

(53)

tãũ

kɛ (/ *-jɛ)

ɛk(k)

gɔr=ɛs [gɔrǝs]

2sg.nnom

loc (/ -loc)

one

house=cop.prs.3

‘You have a house.’

(54)

raːm

kɛ (/ *-ɛ)

ɛk(k)

gɔr=ɛs [gɔrǝs]

i.name(m)

loc (/ -loc)

one

house=cop.prs.3

‘Ram has a house.’

(55)

hɔtɛnɔri

kɛ (/ *-jɛ)

ɛk(k)

gɔr

na-i

3pl

loc (/ -loc)

one

house

neg-pfv

‘They do not have a house.’

3.2.4.6 Allative

Like many other Western Pahari languages, Kinnauri Pahari, too, has a distinct allative case marker. It is bilɛ.

(56)

sɛb=ɛ

bɔs

kaːlkaː

bilɛ

naʃ-dɔ

all=emp

bus

p.name

all

go-hab.m

‘All buses go towards Kalka.’

3.2.4.7 Ablative

ka functions as the ablative marker.

(57)

manuʃ

dʒun

dilli

ka

a-ɔ

man

rel

p.name

abl

come-pfv.dir

‘The man who came from Delhi’

(58)

kʰisɔ

ka

rupjaː

gaːr

pocket

abl

money

take.imp

‘Take the money from (your) pocket!’

The ablative marker occurs in the comparative construction.

(59)

hãũ

lija-nɔ

ka

naʦ-nɔ

bɔdi

ba-ndɔ

su

1sg.nom

sing-inf

abl

dance-inf

many

like-hab.m

aux.prs.1sg

‘I (m) like dancing more than singing.’

Finally, the ablative marker can also follow a nominalized subordinate clause verb.

(60)

sunʦi-nɔ

ka

aukʰa

nɔ-bɔl-nɔ

think-inf

abl

before

neg-say-inf

‘Don’t speak before thinking!’

3.2.4.8 A Comparison with Other Western Pahari Languages

A comparison of the Kinnauri Pahari case markers with some other Western Pahari languages (Jaunsari, Sirmauri, Baghati, Kiunthali, Kului, Mandeali, Chambeali; see Appendix 4A to this chapter) reveals that there are only two case markers which Kinnauri Pahari shares with other Western Pahari languages: (i) the possessive marker (-rɔ/-ri, including its gender agreement) and (ii) the ergative case marker (). As in other IA languages, Kinnauri Pahari, too, has separate locative and allative case markers, but the case markers (forms) are different. Finally, la which functions as a dative marker in Kinnauri Pahari, is not listed for any Western Pahari language in Grierson (1928). This is possibly a borrowing from the coterritorial Kinnauri (see Chapter 2).

3.2.5 The Definiteness Indicator manuʃ

manuʃ in Kinnauri Pahari functions both as a lexical noun and as a grammatical word. As a lexical noun it refers to a person or to a male human being (61). As a grammatical word, it seems to indicate about a human referent that it is known to the interlocutor, i.e., a kind of definiteness marking. It is similar in syntactic behavior and function to a noun classifier (Grinevald 2000: 64 f.), but it contrasts only with its absence, i.e., there is no classifier system of which it is a part. It follows a human nominal argument in the singular (62–63). Its occurrence is optional. Plural and case markers follow it.

(61)

gariːb

manuʃ

aːʣ

dukʰ-is

poor

man

today

grief-cop.prs.3

‘The poor man is sick today.’

(62)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ʦʰɔkur

(manuʃ)

la

kʰɛl-ɛn

dɛkʰ-i

1sg-erg

boy

def.hum

dat

play-prog

see-pfv

‘I saw the boy playing.’

(63)

deːn

(manuʃ)-ɛ

hɔtɛn-ʧɛ

naʃ-mɛ

la

manaː

kɔr-i

woman

def.hum-erg

3sg-loc

go-nmlz

dat

refuse(n)

do-pfv

‘The woman refused to go there.’

This grammaticalized use of manuʃ is highly dispreferred with the lexical head noun manuʃ ‘man’ (64).

(64)

*? ʣʋan

manuʃ

manuʃ-ɛ

kʰou

ʣurja-ji

young

man

def.hum-erg

food

make-pfv

‘The young man prepared the food.’

3.3 Pronouns

3.3.1 Demonstrative Pronouns

The demonstrative pronouns in Kinnauri Pahari are hɔi, hɔsɔ and hɔ(tɛ)nɔri. hɔi and hɔsɔ23 occur with singular head nouns. They can also occur with plural inanimate head nouns. hɔ(tɛ)nɔri occurs only with plural head nouns. hɔi functions as the proximate demonstrative; hɔsɔ and hɔtɛnɔri function as the distant demonstratives. They occur with both masculine and feminine head nouns, in both nominative and non-nominative positions.

(65)

hɔsɔ

deːn

manuʃ-ɛ

duraː

nu-ʦuŋg-di

dem.dist

woman

def.hum-erg

wood

neg-pick-hab.f

‘That woman does not pick wood.’

(66)

hɔtɛnɔri

deːni

pɛrɛ-jɛ

nɔr

la

maːr-i

dem.dist.pl

woman.pl

pl.anim-erg

animal

dat

kill-pfv

‘Those women killed the animal.’

(67)

hɔtɛnɔri

puʃãː

pɛrɛ

gɔr-ɛ

naʃ-i

dem.dist.pl

man

pl.anim

house-loc

go-pfv

‘Those men went home.’

The demonstrative pronouns also function as third person pronouns (see the next section).

(68)

hɔsɔ

bazaːr

naʃ-i

ʈʰjɔ

3sg.dist.nom

market

go-pfv

aux.pst.m

‘He went to the market.’

(69)

hɔi

la

ʃik-indɛ

hɔtɛn

la

ruː-nɔ

aʦʰ-i

3sg.prox

dat

learn-pfv

3sg.nnom

dat

cry-inf

come-pfv

‘Having learnt this, s/he cried.’

3.3.2 Personal Pronouns

Kinnauri Pahari uses the same set of personal pronouns with both masculine and feminine referents, in all persons and numbers; see Table 35. Kinnauri Pahari does not mark honorificity, neither on the pronouns nor in its verbal inflection. As we can see in Table 35, Kinnauri Pahari makes the exclusive-inclusive distinction in first person plural.

3.3.2.1 First Person

The distribution of the different first person singular pronoun allomorphs is as follows: hãũ functions as the nominative; the bound forms mɛ̃ĩ and occur with the ergative and the possessive marker, respectively; ma occurs with the dative and locative markers.

(70)

hãũ

dilli

naʃ-i

1sg.nom

p.name

go-pfv

‘I went to Delhi.’

(71)

hãũ

ʧunniː

baːn-idɛ

1sg.nom

scarf

tie-pfv

‘I tied the scarf.’

Table 35

The personal pronouns of Kinnauri Pahari

Singular

Plural

1

hãũ (nom)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ (erg)

mɛ-rɔ/mɛ-ri (poss.m/poss.f)

ma (nnom: dat/loc)

aːmɔri (excl)

taːmɔri (incl)

2

tu (nom)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ (erg)

tɛ-rɔ/tɛ-ri (poss.m/poss.f)

tãũ (nnom: dat/loc)

tomɔːri24

3

(hɔ)sɔ (nom)

hɔi (nom, nnom)

(hɔ)tɛn, (hɔ)tin (nnom)

(hɔ)tɛnɔri, tinɔri

hɔnɔri

(72)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

mɛ-ri

bɔɛn

la

pʰɔl

dɛn-ɔ

1sg-erg

1sg-poss.f

sister

dat

fruit

give-pfv.dir

‘I gave (some) fruits to my sister.’

(73)

ʧʰɔkur

pɛrɛ

ma

na

lɔs-i

m.child

pl.anim

1sg.nnom

dat

beat-pfv

‘Boys beat me.’

Distinct from this, aːmɔri, the first person plural exclusive (1ple) pronoun, has a single form occurring in all positions.

(74)

aːmɔri

sukul

naʃ-i

1ple

school

loc

go-pfv

‘We went to the school.’

(75)

aːmɔri-

sɛo

gaːr-indɛ

1ple-erg

apple

take-pfv

‘We took apples.’

In fast speech -i of aːmɔri is, at times, not heard.

(76)

raːm-ɛ

aːmɔr

la

ajãːrɔ

dekʰ-i

i.name(m)-erg

1ple

dat

darkness

loc

see-pfv

‘Ram saw us in the dark.’

taːmɔri, the first person plural inclusive (1pli) pronoun, too, has an invariant form in all contexts.

(77)

taːmɔri

sukul

naʃ-i

1pli

school

loc

go-pfv

‘We went to the school.’

(78)

taːmɔri-jɛ

sɛo

gaːr-indɛ

1pli-erg

apple

take-pfv

‘We took apples.’

3.3.2.2 Second Person

As in the first person singular, the second person singular pronoun, too, has several allomorphs: tu occurs in the nominative, and the bound morphs tɛ̃ĩ and occur with the ergative and the possessive marker, respectively.

(79)

tu

ɔrɛs

tʰjɔ

2sg.nom

carpenter

cop.pst.m

‘You (m) were a carpenter.’

(80)

tu

kinnɔr

tʰak-dɔ

2sg.nom

p.name

loc

live-hab.m

‘You (m) live in Kinnaur.’

(81)

tu

kʰau

kʰɔ

2sg.nom

food

eat.imp

‘You (polite/non-polite), eat food!’

(82)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

kataːb

na-an-i

2sg-erg

book

neg-bring-pfv

‘You did not bring the book.’

(83)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

tɛ-rɔ

gɔr

dɛkʰ-ɔ

1sg-erg

2sg-poss.m

house

see-pfv.dir

‘I saw your house’

(84)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

tɛ-ri

bɔɛn

dɛkʰ-i

1sg-erg

2sg-poss.f

sister

see-pfv

‘I saw your sister’

The allomorph tãũ occurs in the dative and locative. In can also appear in the dative function without a following dative marker (86).

(85)

tãũ

ɛk(k)

gɔr

na-i

(tʰjɔ)

2sg.nnom

loc

one

house

neg-pfv

(cop.pst.m)

‘You did not have a house.’

(86)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

tãũ

(la)

ʦʰuŋg-i

1sg-erg

2sg.nnom

(dat)

touch-pfv

‘I touched you.’

As was the case with the first person plural pronouns, in the second person plural too, there is only one morph, tomɔːri, which occurs in both nominative and non-nominative positions.

(87)

tomɔːri

(sɛb(=ɛ))

buɖ-i

hɔri/pɛrɛ

2pl

(all(=emp))

old-f

pl/pl.anim

cop.prs.2pl

‘You (f) (all) are old.’

(88)

tomɔːri-jɛ

hasal

gɔr-ɛ

naʃ-i

2pl-erg

early

house-loc

go-pfv

‘You all went home early.’

3.3.2.3 Third Person

As mentioned above, the demonstratives hɔi and (hɔ)sɔ also function as the third person singular pronouns, with both masculine and feminine referents. While hɔi occurs in both nominative and non-nominative positions (e.g., 69, 89), (hɔ)sɔ occurs only in the nominative position.

(89)

hɔi

hiːʣ

gɔr-ɛ

aʦʰ-i

3sg.prox.nom

yesterday

house-loc

come-pfv

‘S/He came home yesterday.’

(90)

(hɔ)sɔ

kinnɔr-ɔ

sa

3sg.dist.nom

p.name-poss.m

cop.prs.3

‘He is of Kinnaur.’ (from Kinnaur)

The third person singular pronoun (hɔ)tɛn occurs only in the non-nominative positions. It, too, can have masculine or feminine referents.

(91)

ʣɛtrɛ

(hɔ)tɛn-ɛ

ʧʰɔkur

manuʃ

la

ruːn-ɔ

dɛkʰ-i

hɔsɔ

biʃaːru-i

while

3sg-erg

boy

def.hum

dat

cry-pfv.dir

see-pfv

3sg.dist.nom

be.afraid-pfv

‘When she saw the boy cry, she got afraid.’

(92)

(hɔ)tɛn-kɛ

ɛk(k)

gɔr

sa

3sg-loc

one

house

cop.prs.3

‘S/He has a house.’

(hɔ)tɛnɔri and hɔnɔri function as the third person plural pronouns. They occur in both nominative and non-nominative positions. There is apparently no difference in meaning between (hɔ)tɛnɔri and hɔnɔri.

(93)

hɔtɛnɔri

ɔrɛs

(tʰjɔ)

3pl

carpenter

(cop.pst.m)

‘They (m) were carpenters.’

(94)

hɔtɛnɔri

la

tin

ʧɛ

na-aʦʰ-nɔ

ʦaːn-ɔ

3pl

dat

3sg.nnom

loc

neg-come-inf

want-pfv.dir

‘They should not come here.’

3.3.2.4 Comparison with Other Western Pahari Languages

A comparative study of personal pronouns in Kinnauri Pahari and other Western Pahari, and also Pahari languages more generally (see Appendix 4A to this chapter) suggests that Kinnauri Pahari is very similar to other Western Pahari languages. Kinnauri Pahari, like most other Western Pahari languages, has distinct nominative and non-nominative pronouns to a large extent. In addition, the forms of the pronouns (both nom and nnom) are cognates in these languages. Kinnauri Pahari, however, distinguishes itself from other Western Pahari languages in one crucial way, namely, its inclusive–exclusive distinction in first person plural pronouns.25

3.3.3 Interrogative Pronouns and Adverbs

The interrogative pronouns and adverbs in Kinnauri Pahari are the following.

kun

‘who’

kjũː

‘why’

kunkun

‘who all’

kindjɔ, kindʒɔ

‘which’

kiː

‘what’

kindɛ, kinʧʰɛ

‘where’

kɛtrɛ

‘when’

See also Section 5.2.

3.3.4 Reflexive Pronouns

The reflexive pronouns in Kinnauri Pahari are ap (sg) and apʰɔri (pl).26 ap (sg) is also, at times, realized as apʰ. They occur with all persons, numbers and genders.

(95)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ap

la

maːr-i

1sg-erg

self

dat

kill-pfv

‘I killed myself.’ (As said, e.g., when recounting a dream.)

(96)

aːmɔri-jɛ

apʰɔri

la

maːr-i

1.ple-erg

self.pl

dat

kill-pfv

‘We killed ourselves.’ (As said, e.g., when recounting a dream.)

(97)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ap

la

maːr-i

2sg-erg

self

dat

kill-pfv

‘You killed yourself.’ (As said, e.g., when recounting a dream.)

(98)

hɔtɛni-jɛ

ap

la

maːr-i

3sg-erg

self

dat

kill-pfv

‘S/He killed herself/himself.’

(99)

hɔtɛnori-jɛ

apʰɔri

la

dukʰaː-ji

3pl-erg

self.pl

dat

grief-pfv

‘They hurt themselves’.

They also function as possessive reflexives.

(100)

amaː-jɛ

ap-rɔ

ʧʰɛlɖu

la

lɔs-indɛ

mother-erg

self-poss.m

boy

dat

beat-pfv

‘Mother1 beat her1 son.’

(101)

hɔsɔ

apu-rɔ

ʧʰɛlɖu

la

nɛ-bɛz-dɔ

3sg.nom

self.pl-poss.m

boy

dat

neg-send-hab.m

‘He1 does not send his1 sons.’

Apart from these invariant reflexive pronouns, the non-nominative personal pronouns can also occur in the reflexive construction in Kinnauri Pahari. While the invariant form ap/apʰɔri is consistent with the typical IA pattern, the use of personal pronouns in the reflexive construction is similar to the ST pattern (Saxena 1984; see also Chapters 2 and 5).

(102)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ma

na /

ap

la

ʃa-i

1sg-erg

1sg.nnom

dat /

self

dat

look-pfv

‘I looked at myself.’

3.4 Adjectives

The adjective precedes its head noun. Modifying adverbs precede adjectives.

3.4.1 Adjective Inflection

The focus here is on simple (synchronically underived) adjectives. For example:

laːm-ɔ

[long-m]

ad-ɔ

[half-m]

kʰaːʈ-ɔ

[sour-m]

patl-ɔ

[thin-m]

ʃaːr-ɔ

[beautiful-m]

mɔʈ-ɔ

[fat-m]

nɔŋgu-ɔ

[new-m]

taːt-ɔ

[hot-m]

puraːn-ɔ

[old(inanimate)-m]

buɖ-ɔ

[old(animate)-m]

halk-ɔ

[light-m]

ʃukl-ɔ

[white-m]

gɔrk-ɔ

[heavy-m]

raːt-ɔ

[red-m]

pur-aː

[whole(all parts of a unit)-m]

kaːl-ɔ

[black-m]

sahukaːr

[rich(m/f)]

ʣɔan

[young(m/f)]

kamzɔr

[weak(m/f)]

gariːb

[poor(m/f)]

Used attributively, i.e. in combination with a head noun, adjectives in Kinnauri Pahari display the general IA distinction between a class of “variable” and one of “invariable” adjectives (Masica 1991: 250–251).

Adjectives in the “variable” class inflect for the gender and number of their head noun. The masculine singular form ends in , the feminine singular has the ending -i, and the plural of both genders is marked with .

buɖɔ manuʃ

‘old man’

buɖi deːn

‘old woman’

lɔuɖɔ bapu

‘younger uncle’

lɔuɖi bɔɛn

‘younger sister’

ʃuklɔ gɔr

‘white house’

ʃukli baːkri

‘white female goat’

(103)

baːdɔ

buɖ-ɛ

manuʃ-aː

(hɔri / pɛrɛ)

many

old-pl

man-pl

(pl / pl.anim)

‘Many old men’

(104)

baːdɔ

buɖ-ɛ

deːn

(hɔri / pɛrɛ)

many

old-pl

woman

(pl / pl.anim)

‘Many old women’

In the remaining cases—the “invariable” adjectives—the same adjectival form occurs with both masculine and feminine head nouns in both numbers.

gariːb manuʃ

‘poor man’

gariːb deːn

‘poor woman’

sahukaːr manuʃ

‘rich man’

sahukaːr deːn

‘rich woman’

ʣɔan manuʃ

‘young man’

ʣɔan deːn

‘young girl’

(105)

baːdɔ

ɖaːlɖis27

manuʃ

many

poor

man

‘Many poor men’

(106)

baːdɔ

ɖaːlɖis

deːn

hɔri / pɛrɛ

many

poor

woman

pl / pl.anim

‘Many poor women’

The same adjectival form occurs in both nominative and non-nominative positions.

(107)

buɖ-ɔ

manuʃ

hiːʣ

mɔr-i

old-m

man

yesterday

die-pfv

‘The old man died yesterday.’

(108)

santoʃ-ɛ

buɖ-ɔ

manuʃ-rɔ

gaːʦʰ-ɔ

dɔː-ji

i.name(f)-erg

old-m

man-poss.m

garment-pl

wash-pfv

‘Santosh washed the old man’s clothes.’

3.4.2 Non-Numeral Quantifier Adjectives

ʋal

‘much’

baːdɔ, bɔdi

‘many’28

sɛb(b)

‘all’

utuːriː

‘few, some’

(109)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

utuːriː

gaːʦʰ-ɔ

lɔj-i

1sg-erg

some

garment-pl

buy-pfv

‘I bought some clothes.’

The same non-numeral quantifier adjectival form occurs with both masculine and feminine head nouns as well as with both animate and inanimate head nouns.

bɔdi ʦʰɛlɖu (pɛrɛ)

‘many boys’

bɔdi ʦʰɛlɖi (pɛrɛ)

‘many girls’

bɔdi ʦɔrkʰi (hɔri)

‘many birds’

bɔdi ʣanʈi (hɔri)

‘many stones’

3.5 Numerals

The numerals 1–20 in Kinnauri Pahari are clearly originally IA.

ɛk(k)

‘one’

gjaːraː

‘eleven’

dui

‘two’

baːraː

‘twelve’

trɔn, gɔn

‘three’

tɛraː

‘thirteen’

ʦaːr

‘four’

ʧɔudaː

‘fourteen’

pa̴ːʦ

‘five’

pandraː

‘fifteen’

ʦʰɔ

‘six’

solaː

‘sixteen’

saːt

‘seven’

satraː

‘seventeen’

aʈʰ

‘eight’

(a)ʈʰaːraː

‘eighteen’

nɔu

‘nine’

unniːs

‘nineteen’

dɔʃ

‘ten’

biːʃ, ɛisa

‘twenty’

Kinnauri Pahari has two words for ‘hundred’: ra (ST), (IA). The term for ‘thousand’ is hazaːr.

The language exhibits the vigesimal system for building higher numerals. The Hindi numerals occur frequently in day-to-day conversations. This is due to the dominant role of Hindi in the society today.

ɛisa pa̴ːʦ, biːʃɔ pa̴ːʦ

[20 + 5]

‘twenty five’

ɛisa dɔʃ, biːʃɔ29 dɔʃ

[20 + 10]

‘thirty’

biːʃɔ gjaːraː

[20 + 11]

‘thirty one’

biːʃɔ baːraː

[20 + 12]

‘thirty two’

biːʃɔ tɛraː

[20 + 13]

‘thirty three’

duibiːʃɔ ɛk(k)

[2 × 20 + 1]

‘forty one’

duibiːʃɔ dɔʃ, dʋeːsa dɔʃ

[2 × 20 + 10]

‘fifty’

trɔnbiːʃɔ

[3 × 20]

‘sixty’

trɔnbiːʃɔ ɛk(k)

[3 × 20 + 1]

‘sixty one’

trɔnbiːʃɔ dui

[3 × 20 + 2]

‘sixty two’

trɔnbiːʃɛ dɔʃ

[3 × 20 + 10]

‘seventy’

trɔnbiːʃɛ gjaːra

[3 × 20 + 11]

‘seventy one’

ʦaːrbiːʃɛ

[4 × 20]

‘eighty’

ʦaːrbiːʃɛ ɛk(k)

[4 × 20 + 2]

‘eighty one’

ʦaːrbiːʃɛ dɔʃ

[4 × 20 + 10]

‘ninety’

4 The Verb Complex

The verb complex in Kinnauri Pahari exhibits one of the following structures.

Copula construction:

(neg-)VCOP(-sg/-pl)

Periphrastic verb forms:

(neg-)V aux

N (neg-)Vlight aux

(neg-)V-asp (aux)

(neg-)N Vlight-asp (aux)

There is no object marking on the verb. Subject indexing is expressed by a suffix on copulas and auxiliaries, reflecting subject person, number and gender (e.g. maːr-ɛn tʰjɔ [kill-prog aux.pst.m.sg]). Gender is sometimes also expressed in an aspect suffix on the main verb. The auxiliaries are identical to the copulas used in the copula constructions, both regarding their form and their distribution, and in all likelihood historically derived from the copulas.

4.1 Verb Lexemes and Their Structure

Verb lexemes in Kinnauri Pahari may consist of a simplex verb (e.g. ikilnɔ ‘to drip’, pʰikʰjaːnɔ ‘to throw’) or a support verb construction consisting of a noun followed by a light verb (e.g. dusti ikil-nɔ [perspiration drip-inf] ‘to perspire’, tʰuːk pʰikʰjaː-nɔ [spit(n) throw-inf] ‘to spit’) or a complex verb consisting of a main verb followed by an auxiliary (maːr-ɛn tʰjɔ [kill-prog aux.pst.m.sg]). In this section the focus will be on simplex verbs.

4.1.1 Simplex Verbs

Some verbs are formed by affixing verbal inflectional or derivational affixes directly to a noun, adjective, or adverb stem as if it were a verb stem, in effect a form of conversion. This then is similar to what is commonly found in ST languages.

ʃaːninɔ

‘to freeze (intr)’

ʃaːn

‘ice’

siunɔ

‘to sew’

siu

‘tailor’

bɛriːnɔ

‘to be late’

bɛri

‘late’

lonnɔ

‘to salt’

lon

‘salt’

haːsnɔ

‘to laugh’

haːs

haːs ‘laugh(n)’

rɔnmaːinɔ

‘to ponder’

rɔnmaːjĩ

‘thought’

bɛʈʰinɔ

‘to meet’

bɛʈʰiː

‘meeting (n)’

pʰuʈaːnɔ

‘to make a hole’

pʰuʈɔ

‘hole’

4.1.2 Valency Changing Mechanisms

Some generalized patterns observed in Kinnauri Pahari are as follows:

First, intransitive verbs where the verb stem ends in a consonant have corresponding transitive verbs with suffixed -aː. For example, ʣalnɔ ‘to burn (intr)’, ʣalaːnɔ ‘to burn (tr)’; lagnɔ ‘to get attached/joined’ lagaːnɔ ‘to attach’; lɔʈnɔ ‘topple (intr), fall’, lɔʈaːnɔ ‘to topple (tr), fell’.

Second, and conversely, some transitive verbs have corresponding intransitive verbs with -inɔ/-iːnɔ suffixed to the transitive stem (which itself may contain the transitivizing -aː suffix).

ɖɔːnɔ

‘to burn (tr)’

ɖɔinɔ

‘to burn (intr)’

kʰɔlʦnɔ

‘to peel (tr)’

kʰɔlʧiːnɔ

‘to peel (intr)’

hiraːnɔ

‘to lose (tr)’

hiraːinɔ

‘to disappear (intr)’

Third, as in Kinnauri (see Chapter 2), in Kinnauri Pahari too, -jaː functions as a transitivizer. It is very likely that its appearance in Kinnauri Pahari is the result of language contact, i.e., that the verbs containing it are loanwords from Kinnauri.30 The same verb in other IA languages (e.g. Kotgarhi and Hindi) does not contain this -jaː. (but sometimes shows -aː, which may indicate a historical connection between these two transitivizing suffixes). It could be analyzed as an allomorph of transitivizing -aː described above, with a lexically complementary distribution.

Kinnauri Pahari

Hindi (H); Kotgarhi (K)

to vomit

pɔlʈjaːnɔ

H: palʈaːnaː; K: pɔlʈɳõ

to bury

kʰaːrkɛ dabaːjaːnɔ

H: dabaːnaː; K: dabɳõ ‘to bury’, dabauɳõ ‘to press down’

to throw

pʰikjaːnɔ

H: pʰikaːnaː; K: pʰeŋkɳõ

to fly

uɖijaːnɔ

H: uɽaːnaː; K: ɽauɳõ ‘cause to fly away’

to leave

ʃɔʈʰjaːnɔ

H: choɽnaː; K: ʃoʈɳõ

to earn

kamajaːnɔ

H: kamaːnaː; K: kamauɳõ

to weigh

tɔljaːnɔ

H: tolnaː; K: tolɳõ

to open

kʰulɛjaːnɔ

H: kolnaː; K: kʰoːlɳõ

to change

bɔdljaːnɔ

H: badlaːnaː

to deceive

ʈʰakajaːnɔ

H: tʰagaːnaː

to measure

napɛjaːnɔ

H: naːpnaː

4.2 Copulas and Auxiliaries

4.2.1 Present Tense

In the present tense the same set of copulas occurs in equational and existential copula constructions, with both masculine and feminine subjects. Several of these copulas end abruptly with a bit of aspiration at the end ([suʰ] [1sg], [sɛʰ] [2sg], [siʰ] [1pl], [soʰ] [2pl]).31

Copula: Present tense

sg

pl

1 (m / f)

su

si

2 (m / f)

so

3 (m / f)

sa ~ =(ɛ)s

sa ~ =(ɛ)s

Present tense equational copula

hãũ zimdaːr su

‘I am a farmer (m).’

hãũ zimdaːrni su

‘I am a farmer (f).’

aːmɔri maʃʈɔr si

‘We (excl) are teachers (m).’

taːmɔri maʃʈɔr si

‘We (incl) are teachers (m).’

tu maʃʈɔr sɛ

‘You are a teacher (m).’

tomɔːri maʃʈɔr so

‘You (pl) are teachers (m).’

hɔi maʃʈɔr=s / maʃʈɔr sa

‘He is a teacher (m).’

hɔtinɛ maʃʈɔr=s / maʃʈɔr sa

‘They are teachers (m).’

Present tense existential copula

hãũ gɔr-ɛ su

‘I am at home.’

aːmɔri gɔr-ɛ si

‘We (excl) are at home.’

tamɔːri gɔr-ɛ si

‘We (incl) are at home.’

tu gɔr-ɛ sɛ

‘You are at home.’

tomɔːri gɔr-ɛ sɔ

‘You (pl) are at home.’

hɔi gɔr-ɛ-s/gɔr-ɛ sa

‘S/He is at home.’

hɔtɛnɔri gɔr-ɛ-s/gɔr-ɛ sa

‘They are at home.’

We will now look at each present tense copula in more detail.

4.2.1.1 First Person Singular: su

As mentioned above, the copula su occurs with first person singular subjects in the present tense. It also occurs in the following construction.

(110)

hãũ

kinnɔr-ɔ

su

1sg.nom

p.name-poss.m

cop.prs.1 sg

‘I am of Kinnaur.’ (I am from Kinnaur.)

su also functions as an auxiliary in the non-copula construction, where it follows the main verb. The main verb either is the bare verb stem or it has an aspect marker.

(111)

hãũ

ʈʰuːr

su

1sg.nom

run

aux.prs.1sg

‘I run.’

(112)

hãũ

dɛdjaːr

ʈʰuːr-dɔ

su

1sg.nom

every.day

run-hab.m

aux.prs.1sg

‘I (m) run every day.’

(113)

hãũ

ʈʰuːr-ɛn

su

1sg.nom

run-prog

aux.prs.1sg

‘I am running.’

4.2.1.2 First Person Plural: si

The copula si occurs with first person plural (1ple, 1pli) subjects in the present tense.

(114)

taːmɔri

maʃʈraːni

si

1pli

teacher.f

cop.prs.1pl

‘We (f) are teachers.’

(115)

taːmɔri

kinnɔr-ɔ

si

1pli

p.name-poss.m

cop.prs.1pl

‘We are of Kinnaur.’ (We are from Kinnaur.)

As was the case with the copula su, the copula si, too, functions as an auxiliary in the noncopula construction. The main verb, here too, is either the bare verb stem or it has an aspect marker. All examples of the latter have the progressive aspect in my material.

(116)

taːmɔri

ʈʰuːr

si32

1pli

run

aux.prs.1pl

‘We will run.’

(117)

aːmɔri

kinnɔr

na-tʰak-ɛn

si

1ple

p.name

loc

neg-live-prog

aux.prs.1pl

‘We are not living in Kinnaur.’

4.2.1.3 Second Person Singular:

functions as a copula with second person singular subjects in the present tense. It also occurs in the following construction.

(118)

tu

kinnɔr

ka

2sg.nom

p.name

abl

cop.prs.2sg

‘You are from Kinnaur.’

Further, se occurs in non-copula constructions where it functions as an auxiliary.

(119)

tu

gɔr

ʣurja-ndi

2sg.nom

house

make-hab.f

aux.prs.2sg

‘You (f) build a house.’

(120)

tu

ʦɔrkʰi

maːr-ɛn

2sg.nom

bird

kill-prog

aux.prs.2sg

‘You are killing a bird.’

4.2.1.4 Second Person Plural: so

The copula so occurs with second person plural subjects in the present tense in similar contexts as the copulas described above.

(121)

tomɔːri

sɛb=ɛ

kinnɔr-i

so

2pl

all=emp

p.name-poss.f

cop.prs.2pl

‘You are all of Kinnaur.’ (You are all from Kinnaur.)

(122)

tomɔːri

kinnɔr

tʰak-ɛn

so

2pl

p.name

loc

live-prog

aux.prs.2pl

‘You (pl) are living in Kinnaur.’

4.2.1.5 Third Person: sa ~ =(ɛ)s

The copula sa ~ =(ɛ)s33 occurs with third person (sg, pl) subjects in the present tense. =(ɛ)s is also sometimes realized as [ǝs] (e.g., (52)–(54)).

(123)

baːdɔ

deːni34

pɛrɛ

zimdaːr=s /

zimdaːr

sa

many

woman.pl

pl.anim

farmer=cop.prs.3

farmer

cop.prs.3

‘Many women are farmers.’

(124)

hɔsɔ

bɔlɔ=s (/

bɔlɔ

sa)

3sg.dist.nom

good=cop.prs.3 (/

good

cop.prs.3)

‘S/He is good (well).’

(125)

hɔsɔ

kinnɔr-ɔ=s (/

kinnɔr-ɔ

sa)

3sg.dist.nom

p.name-poss.m=cop.prs.3 (/

p.name-poss.m

cop.prs.3)

‘S/He is of Kinnaur.’ (S/He is from Kinnaur.)

(126)

hɔtɛnɔri

kinnɔr-ɔ=s /

kinnɔr-ɔ

sa

3pl

p.name-poss.m=cop.prs.3 /

p.name-poss.m

cop.prs.3

‘They are of Kinnaur.’ (They are from Kinnaur.)

=(ɛ)s also functions as an auxiliary in the non-copula construction. It is affixed to the last element in the verb complex.

(127)

deːn

manuʃ

nɔr

hɔri

la

maːr-di=s

woman

def.hum

animal

pl

dat

kill-hab.f=aux.prs.3

‘The woman kills the animals.’

Further, it also occurs in the experiencer subject construction (see Section 5.1 for details).

(128)

ma

na

panʧis

aʦʰ-ɛn=s

1sg.nnom

dat

thirst(n)

come-prog=aux.prs.3

‘I am (feeling) thirsty.’

The occurrence of the present tense copula is not obligatory in Kinnauri Pahari.

(129)

lɔs-nɔ

bɔlɔ

beat-inf

good

‘Beating (someone) is good.’

(130)

hɔi

gɔr

nu-a

hɔi

saːnd

dem.prox

house

neg-cop.prs

dem.prox

temple

‘This is not a house; this is a temple.’

4.2.2 Past Tense

tʰjɔ functions as the (equational and existential) copula in the past tense with all persons. It has three allomorphs: tʰjɔ (or the equally frequent variant tʰɛo), tʰi and tʰɛ. tʰjɔ and tʰi occur with singular masculine and feminine subjects, respectively, while tʰɛ is used with plural subjects of both genders.35

Past tense equational copula

hãũ maʃʈɔr tʰjɔ

‘I was (m) a teacher.’

aːmɔri maʃʈɔr tʰɛ

‘We (excl) were teachers.’

taːmɔri maʃʈɔr tʰɛ

‘We (incl) were teachers.’

tu maʃʈɔr tʰɛo

‘You were (m) a teacher.’

tomɔːri maʃʈɔr tʰɛ

‘You (pl) were teachers.’

hɔi maʃʈɔr tʰjɔ

‘He was (m) a teacher.’

hɔtɛnɔri maʃʈɔr tʰɛ

‘They were teachers.’

Past tense existential copula

hãũ gɔr-ɛ tʰjo

‘I was (m) at home.’

aːmɔri gɔr-ɛ tʰɛ

‘We (excl) were at home.’

taːmɔri gɔr-ɛ tʰɛ

‘We (incl) were at home.’

tu gɔr-ɛ tʰɛo

‘You were (m) at home.’

tomɔːri gɔr-ɛ tʰɛ

‘You (pl) were at home.’

hɔi gɔr-ɛ tʰjo

‘He was (m) at home.’

hɔtɛnɔri gɔr-ɛ tʰɛ

‘They were at home.’

The past tense copulas also function as auxiliaries in the noncopula construction. The main verb here has an aspect marker.

(131)

ma

na

hɔi

pɛn

baːt

pɔr-indɛ

tʰjɔ

1sg.nnom

dat

dem.prox

pen

path

loc

find-pfv

aux.pst.m

‘I found this pen on the path (way).’

(132)

tu

hiːʣ

utuːriː

pʰɔl

lɔj-ɛn

tʰi

2sg.nom

yesterday

some

fruit

buy-prog

aux.pst.f

‘You were buying some fruits yesterday.’

(133)

raːm

pʰɔl

maːg-ɛn

tʰjo

i.name(m)

fruit

request.take-prog

aux.pst.m

‘Ram was requesting a fruit.’

In similar constructions hundɔ [become.pfv.m] (feminine: hundi, plural: hundɛ, negative: nundɔ, nundi, nundɛ) can also occur.36

(134)

hãũ

raːza

hundɔ

1sg.nom

king

become.pfv.m

‘I have become a king.’

(135)

taːmɔri

raːni

hundɛ

1pli

queen

become.pfv.pl

‘We have become queens.’

(136)

hɔsɔ

raːni

hundi

dem.dist.nom

queen

become.pfv.f

‘She has become a queen.’

(137)

hɔsɔ

ɔrɛs

hundɔ

dem.dist.nom

carpenter

become.pfv.m

‘He has become a carpenter.’

(138)

hɔtɛnɔri

sɛb=ɛ

ɔrɛs

hundɛ

3pl

all=emp

carpenter

become.pfv.pl

‘They have all become carpenters.’

4.2.3 Future Tense

The verb pʰir ‘become’ functions as a lexical verb, where it takes the usual non-copula verb inflectional endings (e.g. aspect markers).

(139)

ʦintiː

nɔ-bɔl-indɛ

kaːm

pʰir-dɔ

lie(n)

neg-say-pfv

work

become-hab.m

‘Without telling lies, work gets done.’

The bare verb stem (pʰir) followed by the present tense auxiliary (see Section 4.3.1) has a future tense interpretation.

(140)

hãũ

maʃʈɔr

pʰir

su

1sg.nom

teacher(m)

become

aux.prs.1sg

‘I will be a teacher.’

(141)

hãũ

maʃʈaraːni

pʰir

su

1sg.nom

teacher(f)

become

aux.prs.1sg

‘I will be a teacher.’

(142)

tu

maʃʈɔr

pʰir

2sg.nom

teacher

become

aux.prs.2sg

‘You (m) will be a teacher.’

(143)

deːn

manuʃ

maʃʈaraːni

pʰir=ɛs

woman

def.hum

teacher(f)

become=aux.prs.3

‘The woman will be a teacher.’

(144)

sɛb=ɛ

deːn

manuʃ(-aː)

maʃʈaraːni

pʰir=ɛs

all=emp

woman

def.hum(-pl)

teacher(f)

become=aux.prs.3

‘All the women will be teachers.’

In the existential copula construction in the future tense the verb hugɔ/hugɛ [become.fut.sg/pl] occurs. The verb here inflects for number, where hugɔ occurs with singular subjects and hugɛ occurs with plural subjects.37

hãũ gɔrɛ hugɔ

‘I will be at home.’

aːmɔri gɔrɛ hugɛ

‘We will be at home.’

taːmɔri gɔrɛ hugɛ

‘We will be at home.’

tu gɔrɛ hugɔ

‘You will be at home.’

tomɔːri gɔrɛ hugɛ

‘You (pl) will be at home.’

hɔi gɔrɛ hugɔ

‘She will be at home.’

hɔtɛnɔri gɔrɛ hugɛ

‘They will be at home.’

hugɔ/hugɛ also occurs in the possessive construction in the future tense. It occurs with all persons in both affirmative and negative constructions.

(145)

mu

ɛk(k)

gɔr

nu-hugɔ

1sg.nnom

loc

one

house

neg-become.fut.sg

‘There will not be a house for me.’ (I will not have a house.)

(146)

tãũ

gɔr

nu-hugɔ

2sg.nnom

loc

house

neg-become.fut.sg

‘There will not be a house for you.’ (You will not have a house.)

(147)

hɔtɛn-ʧe

ʦiʈʰiː

hugɔ

3sg-loc

letter

become.fut.sg

‘There will be a letter for him/her there.’ (S/He will have a letter.)

4.2.4 Comparison with Other Western Pahari Languages

The copulas and their distribution in Kinnauri Pahari are very similar to their counterparts in other Western Pahari languages. The copulas su (and its allomorphs) in the present tense, tʰjɔ (and its allomorphs) in the past tense and hugɔ/pʰir which occur in future tense copula constructions are also found in other Western Pahari languages. Similarly, the past tense copula is regularly inflected for gender and number of the subject throughout the Western Pahari languages. There is however variation in the present tense copula forms in Western Pahari, even though the various forms are etymologically related. Finally, in Kinnauri Pahari, one of the present tense copula forms is also realized as a bound clitic =s. This is the case also in Inner Siraji and Kului (Bailey 1908). Kiunthali allows both the short variant and the longer variant. but, unlike Kinnauri Pahari, the shorter variant contains only the vowel.

4.3 Periphrastic Verb Forms

The auxiliaries appearing in the periphrastic verb forms are identical to the copulas used in the copula constructions, both regarding their form and their distribution, and are in all likelihood historically derived from the copulas (111–113).

4.3.1 Aspect

Kinnauri Pahari makes a three-way aspectual distinction into habitual, progressive and perfective aspects. -di/-ndi and -dɔ/-ndɔ function as the habitual aspect markers. -ɛn functions as the progressive aspect marker and -indɛ functions as the perfective aspect marker.

4.3.1.1 The Habitual Aspect Markers -di/-ndi and -dɔ/-ndɔ

The distribution of the habitual aspect markers -di/-ndi38 and -dɔ/-ndɔ is as follows.39 -di/-ndi occurs with animate feminine subjects and -dɔ/-ndɔ (glossed as ‘masculine’) occurs elsewhere. The allomorphs with -n (i.e., -ndi and -ndɔ) occur when the verb stem ends with a vowel and the allomorphs without -n (i.e., -dɔ and -di) occur elsewhere.40 The habitual aspect markers occur with all persons and numbers. The aspect-marked verb is optionally followed by an auxiliary in the present and past tenses.

(148)

hãũ

rɔʈi

kʰaː-ndi

(su /

tʰi)

1sg.nom

bread

eat-hab.f

(aux.prs.1sg /

aux.pst.f)

‘I eat bread / ate bread.’

(149)

aːmɔri

kʰau

kʰaː-ndi

(si)

1ple

food(n)

eat-hab.f

(aux.prs.1pl)

‘We eat food.’

(150)

hãũ

ʧiːz

na-an-dɔ

(su / tʰjɔ)

1sg.nom

thing

neg-bring-hab.m

(aux.prs.1sg / aux.pst.m)

‘I do(/did) not bring things.’

(151)

raːm

mohan

la

kataːb

dɛ-ndɔ(=s /

tʰjɔ)

i.name(m)

i.name(m)

dat

book

give-hab.m(=aux-prs.3 /

aux.pst.m)

‘Ram gives(/gave) Mohan a book.’

The habitual aspect markers also occur in the relative clause construction (see Section 5.4) and in the adverbial construction. The distribution of the habitual aspect markers in the relative clause construction remains the same as described above. The habitual aspect marker in the relative clause construction is followed by the relative clause pronominal suffix (-sjaː/-seː) and a head noun.

The gender distinction is manifested here both in the choice of the aspect marker (-dɔ/-ndɔ vs. -di/-ndi) and in the choice of the relative clause pronominal suffix (-sjaː vs. -seː). When the relative clause is a transitive clause, the factors determining the occurrence of the case marking on the direct object in the relative clause are the same as in the simple finite clause.

(152)

lɔs-dɔ-sjaː

manuʃ

beat-hab.m-rel.m

man

‘The man who beats’

(153)

ruːn-dɔ-sjaː

ʧʰɔkur

cry-hab.m-rel.m

child(m)

‘The boy who cries’

In the absence of a head noun, the nominal inflectional endings, where relevant, are affixed to -sjaː.

(154)

dura

kaːʈ-dɔ-sjaː-ɛ

bɔl-ɔ

wood

cut-hab.m-rel.m-erg

say-pfv.dir

‘The wood-cutter said.’

The following examples illustrate the habitual aspect marker occurring in temporal adverbial subordinate clauses. Since these are constructed with bɛr-ɛ [time(f)-loc] obligatorily following the non-final verb with the habitual aspect marker, the marker appears in its feminine form.

(155)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

hanɖ-(ɖ)i

bɛr-ɛ

hɔi

bɔl-ɔ

1sg-erg

walk-hab.f

time-loc

dem.prox

say-pfv.dir

‘At the time of walking, I said’

(156)

ʋikram-jɛ

hanɖ-(ɖ)i

bɛr-ɛ

hɔi

bɔl-ɔ

i.name(m)-erg

walk-hab.f

time-loc

dem.prox

say-pfv.dir

‘At the time of walking, Vikram said.’

4.3.1.2 Progressive Aspect

The progressive aspect marker -ɛn is affixed to the main verb. It, too, can be optionally followed by an auxiliary.

(157)

hãũ

kaːlɛ

ʃimlaː

naʃ-ɛn

(su)

1sg.nom

tomorrow

p.name

go-prog

(aux.prs.1 sg)

‘I am going to Shimla tomorrow.’

(158)

aːmɔri

kinnɔr

tʰak-ɛn

(si)

1ple

p.name

loc

live-prog

(aux.prs.1pl)

‘We are living in Kinnaur.’

(159)

deːn

manuʃ

pʰɔl

na-maːg-ɛn

(tʰi)

girl

def.hum

fruit

neg-request.take-prog

(aux.pst.f)

‘The girl was not requesting to take fruit.’

(160)

kukur

gʰuŋg-ɛn-s

dog

bark-prog-aux.prs.3

‘The dog is barking.’

The progressive aspect marker also occurs in the present adverbial constructions. In such instances the non-final clause may be followed by a discourse marker , which seems to add an element of surprise.

(161)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ʧʰɔkur

la

kʰɛl-ɛn

()

dɛkʰ-ɔ

1sg-erg

child(m)

dat

play-prog

(dsm)

see-pfv.dir

‘I saw the boy playing!’ (I saw the boy while he was playing.)

(162)

ʣɛtrɛ

(hɔsɔ)

bɔl-ɛn

()

hɔsɔ

kʰuŋg-ɔ

while

(dem.dist.nom)

say-prog

(dsm)

3sg.nom

cough-pfv.dir

‘While saying (that), he coughed!’

(163)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

haːs-ɛn

()

bɔl-i

2sg-erg

laugh-prog

(dsm)

say-pfv

‘You spoke laughingly.’

4.3.1.3 Perfective Aspect

There seem to be two sets of perfective aspect markers: (i) -indɛ/-ndɛ and (ii) and -i. Both may optionally be followed by an auxiliary.

The perfective aspect marker -indɛ/-ndɛ occurs with all persons, numbers and genders. After a consonant-final verb stem, the form of the marker is -indɛ. When the verb stem ends in a vowel, some variation is found in the form of the perfective aspect marker. It is realized as -jindɛ, -indɛ or -ndɛ. The subject in the clauses containing the perfective aspect marker can be in the nominative and the ergative, and it also appears with so-called experiencer subjects (see Section 5.1).

(164)

raːm

dukʰ-indɛ=s

i.name(m)

sick-pfv=aux.prs.3

‘Ram has been sick.’

(165)

ʦʰori

pɛrɛ

baːdɔ

baːtɛ

bataː-ndɛ / bata-jindɛ

girl

pl.anim

many

talk(n)

talk-pfv

‘The girls talked a lot.’

(166)

ʧʰɔkur

pɛrɛ

tãũ

la

bɔlɔ

kɔla-ndɛ(=s)

child(m)

pl.anim

2sg.nnom

dat

good

like-pfv(=aux.prs.3)

‘The boys liked you.’

(167)

mu

ka

rupjaː

hiraʋ-indɛ=s

1sg.nnom

abl

money

lose(nvol)-pfv=aux.prs.3

‘Money got lost from me.’ (I lost (some) money.)

(168)

aːmɔri-jɛ

gaːr-indɛ

(tʰjɔ)

1ple-erg

apple

take-pfv

(aux-pst.m)

‘We took apples.’

(169)

mɛ-rɔ

haːtʰ

uʃa-jindɛ

(tʰjɔ)

1sg-poss.m

hand

swell.intr-pfv

(aux-pst.m)

‘My hand had some swelling.’

(170)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

hɔi

kaːdu

ʃun-indɛ

se

2sg-erg

dem.prox

when

hear-pfv

aux.prs.2sg

‘When did you hear this?’

When the verb stem ends with a nasal, the perfective aspect marker -indɛ is, at times, realized as -idɛ. While the language consultants always accepted replacing -idɛ with -indɛ, without any apparent difference in meaning; they did not accept replacing -indɛ with -idɛ with stems ending in non-nasal consonants.

(171)

bɔːba-ɛ

bʰaːr-ɔ

gin-idɛ / gin-indɛ

father-erg

weight-pl

carry-pfv

‘Father carried the bagage.’

(172)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

taːt-ɔ

ɖakkʰan

ʦuŋ-idɛ / ʦuŋ-indɛ

1sg-erg

warm-m

lid

carry-pfv

‘I lifted the warm cover.’

(173)

mɛ-rɔ

ʦʰɛlɖu-jɛ

ʃɔl

bun-idɛ / bun-indɛ

1sg-poss.m

boy-erg

shawl

weave-pfv

‘My son wove a shawl.’

(174)

mɛ-ri

ʦʰɛlɖi-jɛ

ʃɔl

bun-idɛ / bun-indɛ

1sg-poss.f

daughter-erg

shawl

weave-pfv

‘My daughter wove a shawl.’

The perfective aspect marker also occurs on the non-final verb in the clause chain construction.

(175)

raːm-ɛ

dʒuʈ-indɛ

gɔr

zalaː-ji

i.name(m)-erg

drink-pfv

house

burn(tr)-pfv

‘Ram drank and (then, he) burnt the house.’

(176)

gɔr

bɔnd

nɔ-kɔr-indɛ

raːm

bazaːr

naʃ

ʈʰjɔ

house

close

neg-do-pfv

i.name(m)

market

go

aux.pst.m

‘Without closing (his) house, Ram went to the market.’

Kinnauri Pahari also seems to have a double-finite construction with a past tense/perfective interpretation, where or -i41 is suffixed to the verb. This verb may then be followed by an auxiliary. These suffixes occur in the non-copula construction with all persons, numbers and genders, in both agentive and non-agentive clauses in affirmative and negative sentences. The subjects in such constructions can have the nominative or the non-nominative form.

The distribution of and -i is not correlated with the gender of the subject, but rather it is semantically determined, where occurs when the speaker has direct knowledge of the situation, and -i occurs when the speaker either does not want to reveal the source of the information or does not wish to claim to have first-hand knowledge.

(177)

buːɖɔ

manuʃ

hiːʣ

mɔr-i /

mɔr-ɔ

(ʈʰjɔ)

old

man

yesterday

die-pfv /

die-pfv.dir

(aux.pst.m)

‘The old man died yesterday.’

(178)

hɔsɔ

boʈ

paʈ

bɛʃ-i /

bɛʃ-ɔ

dem.dist.nom

tree

under

sit-pfv /

sit-pfv.dir

‘S/He sat under the tree.’

(179)

ʋikram-ɛ

gɛt

na-lja-i /

na-lja-ɔ

i.name(m)-erg

song

neg-sing-pfv /

neg-sing-pfv.dir

‘Vikram did not sing a song.’

The suffix -i (but not -ɔ) also occurs on the non-final verb in adverbial clauses. In several (though not all) such constructions piʧʰu ‘after’ follows the adverbial clause.

(180)

sunʦ-i

piʧʰu

bɔl-nɔ

think-pfv

after

say-inf

‘Speak after thinking!’ (Think before you speak!)

(181)

hɔtɛn-jɛ

kapʰra

lɔʋ-i42

piʧʰu

kamiːz

ʣurja-ɔ /

ʣurja-ji

3sg-erg

cloth

buy-pfv

after

shirt

make-pfv.dir /

make-pfv

‘He made a shirt after buying the cloth.’

(182)

na-ʃa-ji

nɔ-bɔl-nɔ

neg-look-pfv

neg-say-inf

‘One should not speak without looking.’

In short, the finite verb inflectional endings in Kinnauri Pahari, as we have seen here are, to some extent, sensitive to the gender of the subject. This is distinct from Kinnauri, which also has subject markers, but where the subject marker is not sensitive to the gender of the subject. Further, unlike Kinnauri, Kinnauri Pahari does not have “object” indexing. Thus, the verb endings in the following two Kinnauri Pahari examples remain the same.

(183)

amaː-jɛ

ap-rɔ

ʦʰɛlɖu

la

lɔs-indɛ

mother-erg

self-poss.m

boy

dat

beat-pfv

‘Mother beat (her) own son.’

(184)

amaː-jɛ

ma

la

lɔs-indɛ

mother-erg

1sg.nnom

dat

beat-pfv

‘Mother beat me.’

4.4 Negation

Kinnauri Pahari has two negative morphemes: na- and ma-. na- is the default marker. It negates assertions. It occurs with all persons and numbers in both copula and non-copula constructions. In the past tense copula constructions nɛi (variant: na-i)43 precedes the copulas. The negative marker ma-, on the other hand, occurs predominantly in the prohibitive construction (see below), but the negative marker na- can also occur in prohibitives.44 The distribution of the negative markers in Kinnauri Pahari is, thus, similar to the pattern found in many other IA languages.

For the most part—but not always—the negative marker na- is realized as a bound affix. Further, its vowel quality often assimilates to the vowel quality of the first syllable of the verb to which it is prefixed, as can be seen in many of the examples provided below.

Equational copula (negative): Present tense

hãũ maʃʈɔr nu-su

‘I am not a teacher.’

amɔːri maʃʈɔr ni-si

‘We (excl) are not teachers.’

taːmɔri maʃʈɔr ni-si

‘We are not teachers.’

tu maʃʈɔr nu-sɛ

‘You are not a teacher.’

tomoːri maʃʈɔr nu-so

‘You (pl) are not teachers.’

hɔi maʃʈɔr nu-a45

‘He is not a teacher.’

hɔtɛnɔri maʃʈɔr nu-a

‘They are not teachers.’

Equational copula (negative): Future tense

hãũ maʃʈɔr ni-phir su

‘I will not be a teacher.’

amoːri maʃʈɔr ni-phir si

‘We (excl) will not be teachers.’

tamɔːri maʃʈɔr ni-phir si

‘We (incl) will not be teachers.’

tu maʃʈɔr ni-phir sɛ

‘You will not be a teacher.’

tomoːri maʃʈɔr ni-phir sɔ

‘You (pl) will not be teachers.’

hɔi maʃʈɔr ni-phir-ɛs

‘He will not be a teacher.’

hɔtɛnɔri maʃʈɔr ni-phir-ɛs

‘They will not be teachers.’

Existential copula (negative): Future tense

hãũ gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɔ

‘I will not be at home.’

amɔːri gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɛ

‘we (excl) will not be at home.’

tamɔːri gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɛ

‘we (incl) will not be at home.’

tu gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɔ

‘You will not be at home.’

tomoːri gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɛ

‘You (pl) will not be at home.’

hɔi gɔr-ɛ nu-hugɔ

‘He will not be at home.’

hɔtɛnɔri gɔr-ɛ nu-hug-ɛ

‘They will not be at home.’

The allomorph distribution of na- in non-copula constructions (final as well as non-final clause verb) remains the same as described above.

(185)

ʧʰɔkur

pɛrɛ

braːg

na-maːr-i

child(m)

pl

lion

neg-kill-pfv

‘The boys did not kill the lion.’

(186)

likʰ-i

piʧʰu

raːm

nu-sut-ɔ

write-pfv

after

i.name(m)

neg-sleep-pfv.dir

‘Ram did not sleep, after writing (the letter).’

(187)

aːmɔːri

na-kʰa-jɛn

si

1ple

neg-eat-prog

aux.prs.1pl

‘We are not eating.’

(188)

ʦintiː

nɔ-bɔl-indɛ

keʧʰɛ

ni-pʰir-dɔ

lie(n)

neg-say-pfv

anything

neg-become-hab.m

‘Without telling a lie, nothing gets done.’

4.5 Imperative and Prohibitive

4.5.1 Imperative

The bare verb stem—without an auxiliary—expresses the imperative. No honorific–non-honorific distinction is made here.

(189)

(tu)

bazar-ɛ

naʃ

(2sg.nom)

market-loc

go

‘(You (h/nh)) go to the market!’

(190)

kʰou

kʰɔ

food

eat

‘Eat the food!’

(191)

inʧɛ

bʰɛʃ

here

sit

‘Sit here!’

(192)

ʈʰuːr

run

‘Run!’

(193)

upʈ

tear.down

‘tear down (the paper)!’

4.5.2 Prohibitive

The negation markers ma- and na- are added to the imperative to form the prohibitive. As mentioned above, while ma- only occurs in the prohibitive, na- is a general negation marker. In all the following examples na- can be replaced by ma-. However, one language consultant permitted only na- in prohibitive constructions.

(194)

paːni

ni-pju / ma-pju

water

neg-drink

‘Don’t drink the water!’

(195)

nu-ru / ma-ru

neg-cry

‘Don’t cry!’

(196)

inʧɛ

nɛ-bʰɛʃ / ma-bʰɛs

here

neg-sit

‘Don’t sit here!’

5 Clauses and Sentences

As illustrated by the examples already given in this chapter, the default word order in Kinnauri Pahari is SOV. Other word orders are also attested, though they are less frequent.

(197)

tɛ-rɔ

bɔa-ɛ

tãũ

la

dɛʃ

dekʰ-ɔ

2sg-poss.m

father-erg

2sg.nnom

dat

village

loc

see-pfv.dir

‘Your father saw you in the village.’

5.1 Experiencer Subjects

Kinnauri Pahari has a construction which is widespread in South Asia, and which in the South Asian context is referred to as the experiencer subject construction (or the dative subject construction). Rather than ergative or nominative, we encounter numerous cases where the dative case marker occurs on the “subject” of a clause when this does not refer to a volitional participant.

(198)

raːm

la

ɛk(k)

kataːb

pɔr-i

i.name(m)

dat

one

book

find(nvol)-pfv

‘Ram found a book.’

(199)

tãũ

la

miʈʰaːj

pasand

sa

2sg.nnom

dat

sweets

like

aux.prs.3

‘You like sweets.’

(200)

ma

na

ʤao

aʦʰ-ɛn-s

1sg.nnom

dat

thirst(n)

come-prog-aux.prs.3

‘I am thirsty.’

The experiencer subject also occurs in constructions which describe a bodily state or condition.46

(201)

tin

la

ʈʰanɖ-is

3sg.nnom

dat

cold-aux.prs.3

‘He (distant, non-visible) is cold.’

(202)

ma

na

dukʰ-ɛn

tʰjɔ

1sg.nnom

dat

grief-prog

aux.pst.m

‘I was hurting.’

The experiencer subject also occurs in the obligative construction.

(203)

tãũ

la

tin-ʧʰɛ

naʃ-nɔ

ʦaːn-dɔ=s / ʦaːn-dɔ (sa / tʰjɔ)

2sg.nnom

dat

there-loc

go-inf

want-hab.m=aux-prs.3

‘You ought to go there.’

However, the experiencer subject does not control verb inflection, e.g. the selection of the habitual aspect marker (-dɔ/-ndɔ or -di/-ndi) and the past tense copula form (tʰjɔ, tʰi or tʰɛ) (199, 200, 203).

5.2 Questions

As the following examples illustrate, the verb inflection and the word order in content questions remain the same as in the declarative sentences.

(204)

hɔi

tãũ

la

kun-jɛ

bɔl-i

dem.prox

2sg.nnom

dat

who(sg)-erg

say-pfv

‘Who told you this?’

(205)

tɛnor-jɛ

tãũ

la

ki

bɔl-ɔ

3pl-erg

2sg.nnom

dat

what

say-pfv.dir

‘What did they tell you?’

(206)

tɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

tin

la

kindɛ

dɛkʰ-i

2sg-erg

3sg.nnom

dat

where

see-pfv

‘Where did you see him?’

(207)

tu

dɛʃ

kjũː

aʦʰ-i

2sg.nom

village

loc

why

come-pfv

‘Why did you come to the village?’

(208)

mɛ-rɔ

gɔr

kɛtrɛ

dɛkʰ-ɔ

1sg-poss.m

house

when

see-pfv.dir

‘When did (you) see my house?’

As in content questions, in polar questions, too, the word order and verb inflection remain the same as in declarative sentences, with the difference that the question enclitic = is added to the clause final element.

(209)

tu

kinnɔr

ka=aː

2sg.nom

p.name

abl=q

‘Are you from Kinnaur?’

5.3 Conjunction and Disjunction

ai functions as the conjunctive coordinator at the phrasal and clausal levels, while =si functions as the conjunctive coordinator only in noun phrases.

(210)

hãũ

kʰau

ʧaːn-ɛn

su

ai

kʰa-jɛn

su

1.sg.nom

food

cook-prog

aux.prs.1sg

conj

eat-prog

aux.prs.1sg

‘I am cooking and eating.’

(211)

mɛ̃ĩ-jɛ

ɛk(k)

bɔɖ-ɔ

laːl

gɔr=si

ɖɔkʰrɔ

lɔj-i

1sg-erg

one

big-m

red

house=conj

field

buy-pfv

‘I bought one big red house and field.’

(212)

raːm(-ɛ)

gɔr=si

ɖɔkʰrɔ

lɔj-ɔ

i.name(m)(-erg)

house=conj

field

buy-pfv.dir

‘Ram bought the house and the field.’

jaː functions as the disjunctive coordinator, both at the noun phrase level as well as at the clause level. In constructions with more than two disjunctive clauses, jaː may optionally occur before each clause.

(213)

hãũ

raːmpur

jaː

ʃimla

naʃ

su

1sg.nom

p.name

disj

p.name

go

aux.prs.1sg

‘I will either go to Rampur or to Shimla.’

(214)

raːm

gɔr

jaː

ɖɔkʰrɔ

lɔj=ɛs

i.name(m)

house

disj

field

buy=aux.prs.3

‘Ram will either buy the house or the field.’

(215)

jaː

raːm

naʃ=ɛs

jaː

suradʒ

naʃ=ɛs

disj

i.name(m)

go=aux.prs.3

disj

i.name(m)

go=aux.prs.3

‘Either Ram will go or Suraj will go.’

(216)

hãũ

sut

su

jaː

kaːm

kʰɔʈ

su

1sg.nom

sleep

aux.prs.1sg

disj

work(n)

do

aux.prs.1sg

‘I will either work or sleep.’

5.4 Relative Clauses

The relative clause suffix is sensitive to gender, where -sjaː occurs with masculine referents and -seː occurs with feminine referents. It can be affixed at least to the habitual-aspect verb form in -di/-ndi/-dɔ/-ndɔ (217–218) (see also Section 4.3.1.1) and to the infinitive (functioning as a deverbal noun: 219–222).

(217)

kʰiːr

dɛ-ndi-seː

baːkri

milk

give-hab.f-rel.f

goat(f)

‘The goat which gives milk’

(218)

ijanɖanɖub

la

ʦan-di-seː

deːn

i.name(m)

dat

want-hab.f-rel.f

woman

‘The woman who likes Iyandadub’

(219)

manuʃ-rɔ

l(i)jaː-nɔ-sjaː

gɛt

man-poss.m

sing-inf-rel.m

song

‘The song which is sung by a man/the man’

(220)

raːza-rɔ

paː-nɔ-sjaː

hatʰiː

king-poss.m

hold-inf-rel.m

elephant

‘The elephant (m) which is to be caught by the king’

(221)

raːmi-rɔ

pʰɔl

dɛ-nɔ-seː

deːn

maːnuʃ

i.name(f)-poss.m

fruit

give-inf-rel.f

woman

def.hum

‘The woman to whom Rami gives the fruit’

(222)

raːza

la

paː-nɔ-seː

deːn

maːnuʃ

king

dat

catch-inf-rel.f

woman

def.hum

‘The woman who catches the king’

The relative clause suffix also occurs in the correlative relative clause construction. In this construction the head noun, followed by a relative pronoun (e.g. ʣas in 223–224) precedes the modifying clause, while the relative clause suffix is affixed to the verb of the modifying clause. The distribution of -sjaː and -seː remains the same as described above.

(223)

manuʃ

ʣas

la47

miʈʰaːj

dɛ-nɔ-sjaː

man

crl

dat

sweet

give-inf-rel.m

‘The man to whom the sweets are to be given’

(224)

deːn

manuʃ

ʣas

la

miʈʰaːj

dɛ-nɔ-seː

woman

def.hum

crl

dat

sweet

give-inf-rel.f

‘The woman to whom the sweets are to be given’

(225)

gilaːs

ʣin

la

ban-nɔ-sjaː

glass

crl

dat

break-inf-rel.m

‘The glass which is to be broken’

Appendix 4A: Some Comparisons between Kinnauri Pahari and Other Pahari Languages48

4A.1 Dative and Locative Markers

The table shows the dative and locative case markers in Kinnauri Pahari compared with other Pahari languages (source: LSI 9:4, Grierson 1928).

Language (LSI 9:4 page refs)

Dative

Locative

Baghati (495–505)

kheː

meː, mẽː, manjheː ‘in’; deː ‘in, on’; pãːdeː ‘on’; paːeː ‘on’

Chambeali (769–784)

joː (this is old loc jaː); tikar ‘for’; kariː ‘on account of’

(same as erg); bichch; mañjh

Gaddi (792–803)

joː; boː; goː ‘to’ or ‘for’

(same as erg); mañjh; mãː; maːh; malleː ‘near’

Gujuri of Hazara (930–934)

na; keː

mãː ‘in’; bichch ‘in’; taːrũː ‘up to’

Jaunsari (383–400)

kh

mũːjh ‘in’; pũːɖaː ‘in’; dãː ‘on’; chh ‘on, upon’; bheːr ‘near’; ɖhaːiyaː ‘near’

Kumaoni (108–157)

kaṇi, kaĩ, thaĩ (or thẽː); huṇi, hũː; suː;

-mẽː (or -meː) ‘in’; par ‘on’; jãːlai

Kiunthali (549–574)

kheː, haːgeː, geː, riː teːiː, riː khaːtar ‘to’ or ‘for’

eː + daː / doː; mãːjeː|

Kinnauri Pahari (this chapter)

la, na

kɛ, -ɛ

Kului (670–679)

‘to’

na ‘in’; móñjheː or maːñjeː ‘in’

Mandeali (721–728)

joː; kaneː

mañjh or mañjhaː

Nepali (46–55)

-laːi

-maː (allomorphs: ma, maː or mãː)

Sirmauri Dharthi (458–467)

kheː, geː

daː ‘in’; moː ‘in’; pãːdeː ‘on’

Sirmauri Giripari (477–486)

kheː; eːkh, geː; riː (reː)-taĩː

daː; meː; mũːjeː ‘in’; geːś; geːśiː; gaːśiː ‘on’

4A.2 Pronouns

The following table shows the SAP pronouns in Kinnauri Pahari in comparison to other Pahari languages (source LSI 9:4, Grierson 1928).

Kinnauri Pahari

Other Pahari languages

1sg

hãũ (nom)

mɛ̃ĩ-, mɛ-, ma (nnom)

Distinct nominative and non-nominative pronouns are also found in Jaunsari, Sirmauri-Dharthi, Sirmauri-Giripari, Bhagati, Mandeali, Chameali, Gadi, Pangwali, Bhadrawahi-Bhalesi, Gujuri of Hazara. The forms, too, in these languages are similar to those of Kinnauri Pahari.

The languages which deviate from this are Kumaoni (Central Pahari) and Nepali (Eastern Pahari). In both these languages, m+vowel occurs for both nom and nnom.

2sg

tu (nom)

tɛ̃ĩ-, tɛ-, tãũ (nnom)

Distinct nominative and non-nominative pronouns are also found in Kumaoni, Jaunsari, Sirmauri-Dharthi, Sirmauri-Giripari (partly), Bhagati (for the most part), Kiunthali, Kului, Mandeali, Chameali, Gadi, Pangwali, Bhadrawahi-Bhalesi, Gujuri of Hazara. The forms, too, in these languages are similar to those of Kinnauri Pahari.

Nepali (Eastern Pahari) is the only language which deviates from this. It uses the same form for both nom and nnom.

1pl

aːmɔri (1ple)

taːmɔri (1pli)

No other language exhibits the exclincl distinction.

The 1ple pronoun in Kinnauri Pahari form may be related to the first syllable of the 1pl form in the following languages: Nepali, Kumaoni, Jaunsari, Sirmauri-Dharthi, Sirmauri-Giripari, Bhagathi, Kiunthali, Gujuri of Hazara.

In the following languages, a completely different form (asse) occurs: Kului, Mandeali, Chameali, Gadi, Pangwali and Bhadrawahi

2pl

tomɔːri

tũ(m)/timi/tum occurs in Nepali, Kumaoni, Jaunsari, Sirmauri-Dharthi, Sirmauri-Giripari, Bhagati, Gujuri of Hazara (except gen).

tus occurs in Mandeali, Chameali (except gen, where tum occurs), Gadi (except gen), Pangwali (except gen), Bhadrwahi.

In Kului and Kiunthali both forms (tum, tus) occur in parallel.

Appendix 4B: Kinnauri Pahari Basic Vocabulary

(by Anju Saxena and Vikram Negi)

This is the Kinnauri Pahari IDS/LWT list. It has been compiled on the basis of the 1,310 items of the original Intercontinental Dictionary Series concept list (Borin et al. 2013) plus the 150 items added to it in the Loanword Typology project, for a total of 1,460 concepts (Haspelmath and Tadmor 2009). Further, some new entries have also been added in the present project. In the latter the minor part of their concept ID (the part after the point) begins with “999”, e.g. “S24.99910 someone”. There are 12 such additions in the Kinnauri Pahari list. Some IDS/LWT items have been left out from this list, as there were no equivalents in Kinnauri Pahari or in my material. The resulting list as given below contains 1,215 items (concepts). The list also includes loanwords.

4B.1 Notational Conventions

For ease of comparison we have kept the original IDS/LWT glosses unchanged in all cases, and Kinnauri Pahari senses which do not fit the IDS/LWT meaning completely are given more exact glosses in the Kinnauri Pahari column. Sometimes there will be multiple (separately glossed) items in the Kinnauri Pahari column when Kinnauri Pahari exhibits lexical differentiation of meaning or form within an IDS/LWT item. Pronunciation or form variants are separated by commas, and formally distinct items are separated by semicolons. Glosses and notes belong with their enclosing “semicolon grouping”.

As in the main text, Kinnauri Pahari items are set in italics without morphological decomposition, i.e. affixes and clitics are written solid with their stem or host. Glosses are set in roman, either in single quotes (translation, corresponding to the last line in an interlinear glossed text unit) or in square brackets (morphological analysis, corresponding to the middle line in interlinear glossed text, and adhering to the Leipzig Glossing Rules, in some cases preceded by a morphologically segmented representation of the Kinnauri Pahari item in italics, corresponding to the first line in interlinear glossed text). In a few instances, alternative pronunciations of Kinnauri Pahari items are indicated by phonetic transcriptions in square brackets.

Unless otherwise indicated, here we will provide the default form (e.g., only the singular form of nouns, the masculine singular form of adjectives, and the nominative form of pronouns). Borrowings from Kinnauri are indicated by “(Kinn.)” after the item in question in the Kinnauri Pahari column.

4B.2 The Kinnauri Pahari IDS/LWT List

Id

Gloss

Kinnauri Pahari

S01.100

the world

dunijaː

S01.210

the land

ɖɔkʰrɔ ‘land; field’

S01.212

the soil

maʈʈi

S01.213

the dust

ɖanɖoriŋ; diːʃ ‘dirt; dust’

S01.214

the mud

ʦaraːɔ

S01.215

the sand

baːlu

S01.220

the mountain or hill

ɖɔ̃ːkʰ (with bare rock); kãɖɔ (grass-covered)

S01.240

the valley

pʰajul

S01.270

the shore

kanaːrɛ

S01.280

the cave

uɖaːr; ɖabar ‘big hole; cave’

S01.310

the water

paːni

S01.320

the sea

samuddar

S01.322

calm

sululu

S01.323

rough(2)

kʰadulaː

S01.324

the foam

ʃuptsɔ

S01.330

the lake

til ‘(larger) pond’; sɔːr ‘(smaller) pond’

S01.360

the river or stream

gaːr

S01.362

the whirlpool

ʃuːriːndɔ paːni

S01.370

the spring or well

sɔːr ‘spring’; kuaŋ [kũã] ‘well’

S01.380

the swamp

ʦaŋʦɔ

S01.390

the waterfall

ʧʰodaŋ

S01.410

the woods or forest

ʣaŋgal

S01.430

the wood

duraː

S01.440

the stone or rock

ʣanʈi (a commonly found stone in Sangla); ɖɔ̃ːkʰ ‘large rock’; ʃiːl ‘grinding stone’

S01.450

the earthquake

munʦuːliŋ

S01.510

the sky

sɔrgo

S01.520

the sun

dius

S01.530

the moon

ʣɔt

S01.540

the star

taːrɔ

S01.550

the lightning

biʣul

S01.560

the thunder

gurgur

S01.580

the storm

ʣor bagur

S01.590

the rainbow

tiralmɛʦ

S01.610

the light

pjãːʃo

S01.620

the darkness

ãjaːrɔ ‘darkness, dark’

S01.630

the shade or shadow

laːʧʰaː [ʹlaː.ˌʧʰaː]; ʃɛlaːo

S01.640

the dew

S01.710

the air

bagur

S01.720

the wind

ʣor(ɛ) bagur

S01.730

the cloud

ʤuː; ʃoʤuː ‘snow/rain cloud’; baldo ‘storm cloud’

S01.740

the fog

dumaːso

S01.750

the rain

gɔɛn

S01.760

the snow

hĩũ

S01.770

the ice

ʃaːn

S01.7750

to freeze

ʃaːninɔ (intr)

S01.780

the weather

mosam

S01.810

the fire

aːg

S01.820

the flame

lɛmkaŋ

S01.830

the smoke

dũː

S01.8310

the steam

baːp

S01.840

the ash

ʦʰaːr; bɔsɔm

S01.841

the embers

aŋgaːr ‘embers; coal’

S01.851

to burn(1)

ɖɔːnɔ; ʣalaːnɔ (tr)

S01.852

to burn(2)

ɖɔinɔ; ʣalnɔ (intr)

S01.860

to light

ʣalaːnɔ

S01.861

to extinguish

(aːg) hiʈaːnɔ

S01.870

the match

mɛsaŋ

S01.880

the firewood

ʣalnɔ duraː [burn(intr).inf wood]

S01.890

the charcoal

rɛllɔ aŋgaːr (rɛl-rɔ aŋgaːr [train.poss.m coal])

S01.99903

the coal

aŋgaːr

S02.100

the person

manuʃ

S02.210

the man

puʃãː

S02.220

the woman

deːn (adult); ɖɛkʰorɛ (young)

S02.230

male(1)

poʃɔ

S02.240

female(1)

biːʣ

S02.250

the boy

ʦʰɔkur; ʦʰokru ‘boy of up to around 10 years of age’

S02.251

the young man

dɛkʰraʦ

S02.260

the girl

ʦʰɔkri

S02.261

the young woman

ʣɔan deːn

S02.270

the child(1)

ʦʰɔkur

S02.280

the baby

lɔuɖɔ ʦʰɛlɖu

S02.310

the husband

puʃãː

S02.320

the wife

deːn

S02.330

to marry

ʃaːdiː kɔrnɔ

S02.340

the wedding

ʤaneːʧ; ʃaːdiː

S02.341

the divorce

ɖeːŋ

S02.350

the father

bɔa, bɔbaː

S02.360

the mother

amaː; ajũː

S02.370

the parents

ajũːbɔa

S02.380

the married man

lɔgiundɔ

S02.390

the married woman

lɔgiindɛ

S02.410

the son

ʦʰɛlɖu; ʈunu

S02.420

the daughter

ʦʰɛlɖi; ʈuniː; diː

S02.440

the brother

bʰai; bau; atɛ

S02.444

the older brother

bɔɖɔ bʰai; bɔɖɔ bau; bɔɖɔ atɛ

S02.445

the younger brother

bʰai; lɔuɖɔ bau

S02.450

the sister

bɔɛn; dai

S02.454

the older sister

bɔɖi bɔɛn; bɔɖi dai

S02.455

the younger sister

lɔuɖi bɔɛn; lɔuɖi dai

S02.456

the sibling

baibɔɛn

S02.4561

the older sibling

bɔɖɔ baibɔɛn

S02.4562

the younger sibling

lɔuɖɔ baibɔɛn

S02.458

the twins

ʣolaŋ

S02.460

the grandfather

tɛtɛ

S02.461

the old man

sjaːnɔ manuʃ

S02.470

the grandmother

apiː

S02.471

the old woman

buɖi (deːn); sjaːni deːn

S02.4711

the grandparents

apiːtɛtɛ

S02.480

the grandson

kanalɖu

S02.490

the granddaughter

kanalɖi

S02.510

the uncle

bapu (paternal); mɔmaː (maternal)

S02.511

the mother’s brother

mɔmaː

S02.512

the father’s brother

bapu

S02.520

the aunt

lɔuɖi ãjuː; lɔuɖi amaː (younger than mother/father)

S02.521

the mother’s sister

lɔuɖi ãjuː; lɔuɖi amaː (younger than mother/father)

S02.522

the father’s sister

naneː

S02.530

the nephew

bʰanʣaː (maternal); baupurɔ kutu (paternal); (baurɔ) tsʰɛlɖu (paternal)

S02.540

the niece

bʰanʣiː (maternal); (baurɔ) kuti49 (paternal)

S02.550

the cousin

bai (f); bau (m)

S02.560

the ancestors

aːglɔ; purkʰɛ

S02.570

the descendants

kʰande; kul; puʃt

S02.610

the father-in-law (of a man)

ʃɔrɔ

S02.611

the father-in-law (of a woman)

ʃɔrɔ

S02.620

the mother-in-law (of a man)

ʃoʃai

S02.621

the mother-in-law (of a woman)

ʃoʃai

S02.6220

the parents-in-law

ʃɔrɔʃoʃai

S02.630

the son-in-law (of a man)

ʣoŋgai

S02.631

the son-in-law (of a woman)

ʣoŋgai

S02.640

the daughter-in-law (of a man)

bɔari

S02.641

the daughter-in-law (of a woman)

bɔari

S02.710

the stepfather

biːbaːp

S02.720

the stepmother

biːajũː

S02.730

the stepson

biːʦʰɛlɖu

S02.740

the stepdaughter

biːdiː

S02.750

the orphan

ʃɔkraŋ

S02.760

the widow

ranɖoli50

S02.770

the widower

ranɖolo

S02.810

the relatives

pɛrɛʣɔrɛ

S02.820

the family

pɛrɛ

S02.910

I

hãũ

S02.920

you (singular)

tu

S02.930

he/she/it

(hɔ)sɔ

S02.940

we

taːmɔri[1pli];aːmɔri [1ple]

S02.941

we (inclusive)

taːmɔri

S02.942

we (exclusive)

aːmɔri

S02.950

you (plural)

tomɔːri

S02.960

they

hɔnori, (hɔ)tɛnori, tinɔri

S03.110

the animal

nɔr; pɔʃu; kɛo ‘male animal’

S03.150

the livestock

ʃaːlaŋ

S03.160

the pasture

paːbɔ; panuŋ

S03.180

the herdsman

paːlɛs

S03.190

the stable or stall

kʰuːr

S03.220

the ox

daːmo; bɔlad

S03.230

the cow

gaɔ

S03.240

the calf

baʦʰro

S03.250

the sheep

bɛrɛ

S03.260

the ram

gablu

S03.280

the ewe

beːri

S03.290

the lamb

gabli (f); kʰaːʦ (m)

S03.320

the boar

suŋgar

S03.340

the sow

suŋgaːri

S03.350

the pig

suŋgar

S03.360

the goat

bakri ‘she-goat’

S03.370

the he-goat

bakrɔ

S03.380

the kid

ʦɛlʈu

S03.410

the horse

goːrɔ

S03.420

the stallion

goːrɔ

S03.440

the mare

goːri

S03.450

the foal or colt

tʰuruʦ

S03.460

the donkey

pʰoʦ

S03.470

the mule

kʰɔʦɔr

S03.520

the cock/rooster

poʃɔ kukʰ(a)ri

S03.540

the hen

biːʣ kukʰ(a)ri

S03.550

the chicken

kukʰ(a)ri

S03.570

the duck

tijarɛs

S03.580

the nest

ʋaː

S03.581

the bird

ʦɔrkʰi

S03.584

the eagle

gɔlɖ

S03.585

the hawk

laːnpja

S03.586

the vulture

gɔlɖ

S03.591

the bat

raːʧ hanɖɔ ʦɔrkʰi

S03.593

the crow

kaɔ

S03.594

the dove

gukti; kõjã

S03.596

the owl

ɖuɖɖu

S03.610

the dog

kukur

S03.614

the rabbit

kʰargoʃ, kʰargos

S03.620

the cat

birali; piʃiː