Chapter 8 Critical Analysis of the Crisscrossing Cultural Currents of Historical Events Surrounding the Dunhuang Pipa Scores 琵琶譜史事來龍去脈之檢討

In: Harmoniousness: Essays in Chinese Musicology
Author:
Jao Tsung-i
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Colin Huehns
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Abstract

With its multiplicity of short-lived states, the political history of the period between the Tang and Song dynasties in the tenth century is both confusing and convoluted. This essay makes sense of this background in order to give a context to the pipa scores found in Dunhuang that constitute some of the most important early musical notations that survive. The principal sources that Jao Tsung-i deploys are the Dunhuang manuscripts themselves with which he was evidently intimately familiar. To add contemporary drama to his narrative, a strong subtext is acerbic dissection of opinions on the topic put forward by fellow scholar He Changlin 何昌林.

(Bibliothèque Nationale) Pelliot manuscript accession no. 3808 of the fourth year (933–934) of the Changxing 長興 era is a written text of lectures on Buddhist scriptures, but on its other face is copied a pipa piece notated as a musical score, whose date and background no one has yet been able to explore thoroughly. Recently, Mr He Changlin 何昌林 has written several essays on the subject, and from journeys of the Dunhuang monk Liang Xingde (梁幸德, fl. tenth century) sought to ascertain the year when the score was copied, which he regards as during the intercalary month to the first month of the lunar year in 934, with Luoyang as the location where the copying took place; the copyists were Liang Xingde’s three assistants. In addition, taking the mention of the ‘Lady of the Wang Family’ (Wang shi nü 王氏女) in Sun Guangxian’s (孫光憲, 896–968) Beimeng suoyan 北夢瑣言 (juan 20) as a clue, he traces a trail that reaches the relationship between Gao Conghui, ruler of the state of Southern Ping (Nan Ping Guo 南平國; Gao Conghui 高從誨, 891–948, r. 934–948), and the Later Tang dynasty. He considers that in the fourth year of the Changxing era at the emperor’s birthday celebrations, there are written records of monks from the Jade Spring Temple (Yuquan si 玉泉寺) in Southern Ping attending lectures on Buddhist scriptures, and thus he has investigated and verified that this pipa score is in fact a transmission copy of a pipa score ‘Lady of the Wang Family’, whose earliest original came from scores belonging to the Wang family. The crisscrossing cultural currents surrounding the Dunhuang pipa scores as he understands them, in simplified outline, are these, and papers that he has published on these theories are not few.1

According to the investigation that I have made, in the epoch of the Later Tang dynasty emperor Mingzong (後唐明宗, 867–933, r. 926–933), the two provinces Gua and Sha were directly under the rule of Cao Yijin (曹議金, d. 935), Military Commissioner of the Return to Righteousness Army (Guiyi jun 歸義軍), and his policies were on the one hand on New Year’s Day to dispatch envoys in supplication with annual tribute to the dynastic rulers of the central Chinese heartland plains and on the other to form marital alliances with the state of Yutian 于闐. The manuscript P.2706 titled Zhuanjing daochang sishu 轉經道場四疏 contains the following record:

Let the greater monastic congregation circle the holy place for seventeen days reciting scriptures, with 1500 people fasting, arranged for the initiation of seventeen individuals into the monastic community…. our most sagely emperor’s imperial mission is long-lasting and magnificent; internecine warfare between the Three Capitals is quelled, and military campaigns have achieved their objectives; with all Five Bodily Organs, we present ourselves in sincere supplication and humble obedience. Let our Great Ruler receive the favour of Heaven, the Three Ranks (of stars or officialdom) shine eternally illustrious…. an envoy has been sent to the imperial capital in the east bearing respectful tribute to pay early obeisance to the Son of Heaven’s royal visage, and Yutian has also dispatched emissaries, and there were no halts on their journeys going and coming back…. on the ninth day of the tenth month of the fourth year of the Changxing era (933), your faithful disciple the Military Commissioner of the Return to Righteousness Army in Hexi, Inspector-General, Lord Chief Secretary, and Great Ruler Cao Yijin cautiously and respectfully pens this memorandum.

請大眾轉經一七日,設齋一千五百人,供度僧尼一七人。……當今聖主帝業長隆,三京息戰而役臻,五府輸誠而向化。大王受寵,台星永曜。……東朝奉使,早拜天顏,于闐使人,往來無滯。……長興四年 (九三三)十月九日弟子河西歸義等軍節度使檢校令公大王曹議金 謹疏。2

Another memorandum, this one written on the twenty-third day of the first month of the fifth year (934) of the Changxing era, gives: ‘The special tribute-bearing envoy to the imperial court has gone forth and come back with no halts when crossing the mountain passes; the Yutian emissary rode back without undue anxiety and has arrived early.’ 朝貢專使,來往不滯於關山;于闐使人,迴騎無虞而早達.3 On the ninth day of the second month of the fifth year of the Changxing era is a memorandum that outlines: ‘An envoy sent bearing respectful tribute to the imperial court, a dispatch rider on an errand of communication for the imperial family, and a messenger on a special assignment from Yutian all crossed the mountain pass without halting.’ 朝廷奉使,驛騎親宣,于闐專人,關山不滯.4 Evidently, at this time, close contact between Sha province and the Tang dynasty palace in Luoyang was an established fact.

Cefu yuangui 冊府元龜 (completed in 1013), juan 976, ‘Waichen bu’ 外臣部 (juan 956–1000), ‘Baoyi men’ 褒異門 (a short subsection including juan 976): ‘In the intercalary month to the first month of the first lunar year of the Yingshun era (934) of the reign of the Later Tang dynasty emperor Mindi (914–934, r. 933–934), the Gua province annual tribute was presented by the ya general Tang Jin (untraceable), the Sha province annual tribute by Liang Xingtong (untraceable), and the Uighur state tribute by Anmohe (fl. late ninth–early tenth centuries) …’ 閔帝應順元年(九三四)閏正月,瓜州入貢牙將唐進,沙州入貢梁行通、回鶻朝貢安摩訶…….5

The distinguished He (Changlin) draws attention to Paris manuscript P.3564 ‘Mogao ku gongde ji’ 莫高窟功德記 that mentions that the monk Liang Xingde was on the point of engaging an artisan craftsman to paint the murals in cave 36 when he was ordered by Cao Yijin to take the tribute and present it in Luoyang, where the Later Tang dynasty conferred on him the title: ‘Of the Monasticism Department in proximity to the Sacred Terrace, an officiator of supplicatory offerings to greater virtuous morality, expositor of the Three Teachings (Daoism, Buddhism, Confucianism), Senior Buddhist Master, a monk especially bestowed the purple robe of office by imperial decree.’ 僧政臨壇供奉大德,闡揚三教大法師賜紫沙門.6 Thus, taking this into account, when the ninth stanza of the song lyrics in the lecture on the scriptures gives: ‘Master Seer, Purple Cloak, favours gracefully bestowed,’ 師號紫衣恩賜與,7 it is describing him. In addition, therefore, in P.3718 ‘Miaozhen zan’ 邈真讚, Liang Xingde’s adulatory text offers: ‘The road to Zhangye (a placename, modern Ganzhou 甘州 in Gansu) is narrow and treacherous; the Xianyun barbarians invade and cause annoyance, their trapping nets a mesh of luan phoenix down so firm and fine that it proved impossible to avoid rising to the sun (dying or being killed).’ 路隘張掖,獫狁侵纏,羢鸞值網,難免昇乾.8 He Changlin’s conclusion on this basis is: ‘This indicates clearly that when Liang Xingde and his entourage passed Zhangye on their journey from Luoyang back to Dunhuang, they were attacked by dacoits, and he was unfortunately killed. Loss and damage to the baggage and valuables he carried with him could not be avoided, and no less so the scriptures, books, documents, and letters. The surviving manuscript Dunhuang Pipa Scores is just a small fraction that remains of the copies made in that year.’ 這就是說梁幸德一行由洛陽返回敦煌途經張掖時,梁因遇盜而不幸身亡。所帶行李資財難免損失,經籍文書之類亦然。現在留存下來《敦煌琵琶譜》只是當年全部轉抄件中一小部份.9

On carrying out a thorough examination of these two documents, it appears that He Changlin did not make a sufficiently careful reading of the original items. Here, let the opening sentences of the original text of both passages be extracted and reproduced:

(Mogao ku) gongde ji: ‘In the narrative, regarding Long Sha (untraceable), he has a disciple, a Buddhist monk of the Monasticism Department in proximity to the Sacred Terrace, an officiator of supplicatory offerings to greater virtuous morality, expositor of the Three Teachings, Senior Buddhist Master, a monk especially bestowed the purple robe of office by imperial decree; his Buddhist soubriquet is Yuan Qing (“Yearning for Clarity”). His late father had held the offices of Inspector General of the Army and Minister without Portfolio, and jointly Inspector-General of Schools and Imperial Historian and Censor, and was a Pillar-of-the-State: the highly respected late Liang Xingde of Anding …’

《功德記》: 「敘中龍沙,厥有弟子釋門僧政臨壇供奉大德闡揚三教大法師賜紫沙門香號願清故父左馬步都虞候銀青光祿大夫、檢校國子祭酒、兼御史中承(丞)、上柱國、安定梁諱幸德…… (See Figure 8.a)10

‘Miaozhen zan’: ‘The Tang dynasty former Inspector General of the Return to Righteousness Army of Hexi, Minister without Portfolio, Inspector- General, Imperial Counsellor, Pillar-of-the-State, Gentleman of the Liang prefectural capital; “Miaozhen zan” and introduction. A Buddhist monk of the Monasticism Department as well as an expositor of the Three Teachings, Senior Buddhist Master, a monk especially bestowed the purple robe of office by imperial decree, written by Ling Jun (“handsome soul”; untraceable; Ling Jun is his Buddhist name, his original name is not known); he was a gentleman of the prefectural capital, the late (Liang) Xingde, soubriquet Renchong, by upbringing, a native of Anding.’

〈邈真讚〉: 唐故河西歸義軍左馬步都虞候銀青光祿大夫檢校左散騎常侍上柱國梁府君邈真讚并序。釋門僧政兼闡揚三教大法師賜紫沙門靈俊撰。府君諱幸德,字仁寵,先苗則安定人也。 (See Figure 8.b)11

Given the above quotations, there are several areas where He Changlin’s exposition is open to discussion:

  1. Liang Xiangde should not be called a monk. He had once held the position of Inspector-General of Schools, and as such had been a senior educational official of Sha province (Zhang Yichao’s [ 張議潮, 799–872] son-in-law Li Mingzhen [ 李明振, 839–890] had once, as the sima 司馬 Commander of Liangzhou 涼州, held the post of Inspector-General of Schools jointly with the office of Imperial Historian and Censor; see: ‘Longxi Li shi zai xiu gongde ji’ 隴西李氏再修功德記 [inscribed on a Dunhuang stele erected in 776]; his official title was identical to that of Liang Xingde).

  2. The individual accorded the appellations ‘a Buddhist monk of the Monasticism Department in proximity to the Sacred Terrace, an officiator of supplicatory offerings to greater virtuous morality, expositor of the Three Teachings, Senior (Buddhist) Master, a monk especially bestowed the purple robe of office by imperial decree’ was Liang Xingde’s son Yuan Qing, who Master He has mistaken for Liang Xingde himself.

  3. Another monk bearing the same titles is Ling Jun who wrote the text ‘Miaozhen zan’ for Liang Xingde but has no direct connection to him.

According to ‘Miaozhen zan’: ‘To present tribute in humble obeisance in the imperial court to the east, undeterred by the hardships of the road … from the Western extremity of the Empire in answer to gracious imperial summons, permission has been granted for us to submit an official memorandum to the Emperor; the current Imperial Counsellor is to undertake this mission, and with him will be an escort of envoys consisting of more than seventy officials,’ 奉貢東朝,不辭路間之苦…… 恩詔西陲而准奏,面遷左散騎常侍。兼使臣七十餘人,12 which is sufficient to impart understanding as to the large numbers involved in the enterprise. Liang Xingde’s soubriquet was ‘Renchong’, and although he shares the same surname as Liang Xingtong who was recorded in the Cefu yuangui as delivering tribute, the two are not necessarily the same person. As for the bestowal of purple robes, this was an extremely common occurrence, and both Liang Xingde’s son Qing Yuan and Ling Jun who penned ‘Miaozhen zan’ received the same accolade. The sentence in the scriptural lecture that refers to ‘Master Seer, Purple Cloak, favours gracefully bestowed’ gives no information as to the surname of the individual in question, but it is inappropriate to add to his attributes ‘the current Imperial Counsellor is to undertake this mission’ and call him Liang Xingde whose official position was Inspector-General of Schools and was not a monk, especially when it can be ascertained that Liang Xingde was simply one among seventy or more officials that made up the mission. On his return journey, he ‘reached the place Guifang’ 屆此鬼方 and was killed. Given these facts, how is it that the surviving musical scores among the Dunhuang musical manuscripts have come to be regarded as relics of Liang Xingde; such assumptions are pure speculation.

Taking into consideration that the Changxing era of the Later Tang dynasty emperor Ming(zong) lasted for only four years and that Sha province was relatively remote with news from the central Chinese heartland plains arriving late, thus although it was indeed already the first month of the first year of the Yingshun era, the year itself would still have been written as the fifth year of the Changxing era. The emperor’s birthday celebrations took place on the ninth day of the ninth month. By convention, on this day, the monastic community assembled in the Hall of Central Prosperity (Zhongxing dian 中興殿) for lectures and discussions, and this lecture on the scriptures was a basis for discourse at this time. Later words and phrases in it include: ‘After journeying a hundred thousand li across the flowing sands, to the court of the (Later) Tang dynasty emperor came acolytes of the three schools; Master Seer, Purple Cloak, favours gracefully bestowed; the cohort of teachers take them and to their own locality magnify them.’ 程過十萬里流沙,唐國來朝帝三家。師號紫衣恩賜與,總交(教)將向本鄉誇.13 He Changlin considers that ‘Master Seer, Purple Cloak’ indicates Liang Xingde, but since it is now known that Xingde was not a monk, He Changlin’s logical chain that the song lyrics of these scriptural lectures were written by Liang Xingde is by definition simply an impossibility; and besides, the people and historical events that the lyrics recount are also incongruent with the sequence of times recorded in the Cefu yuangui, so here I attempt to lay out in detail my own theory step by step.

In the stanza at the end of the essay, its lyrical seven-character lines touch on the following three historical personages:

The ruler of Qin (Qinwang 秦王). The lyrics give: ‘The congregation of monks fervently pray and wish that all will depend on Heavenly predestination; and yearn to see the Yellow River waters a hundred degrees translucent.’ 臣僧禱祝資天算,願見黃河百度清. ‘For three years the ruler of Qin has dispatched missions of officials; the present imperial dynasty is as splendid as the days of the ancient Emperor Shun, close to the dancing clouds.’ 三載秦王差 遣臣,今朝舜日近舜雲.14

The ruler of Song (Songwang 宋王). The lyrics give: ‘The ruler of Song, loyal and filial, offers tribute to an emperor who is the like of ancient Yao; to the measuring of burning incense is entrusted sagely virtuous morality; without issuance of a proclamation, gaining entry to the imperial bastions is difficult; the dreaming soul resides long next to the sage (emperor).’ 宋王忠孝奉堯天,籌(算)得焚香託聖賢,未得詔宣難入闕,夢魂長在聖人邊.15

The ruler of Lu (Luwang 潞王). The lyrics give: ‘The ruler of Lu, brave and exceptional, enthroned in Qizhou (Yangzhou); he pacifies and nourishes the living souls, raising up the ranked nobility; with someone so courageous and righteous rectifying the body politic, opening up the western regions is no longer a worry for the sage.’16 潞王英特坐岐(陽)州,安撫生靈稱烈(列)侯。既有英雄匡社稷,開西不在聖人憂.17

The ruler of Qin was Li Congrong (李從榮, d. 933); the ruler of Song was Li Conghou (李從厚, the Later Tang dynasty emperor Mindi himself); and the ruler of Lu was Li Congke (李從珂, 885–937, who reigned as the last emperor of the dynasty 934–937 and was called in retrospect Tang Modi 唐末帝). In this regard, Mr He’s theory is entirely correct. Formerly, Mr Zhou Shaoliang (周紹良, 1917–2005) in his ‘Jiangjingwen jiaozheng’ 講經文校證 had already advanced an equally detailed examination of the evidence.18 On investigation of the Tang dynasty emperor Mingzong’s son Li Congrong’s investiture as the ruler of Qin, it is found to have happened in the first year of the Changxing era (930), the renyin (壬寅 twenty-seventh) day in the eighth month; in the same month, the bingchen (丙辰 forty-first) day, Li Conghou was invested as the ruler of Song.19 The lyrics indicate that for three years, missions of monk-officials were dispatched by the ruler of Qin, but it is not known who these people were, though from the first year of the Changxing era and for the whole of this period, they must have been the ruler’s trusted intimates; of course, it is known however that they did not include Liang Xingtong coming from Sha province to present tribute in the intercalary month to the first month of the fifth year of the Changxing era. This is the first fact.

The lyrics do not mention that the ruler of Qin was killed. From the wording of the monk lecturing on the scripture’s description of the ruler of Qin’s successive provision for dispatching missions three years in a row, it is evident that at this juncture, the ruler of Qin was so powerful that he appeared to emanate heat; in this respect, let the following passages (from The Old Official History of the Five Dynasties [Jiu wudai shi 舊五代史]; juan 44) be examined:

In the fourth year of the Changxing era, the first month of spring, the wuzi (twenty-fifth) day; bestow on Congrong, the ruler of Qin, joint additional titles of Minister of Proclamations and Counsellor.

長興四年春正月戊子,加秦王從榮守尚書令兼侍中。20

On the xinwei (eighth) day in the eighth month; by imperial command, let Congrong be appointed infantry and cavalry Field Marshal for the whole Empire.

八月八月辛未,制以從榮爲天下兵馬大元帥。21

On the xinchou (thirty-eighth) day in the ninth month, issue a proclamation for the Field Marshal Congrong to be set above the Chief Minister.

九月辛丑,詔大元帥從榮位在宰相上。22

The birthday of the emperor was on the ninth day of the ninth month, the time when lecturing on the scriptures took place, which coincided precisely with the days when the ruler of Qin’s power was most tangible. For the monk lectu- ring on the scriptures to be toadying to him is entirely predictable. Thus, it can be ascertained that the lyrics written for lecturing on the scriptures must have been composed before the ruler of Qin was defeated. This is the second fact.

The lyrics also contain records of the rulers of Song and Lu, and indicate that for the ruler of Song, without issuance of a proclamation, gaining entry to the imperial bastions is difficult. Investigation indicates that on the renchen (壬辰 twenty-ninth) day in the eleventh month of the fourth year of the Changxing era, the ruler of Qin was killed by An Congyi (安從益, fl. tenth century), an Officer of the Imperial Guard. At this time, the ruler of Song, Li Conghou, held the position of Tianxiong (天雄, a placename) Military Commissioner; on the wuchen (戊辰 fifth) day in the same month, the emperor Ming(zong) died; on the xinchou (辛丑 thirty-eighth) day, the ruler of Song came from Weizhou 魏州 to Luoyang; on the guimao (癸卯 fortieth) day which was also the first day of the month, the ruler of Song acceded to the Imperial Throne.23 If these lyrics are to be regarded as a composition of the intercalary month to the first month of the fifth year of the Changxing era, then at that time the ruler of Song had already ascended to the imperial throne and it could not be said of him that ‘without issuance of a proclamation, gaining entry to the imperial bastions is difficult.’ From this sentence, it is evident that the period of its writing was when the ruler of Qin was still in the heyday of his power. This is the third fact.

The lyrics also record the matter of the ruler of Lu enthroned at Qizhou. Zhou Shaoliang considers that this indicates Li Congke’s tenure as the Military Commissioner of Fengxiang 鳳翔, and this is entirely correct. The emperor Mingzong suffered a severe stroke in the fifth month, and on the wuzi (戊子 twenty-fifth) day in the eleventh month, the illness recurred; the ruler of Lu sent only retainers to court to serve as they could. The emperor Mingzong died and still the ruler of Lu repeatedly sent excuses that he too was ill and could not come himself, so from beginning to end he evidently remained at his seat of power in Fengxiang. Mr He gives: ‘According to The New Official History of the Five Dynasties (Xin wudai shi 新五代史; by Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修, 1007–1072, et al.), in the second month of the reign of the emperor Mindi, the Fengxiang Military Commissioner and ruler of Lu, Li Congke, rebelled. Given that Li Congke’s rebellion took place in the second month of 934, this proves that the suite of sung lyrics was written in the intercalary month to the first month of 934.’ 《新五代史》,閔帝二月,鳳翔節度使潞王從珂反,既然李從珂在九三四年二月就反了,則證明這套唱詞寫於九三四閏正月.24 He considers that these lyrics were composed a month before the ruler of Lu rebelled, that is, the intercalary month to the first month of the first year of the Yingshun era.

On the wuyin (戊寅 fifteenth) day in the first month of this year, the emperor Mindi changed the era to Yingshun. By happy coincidence, in the intercalary month to the first month of the year, Liang Xingtong came to court with his offering of tribute, so Mr He regards these times as precisely matching one another. Unfortunately, on examining the entire lyrics and the relevant personages as they appear in succession, it appears that at that time, the ruler of Song still represented an external fiefdom and was unable to gain entry to the bastions of imperial power; he is ‘loyal and filial, (and) offers tribute to an emperor who is the like of ancient Yao.’ ‘Ancient Yao’ clearly indicates Mingzong, who also ‘entrusted sagely virtuous morality’; ‘sagely virtuous morality’ must then surely indicate the ruler of Qin, Li Congrong, whose younger brother by blood was the ruler of Song. As for poetic lines that tell of the ruler of Lu: ‘with someone so courageous and righteous rectifying the body politic, the region west of the Pass25 is no longer a worry for the sage;’ on many occasions, the ruler of Lu had not come to the imperial court but had remained in his seat of power west of the Pass, and so tangibly was a concealed anxiety for the imperial court; however, at this juncture, the ruler of Qin held the post of infantry and cavalry Field Marshal in his grasp; so, when the lyrics give: ‘with someone so courageous and righteous rectifying the body politic’, the suspicion is that the ‘courageous and righteous’ individual refers to the ruler of Qin, and the ‘sage’ indicates Mingzong. After an understanding of the poetic lines is acquired, the most reasonable assumption is still that the song lyrics appended to the lecture on the scriptures were composed during the ninth month and the period when the ruler of Qin held sway. This also corresponds to the celebrations on the emperor’s birthday and is an explanation of the historical sequence of successive events that contains no conflicting or contrived elements. This is the fourth fact.

Viewing the hypothetical period when the song lyrics were composed as the intercalary month to the first month is incongruent to the historical facts as they stand, and all related conjectures, including those that give the writer of them as Liang Xingde and the transmission copy of the pipa piece as emanating from his three assistants, have by inference lost their foundation.

This essay was published in the journal Music Research (Yinyue yanjiu 音樂研究) (1987, issue 3), and soon afterwards, Zhang Guangda 張廣達 and Rong Xinjiang 榮新江 initiated discussion on the Yutian missions of officials and related documents. Their material cites, firstly, the expense account calendar for the third month of the xinyou 辛酉 year (901) found in manuscript P.4640. In it are mentioned Luo Tongda (羅通達, fl. late ninth–early tenth centuries), who was the duyaya 都押衙 Commander of the Return to Righteousness army, the Yutian envoy Liang Mingming (梁明明, untraceable), and others. In tandem (secondly), according to a Yutian poetic composition found in (British Library) S.4359 at the opening to the text ‘Visiting the Gold Gate’ (‘Ye jinmen’ 謁金門) that I had transcribed, they have come to regard this year as currently the earliest known written record of envoys from Yutian coming to Sha province. Thirdly, their research material quotes P.2704, which contains memorandums of the fourth and fifth years of the Changxing era pertaining to Cao Yijin’s Verses of Transference 迴向疏; phrases like: ‘The state of Yutian dispatched emissaries, and there was no halting on their journeys going and coming back,’ which indicates that at this time embassies from Yutian frequently stayed for short periods in Dunhuang on their way.26 This essay has already discussed this matter and cited writings in Cefu yuangui, ‘Waichen bu’ from which it has been learnt that at that time the individuals who delivered the annual tribute on behalf of Gua province were Tang Jin and Liang Xingtong, and the Uighur emissaries who came to the court to offer tribute were Anmohe and others. This means that when Sha province dispatched envoys to the Tang dynasty court, they must have travelled with their Yutian and Uighur counterparts, and from this the knowledge is gained that they depended on foreign regimes to carry out diplomacy.

Figure 8.a
Figure 8.a

P.3564 ‘Mogao ku gongde ji’

Photo provided by the Bibliothèque nationale de France
Figure 8.b
Figure 8.b

P.3718 ‘Miaozhen zan’

Photo provided by the Bibliothèque nationale de France
1

All by He Changlin, ‘Sanjian Dunhuang qupu ziliao de zonghe yanjiu’, 17–34; ‘Dunhuang pipapu de lailong qumai’, 51–57; ‘Sannian lai (1981 nian qiu–1984 nian dong) de Dunhuang qupu yanjiu’, 34–41; ‘Guanyu Dunhuang pipapu de chaoxie ren’, 47–60.

2

The manuscript number is in fact P.2704. Its title in the publication where it appears (given below) is Cao Yijin daochang sishu 曹議金道場四疏. See: Jao Tsung-i, ‘Pelliot 2704 Cao Yijin daochang sishu’, juan 15, ‘official documents’, ‘Die zhuang’ 牒狀, vol. 2: 42–44.

3

See Jao Tsung-i, ‘Pelliot 2704 Cao Yijin daochang sishu’, juan 15, ‘official documents’, ‘Die zhuang’, vol. 2: 46–47.

4

See Jao Tsung-i, ‘Pelliot 2704 Cao Yijin daochang sishu’, juan 15, ‘official documents’, ‘Die zhuang’, vol. 2: 49.

5

Cefu yuangui, 976.11469.

6

He Changlin, ‘Dunhuang pipapu zhi kao, jie, shi’, 340.

7

He Changlin, ‘Dunhuang pipapu zhi kao, jie, shi’, 340.

8

Dunhuang baozang, 130: 186, P.3718.

9

He Changlin, ‘“Dunhuang pipapu zhi kao, jie, shi” zhi buchong’, 441.

10

Dunhuang baozang, 129: 94, P.3564.

11

Dunhuang baozang, 130: 186, P.3718.

12

Dunhuang baozang, 130: 186, P.3718.

13

Dunhuang bianwen ji xinshu, 50.

14

Dunhuang bianwen ji xinshu, 49.

15

Dunhuang bianwen ji xinshu, 49.

16

My suspicion is that the character intended for ‘opening’ (‘kai’) should in fact be (‘guan’, meaning ‘close’, but here means ‘mountain pass’; both characters are classified under the ‘door’ radical and appear similar, especially when handwritten. If the character is used instead, the line translates as: ‘The region west of the Pass is no longer a worry for the sage.’).

17

Dunhuang bianwen ji xinshu, 49.

18

Scholarly Manuscripts of Shaoliang. Zhou Shaoliang, ‘Changxing si nian zhongxing dian ying sheng jie jiangjing wen jiaozheng’, 66.

19

Sima Guang, Zizhi tongjian, vol. 28, 277.9287.

20

Jiu Wudai shi, 44.601.

21

Jiu Wudai shi, 44. 606.

22

Jiu Wudai shi, 44. 607.

23

For details, see Zizhi tongjian, vol. 28, 278.9340.

24

He Changlin, ‘Sanjian Dunhuang qupu ziliao de zonghe yanjiu’, 23.

25

(See above footnote 16) The character for ‘Pass’ was originally written as (‘kai’, meaning ‘open’), but this is an error.

26

Peking University: Collection of Scholarly Essays in Commemoration of the Hundredth Anniversary of Chen Yinke (Jinian Chen Yinke xiansheng danchen bainian xueshu lunwenji). Zhang Guangda, Rong Xinjiang, ‘Guanyu Dunhuang chutu yutian wenxian de niandai ji qi xiangguan wenti’, 292.

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