1 The Language and Its Speakers
Kin, a regional variety of the Okinawan language, is spoken in the villages of Kin and Namisato, located in the middle of Okinawa Island. It is spoken almost exclusively by elderly people who were born in or before the 1950’s and the number of fluent speakers is estimated to be approximately 1,000. People in the younger generations have few opportunities to learn Kin Okinawan.
The Okinawan language is spoken on Okinawa Island and the surrounding islands, and constitutes a group of the Northern Ryukyuan languages together with the Amami language. Dialects of the Okinawan language are grouped into two major subgroups: the Northern and the Southern subgroups. Shared lexical innovations suggest that Kin belongs to the Northern subgroup,1 in which inter-dialectal differences are much greater than in the Southern subgroup.
2 Phonology
2.1 Inventory of Phonemes
2.1.1 Vowels
Kin has five vowel phonemes: /i/, /e/, /a/, /o/, and /u/. There are very few words containing the short /e/ and /o/ vowels because *e and *o that existed in the proto-language have diachronically changed to /i/ and /u/, respectively.
Long vowels, which constitute a heavy syllable, are analyzed as a sequence of a vowel and a moraic phoneme /ː/.
2.1.2 Consonants and Glides
Kin has twelve consonants and two glides as shown in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1
Chart of consonants and glides
Bilabial |
Alveolar |
Palatal |
Velar |
Glottal |
||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Obstruent |
Stop |
p / b |
t / d |
k / g |
||
Fricative |
s / z |
h |
||||
Sonorant |
Nasal |
m |
n |
|||
Tap |
r |
|||||
Glide |
w |
j |
There are some allophonic rules to note: first, /s/ is realized as [ɕ] always before /i/ and often before /e/ (as in /sima/[ɕima] ‘island’ and /seːku/[seːku]~[ɕeːku] ‘carpenter’); second, /z/, which contrasts with /s/ in voicing, is realized as [ʑ] in between vowels (as in /mizu/[miʑu] ‘water’) and as [d͡ʑ] elsewhere (as in /sunza/[sund͡ʑa] ‘water well’); third, /h/ is realized as [ç] before /i/ (as in /hiː/[çiː] ‘fire’) and as [ɸ] before /u/ (as in /huni/[ɸuni] ‘boat’); fourth, /n/ assimilates its place of articulation to the following consonant (as in /janme/[jamme] ‘illness’) and is realized as [ɴ] in word-final position (as in /ningwan/[niŋgwaɴ] ‘prayer’).
2.2 Syllable Structure and Phonotactics
The syllable structure of Kin is schematized as (C1)(G)V1(V2)(C2), where C, G, and V represent consonants, glides and vowels, respectively, and the parenthesized slots are optional.
All vowels can occur in V1 as the nucleus of the syllable. V2 can be filled by /i/, which constitutes the second half of a diphthong, or /ː/, which constitutes the second half of a long vowel. The nasal /n/ can also occur in V1 as a syllabic consonant, which can be lengthened (as in //ntja// → /nːtjaː/[n̩ːt͡ɕaː] ‘soil’). The syllabic /n/ is parasitic to the following syllable with the onset.
All consonants can occur in C1 as the onset of the syllable. Glides can also occur as an onset either on their own or together with C1. The glide /j/ often cooccurs with /t/ (e.g., /tjuː/[t͡ɕuː] ‘human’) and rarely with /h/ (as in /anu⸗hjaː/ [anu⸗çaː] ‘that guy’). Also, the glide /w/ can often cooccur with /k/ and /g/ (as in /kwiː/[kwiː] ‘voice’ and /uhu+gwi/[uɸugwi] ‘loud voice’), and rarely with /h/ (as in /teːhwa/[teːɸa] ‘joke’). The glide /w/ never occurs before the vowel /o/. Thus, there is no syllable /wo/, /kwo/, /gwo/ nor /hwo/.
Consonants that can occur in C2 (the coda of the syllable) are restricted to /n/ and the voiceless obstruents except /h/. Voiceless obstruents occur in C2 only when the syllable is not (phonologically) word-final and it is identical to the following syllable’s C1.
2.3 Mora
V1, V2, and C2 in the syllable structure count as a single mora. As will be seen in § 2.4, the notion of mora plays a significant role in tone assignment.
Superheavy syllables that consist of three morae (long vowel + coda) tend to be avoided. If such a superheavy syllable is derived by affixation or cliticization, the underlying long vowel is often shortened (as in //uki-ː-n// (get.up-npst-ind) → /ukin/[ukiɴ] ‘get up’, or //boː⸗ttji// (stick⸗ins) → /bottji/[bott͡ɕi] ‘with a stick’).
2.4 Word-Level Prosody
Kin has a pitch-accent system in which pitch patterns can be represented by H and L tones. The tone-bearing unit is the mora.
As Matsumori (2009) has revealed, three pitch patterns are lexically distinguished in Kin: Pattern A, in which the word-initial three morae bear H tones and the following morae (if any) bear L tones; Pattern B, in which the word-final vowel is lengthened to bear a LH sequence and the rest bears a sequence of either H or L tones; and Pattern C, in which the word-final two morae bear a LH sequence and the rest bears a sequence of either H or L tones. In addition, if the underlying forms of words with the pitch patterns B or C contain only two vowels, the first one is lengthened. Examples are shown in Table 4.2.
Table 4.2
Tone assignment of nominal words
Pitch pattern |
Example word |
Tone realization |
---|---|---|
Pattern A |
hana ‘nose’ |
HH |
kibusi ‘smoke’ |
HHH |
|
sidekuni ‘carrot’ |
HHHL |
|
Pattern B |
//hana// → haːnaː ‘flower’ |
HHLH ~ LLLH |
//kuruma// → kurumaː ‘car’ |
HHLH ~ LLLH |
|
//itjimusi// → itjimusiː ‘creature’ |
HHHLH ~ LLLLH |
|
Pattern C |
//hama// → haːma ‘beach’ |
LLH |
garasa ‘crow’ |
LLH |
|
sitimiti ‘morning’ |
HHLH ~ LLLH |
In tone assignment, not only morae but also syllables play a role. For example, there is a constraint that blocks a HL sequence in a single syllable. Thus, if the third and fourth morae of a word with pitch pattern A constitute a heavy syllable, then the tone of the relevant word is realized as HHHH, as in katamai ‘chunk’ (HHHH, rather than *HHHL) or agimaːmu ‘dryland taro’ (HHHHL, rather than *HHHLL), etc. Similarly, if the penultimate mora of a word with pitch pattern C is a second half of a heavy syllable headed by the antepenultimate mora, then the tone of the last three morae of the relevant word is realized as LLH, as in juːsanbi ‘evening’ (HHLLH or LLLLH, rather than *HHHLH), etc. Note that a LH sequence can be realized even in a single syllable, as in basanai ‘banana’ or hinpun ‘blind fence’ (both result in HHLH or LLLH).2
2.5 Intonation
Intonation serves as a means of expressing the intended speech act. A polar-question sentence is uttered with a rising intonation in general as in (80). However, when a polar-question is intended to blame someone, rather than questioning, it is uttered with a falling intonation as in (81).
(80)
watagoroːnu
asse. (↗)
wata+goro-ː⸗nu
ar-∅-sse.
belly+difficult-pred⸗foc
aux-npst-ynq
‘Is your belly aching?’
(81)
naːda
ukituːrantasse. (↘)
naːda
uki-ti ur-an-ta-sse.
yet
wake-seq cont-neg-pst-ynq
‘Aren’t you awake yet!’
3 Descriptive Units
3.1 Morphological Units
Words in a broad sense fall into two subtypes: independent words and clitics. Independent words usually can stand alone as an utterance and some syntactic operations such as topicalization or focalization are applicable to them. Clitics are morphosyntactically independent but phonologically dependent words, which always require a host. Adnominals (§ 4.4) and a variety of particles (see § 9.3, § 11.7, § 11.6.3, etc.) are instances of clitics.
There are two classes of bound forms below the level of the word: affixes and semiwords (cf. Kenesei 2007). An affix is a bound form which attaches to a stem or a root. Semiword refers to the morphological status of morphs that never stand alone but can become an element of compounds. One type of semiword is adjectival roots: for example, the adjectival root magi ‘big’ can become a compound element as in magi+gwi ‘loud voice’ although it never stands alone as a word.3
3.2 Word Classes
Three criteria serve to identify major word classes in Kin: (i) the kind of syntactic slot (i.e., argument, predicate or modifier) it fills; (ii) whether it inflects in its own right or not; and (iii) the kind of constituent it modifies and how. Using these criteria, we can identify six major word classes: nominals, adnominals, verbs, adjectives, adjectival nouns, and adverbs.
Nominals are words which head an argument phrase; pronouns, lexical nouns, and numerals are subclasses of nominals. Verbs are words which head a predicate phrase and inflect in their own right (e.g., numin ‘drink (npst, ind)’, nudan ‘drank (pst, ind)’, etc.). Adjectives are words which function as a lexical head of a predicate and do not inflect in their own right: (e.g., magisa, in magisa⸗n ‘is big’, or magiku, in magiku nen ‘isn’t big’). Adjectival nouns are words which modify nominal heads, with the aid of the dedicated adnominal particle ⸗na (e.g., makutu⸗na munu ‘honest person’). Adnominals are proclitics which always modify nominal heads, without the aid of any adnominal particle (e.g., iː⸗ ‘good’, in iː⸗waːsitji ‘fine weather’). Adverbs are words which modify any constituent (including a sentence) except nominal heads (e.g., miːsuku ‘neatly’, ippe ‘very’, jadin ‘maybe’, etc.).
In addition to the major word classes introduced above, there are also some minor word classes. Particles are bound words which cliticize onto a phrase or a clause: case particles, topic/focus particles, conjunctive particles and sentence-final particles are subclasses of particles. Conjunctions are words which appear in sentence-initial position to indicate the logical relation between the preceding and the following sentences (e.g., attjikara ‘then’, jeːsuga ‘but’, etc.). Interjections are words which occur as an utterance on their own and express a spontaneous feeling or reaction (e.g., iː ‘yes’, iːiiː ‘no’, jeːkutt͡ɕa ‘wow’, etc.).
3.3 Grammatical Relations
In what follows, I use the conventional S, A, and P symbols instead of the terms “subject” or “object”, for the sake of avoiding the issues of definition. S is the single core argument of an intransitive clause. A is the agent-like argument of a canonical transitive clause. P is the patient-like argument in a canonical transitive clause.
I also use the term complement to refer to the syntactic position of certain constituents which form a predicate phrase with the copula or verbs like nar- ‘become’, s- ‘do’, j- ‘say’, etc. Complements can be substituted by the pro-form aː ‘so’.
4 Nominals
4.1 Pronouns
Typologically, Kin is a two-person language (Bhat 2004: p. 134), in which third person pronouns are identical or derivationally related to demonstratives.
Personal pronouns obligatorily inflect for number. The number distinction is two-fold: singular and plural. When a referent is plural, morphological plural-marking (-tta) is required. Conversely, when a pronoun is zero-marked, the referent is construed as singular. Table 4.3 shows the system of the personal pronouns in Kin.4
Table 4.3
Personal pronouns
Person |
Circumstance |
Honorificity |
Singular |
Plural |
---|---|---|---|---|
1st |
Default |
- |
wanu |
watta |
Genitive |
- |
waː⸗ |
||
__⸗ga (nom) |
- |
waː(⸗ga) |
||
__⸗ɴ (adt) |
- |
waːnu(⸗ɴ) |
||
2nd |
- |
Non-honorific |
jaː |
itta |
- |
Honorific |
naː ~ naːmi |
natta ~ naːmita |
|
Interrogative |
Default |
- |
taru |
tatta ~ tarutta |
Genitive |
- |
taː⸗ |
||
__⸗ga (nom) |
- |
taː(⸗ga) |
||
__⸗ɴ (adt) |
- |
taːru(⸗ɴ) |
4.2 Lexical Nouns
In most cases, lexical nouns do not inflect. However, when a lexical noun denotes a human (e.g., ikiga ‘man’, warabi ‘child’, etc.), plural-marking is possible.
The most productive plural marker for lexical nouns is -ta,5 which concatenates with various nominal roots (including proper names) and expresses not only additive plurals but also associative plurals. Thus, the noun phrase mura⸗nu jakunin-ta (village⸗gen officer-pl) can have two interpretations; one is ‘village officials’ (additive plural reading) and the other is ‘a village official and other associated people’ (associative plural reading). Another plural marker is -ntja, which concatenates with nominal roots that denote a human’s age or sex, e.g., ware-ntja ‘children’, tusiju-ntja ‘elderly people’, ikiga-ntja ‘men’, and inagu-ntja ‘women’.6 Unlike -ta, -ntja expresses additive plural only. There is yet another plural marker -bi(ː), which concatenates with nominal roots that denote human relationships, e.g., weːka-biː ‘relatives’, itjiku-bi ‘cousins’, duːsi-biː ‘friends’, etc. Interestingly, -ntja and -bi(ː) can cooccur with -ta in a single word, in which -ntja and -bi(ː) always precede -ta, as in ware-ntja-ta ‘children’, duːsi-biː-ta ‘friends’.
A diminutive suffix -ngwaː is used to express that the referent denoted by the host noun is small or trivial, as in matjija-ngwaː ‘small store’, aːmi-ngwaː ‘light rain’, etc.
4.3 Numerals
Numeral words consist of a bound root and a classifier suffix. The most common classifier suffix is -tju(ː), which is used to count various non-human entities. The classifier suffix -(ta)i is used to count humans up to four. When counting five or more humans, numeral roots and a classifier (-nin) of Sino-Japanese origin are used. Other classifier suffixes are: -kara for livestock animals, -tjuki for months, -tu for years, -kei for events/actions, etc.
Table 4.4
Numeral words
One |
Two |
Three |
Four |
Five |
Six |
Seven |
Eight |
Nine |
|
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Entity |
tiːtju |
taːtju |
miːtju |
juːtju |
itjutjuː |
muːtju |
nanatjuː |
jaːtju |
kukunutjuː |
Person |
tjui |
tai |
mittjai |
juttai |
gunin |
rukunin |
sitjinin |
hatjinin |
kunin |
Being a semiword (see § 3.1), the numeral root can also combine with other nominal roots to yield compound words like tju+kutuba ‘one word’, tju+hisa ‘one step’, tju+makai ‘one rice bowl’, etc.
4.4 Adnominals
Adnominals are a closed class and the number of words that belong to them is quite small. Some instances are: iː⸗ ‘good’ (e.g., iː⸗waːsiki ‘fine weather’), inu⸗ ‘same’ (e.g., inu⸗tusi ‘same age’), kaːma⸗ ‘remote’ (e.g., kaːma⸗mukasi ‘remote past’), tjaː⸗ ‘constant’ (e.g., tjaː⸗kaneː ‘constant health’), etc.
Adnominals classified as demonstrative and interrogative are introduced in § 8.
5 Verbs
Morphologically, a verb consists of a bound stem and inflectional affixes. A verbal stem consists of at least one root (more than one in the case of compounds) and optional derivational affixes.
Before describing the verbal morphology, I shall introduce some general morphophonological rules that are applied to the base-affix boundaries of regular verbs.7
(82) Epenthesis Rule8
If the base-final phoneme is a front vowel (/i/, /e/) and the affix-initial phoneme is a vowel, insert /r/ between them: //V-V// → /VrV/.
(83) Vowel Fusion Rules
If the base-final phoneme is a non-front vowel (/a/, /u/) and the affix-initial phoneme is a vowel, fuse them into a short vowel: //a-i// → /e/; //u-i// → /i/; //a-a// → /a/; //u-a// → /a/.
(84) C-j Realization Rules
If the affix-initial phoneme is /j/, the following rules apply depending on the base-final consonant: //r-j// → /j/; //b-j// → /b/; //m-j// → /m/; //s-j// → /s/; //k-j// → /tj/; //g-j// → /z/.
(85) C-t Realization Rules
If the affix-initial phoneme is /t/, the following rules apply depending on the base-final consonant: //r-t// → /t/; //b-t// → /d/; //m-t// → /d/; //s-t// → /tj/; //k-t// → /tj/; //t-t// → /ttj/; //g-t// → /z/.9
5.1 Inflectional Morphology
5.1.1 Obligatory Inflections of Regular Finite Verbs
The morphological structure of a finite verb minimally consists of three components: stem, tense, and ending. The ending is the locus for mood suffixes (imperative, indicative, interrogative, etc.) or coordinator/subordinator suffixes. Among the mood suffixes, the imperative and intentional/hortative mood suffixes are exceptional in that they concatenate with a stem directly, without any tense suffix intervening.
Stems of regular verbs are classified into three classes depending on their final segment. Class i is for stems whose final segment is a front vowel (/i/, /e/) or /r/ (exemplified by uki- ‘get up’ in Table 4.5). Class ii is for stems whose final segment is a non-front vowel (/a/ or /u/, both of which result from diachronic loss of the stem-final /w/; exemplified by wara- ‘laugh’ in Table 4.5) or a bilabial consonant (/b/, /m/; exemplified by num- ‘drink’ in Table 4.5). The other stems whose final segment is a non-labial obstruent (/k/, /g/, /t/, or /s/) belong to Class iii (exemplified by kak- ‘write’ in Table 4.5).
The non-past tense of regular verbs is expressed by an imperfective suffix, which is realized as one of three allomorphs according to the class to which the host stem belongs (-ː- for Class i stems, -i- for Class ii stems, and -ju- for Class iii stems). The relevant morphophonological rules (82)–(85) apply to the base-affix boundaries of underlying forms to yield the surface word forms shown in the rightmost column in Table 4.5.
Table 4.5
Obligatory inflections of finite verbs
Class |
Stem |
Tense |
Ending |
Underlying form |
Word form |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
i |
uki- ‘get up’ |
- |
-i (imp) |
//uki-i// |
ukiri |
-ː- (ipfv.npst) |
-n (ind) |
//uki-ː-n// |
ukin |
||
-ta- (pst) |
-n (ind) |
//uki-ta-n// |
ukitan |
||
ii |
wara- ‘laugh’ |
- |
-i (imp) |
//wara-i// |
ware |
-i- (ipfv.npst) |
-n (ind) |
//wara-i-n// |
waren |
||
-ta- (pst) |
-n (ind) |
//wara-ta-n// |
waratan |
||
num- ‘drink’ |
- |
-i (imp) |
//num-i// |
numi |
|
-i- (ipfv.npst) |
-n (ind) |
//num-i-n// |
numin |
||
-ta- (pst) |
-n (ind) |
//num-ta-n// |
nudan |
||
iii |
kak- ‘write’ |
- |
-i (imp) |
//kak-i// |
kaki |
-ju- (ipfv.npst) |
-n (ind) |
//kak-ju-n// |
katjun |
||
-ta- (pst) |
-n (ind) |
//kak-ta-n// |
katjan |
5.1.2 Optional Inflections of Regular Finite Verbs
Finite verbs optionally inflect for politeness, negation, and imperfectivity. The politeness suffix -jabi-10 expresses politeness on the part of the speaker towards the addressee (see (96) and (97) for example sentences). Verbal stems are negated by the negative suffix -an. As we saw in § 5.1.1, the imperfective suffix is realized as one of three allomorphs: -ː-, -i-, and -ju-. It cooccurs with the past-tense suffix to yield the imperfective past form.
5.1.3 Inflections of Non-finite Verbs
There are three types of non-finite verb: infinitive, connective, and a variety of converbs. The infinitive form is used when a verb occurs as V1 of a certain kind of compound verbs (§ 10.1.1) and when the verbal stem is marked with the topic/focus or subordinator particles.11 The infinitive suffix has three conditional allomorphs: -ː for Class i stems, -ji for Class ii and iii stems, and -na for negated stems.
The connective form, which is marked with the sequential suffix -ti is multi-functional: it is used in auxiliary constructions (§ 10.1.2), in a special aspectual expression with a mirative sense (§ 11.6.2), in causal subordinate clauses which can be insubordinated in a certain environment (§ 12.3), and for clause-chaining (§ 12.4), etc.
Instances of converb markers are: -jegana (simultaneity; e.g., attjegana ‘while walking’), -iwa ~ -uwa (causal condition; e.g., kamiwa ‘if (you) eat’), -tekara (hypothetical condition; e.g., narantekara ‘if (you) can’t do’), -tante (concessive; e.g., ntjagitante ‘even if (you) eat’), etc.
5.2 Derivational Morphology
There are three derivational suffixes that create verbal stems: causative, inceptive, and passive/potential. These suffixes do not cooccur with inherently non-agentive verbs, namely, the existential ar- and the copula je-.
The causative suffix, which causativizes a verbal root, has two conditioned allomorphs: -imi-, for /s/-final verbal roots, and -as- elsewhere (see (103) in § 11.4.1). The inceptive suffix -jagi- expresses that the event denoted by the verb has just begun and is not completed (see (108) in § 11.6.2). The passive/potential suffix -ar- passivizes or potentializes a stem (see (104) in § 11.4.2 for an example of passivization). Verbal stems potentialized by the suffix -ar- express circumstantial potentiality as in (86), which contrasts with ability expressed by the modal verb joːs- (see § 10.1.1).
(86)
suː⸗ja
kwattji⸗n
kam-ar-i-n⸗doː.
today⸗top
feast⸗adt
eat-pot-ipfv.npst-ind⸗adm
‘Today, we can have a feast.’ [Because the speaker is going to a celebration party.]
There are also a few derivational prefixes that attach to verbal roots. For example, the attenuative prefix keː- is used to trivialize the semantic content of verbs. In the polite imperative sentence (87), the prefix keː- is used to indicate that the addressee’s visiting will not bother the speaker.
(87)
keː-moːr-i⸗joː.
att-come.hon-imp⸗rem
‘Feel free to drop by us.’
5.3 Existential and Copula
On several points, the morphology of the existential verbs and the copula is somewhat different from that of regular verbs. First, existential verbs and the copula select the zero-morph -∅- as their non-past suffix. Second, their stem-vowel is lengthened when consonant-initial suffixes (e.g., past tense -ta-) immediately follow. Third, the existential verb (for inanimate S) and the copula exhibit strong suppletion when they are negated. Furthermore, for the allomorphic stem neː-, a special allomorph -n is selected as the negative suffix, rather than invoking the /r/-epenthesis strategy.
Table 4.6
Word forms of existential verbs and copula
Verb type |
Stem |
Non-past |
Past |
Polite |
Negation |
Polite+ |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Negation |
||||||
Existential (animate S) |
ur- |
un |
uːtan |
ujabin |
uran |
ujabiran |
Existential (inanimate S) |
ar- |
an |
aːtan |
aːbin |
nen12 |
neːjabiran |
Copula |
je- |
jen |
jeːtan |
jeːbin |
aran |
ajabiran |
6 Adjectival Expressions
Adjectival expressions fall into two word classes: adjectives and adjectival nouns.
6.1 Adjectives
6.1.1 Morphosyntactic Structure
Adjectival predicates, which appear to be a single word and actually have been dealt with as such in the literature on Ryukyuan linguistics, are analyzable as predicate phrases consisting of two separate words: a morphologically independent stem which does not inflect in its own right, and an inflectional clitic, which is best analyzed as a contracted auxiliary verb (an instance of Zwicky’s (1977) simple clitics). Within the adjectival predicate, what should be identified as an “adjectival word” is only the stem component.13
Cliticization of the auxiliary verb results from reduction of the stem of the auxiliary verb ar-, whose lexical source is the existential verb. As an example, take the adjectival predicate magisan ‘is big’: here, magisa is a stem and ⸗n is a cliticized auxiliary verb, which expresses non-past tense and indicative mood simultaneously.
Morphological independency of the adjectival stem is shown by the fact that it can be focalized (i.e., become a host of the focus particle ⸗ru). When it is focused, the stem of the auxiliary verb is not reduced (e.g., magisa⸗ru aːru) and thus cliticization of inflectional affixes does not occur.
6.1.2 Stem Formation
There are two forms for each adjectival stem, which I call the predicative form and the adverbial form respectively.
The predicative form, which occurs in an affirmative predicate, consists of an adjectival root and a predicativizer suffix.14 Adjectival roots fall into four classes depending on their phonological properties and the predicativizer suffix has four allomorphs conditioned by the phonological properties of the adjectival roots: Class i roots, which have the phonological template /#(C)aːsa/, select the zero-morph -∅ as their predicativizer suffix. There are just two instances of Class i roots: maːsa- ‘tasty’, and jaːsa- ‘hungry’. Class ii roots are those whose root-final syllable is /si/. They are further divided into two subclasses; Class ii-A, whose root-final vowel /i/ drops when followed by the predicativizer suffix -a (exemplified by kasimasi- ‘noisy’ in Table 4.7), and Class ii-B, whose root-final syllable /si/ entirely drops when followed by the predicativizer suffix -ː (exemplified by mindasi- ‘rare’ in Table 4.7). Class iii roots consist of two subtypes: monosyllabic roots, which have /#(C)Vː/ as a phonological template (exemplified by heː- ‘early’ in Table 4.7), and roots whose root-final segment is a high vowel /i/ or /u/ (except the case of Class ii; exemplified by magi- ‘big’ in Table 4.7). They select -sa as their predicativizer suffix. Finally, Class iv roots are those whose final vowel is a non-high vowel /a/, /o/ or /e/ (except the case of Class i; exemplified by taka- ‘high’ in Table 4.7). They select -ː as their predicativizer suffix.
The adverbial form of adjectival stems appears in negative predicates or in the complement position of such verbs as nar- ‘become’. This special stem form has been called “ku-adverbial form” in the literature (Uemura 1963, inter alia). Adverbial forms are formed by concatenating the adverbializer suffix -ku with adjectival roots.15 In the case of Class ii-B roots, -ku always concatenates with the form whose final syllable /si/ is dropped.
Table 4.7
Various word forms which include an adjectival root
Class |
Root form |
Compound noun |
Predicative |
Adverbial |
---|---|---|---|---|
form |
form |
|||
i |
maːsa- ‘tasty’ |
maːsa+munuː ‘tasty food’ |
maːsa-∅⸗n |
maːsa-ku |
ii-A |
kasimasi- ‘noisy’ |
kasimasi+munu ‘annoyer’ |
kasimas-a⸗n |
kasimasi-ku |
~ kasimas-a-ku |
||||
ii-B |
mindasi- ‘rare’ |
mindasi+munuː ‘rare item’ |
minda-ː⸗n |
minda-ku |
iii |
heː- ‘early’ |
heː+uki ‘early rising’ |
heː-sa⸗n |
heː(-sa)-ku |
magi- ‘big’ |
magi+gwi ‘loud voice’ |
magi-sa⸗n |
magi(-sa)-ku |
|
iv |
taka- ‘high’ |
taka+dima ‘high salary’ |
taka-ː⸗n |
taka-ku |
6.2 Adjectival Nouns
Adjectival nouns constitute a separate word class. Like lexical nouns, but unlike adjectives, their morphology is quite simple. They modify nominal heads with a designated adnominal particle ⸗na. The number of words that are classified as adjectival nouns is quite small. Some instances are: deːzi(⸗na) ‘terrible’, zaːhe(⸗na) ‘troublesome’, jakke(⸗na) ‘troublesome’, makutu(⸗na) ‘honest’, mari(⸗na) ‘rare’, masi(⸗na) ‘better’, sukutji(⸗na) ‘thoughtless’, etc.16
Adjectival nouns also become the complement of the copula or the verb nar- ‘become’ as in (88).
(88)
naː
deːzi
natiru
ussa.
naː
deːzi
nar-ti⸗ru
ur-∅-ssa.
already
terrible
become-seq⸗foc
cont-npst-ass
‘The situation has become terrible.’
7 Class-Changing Derivations
7.1 Nominalizations
7.1.1 Nominalization of Verbal Stems
There are two kinds of nominalization of verbal stems: event/result nominalization and agentive nominalization.
The nominalizer suffix which derives event/result nouns from verbal stems has two allomorphs: -∅ and -ji. Verbs whose stem-final phoneme is a front vowel /i/ or /e/ are nominalized by the zero-affix -∅ (e.g., //kange-∅// → kange ‘thought’); other verbal stems select -ji as the nominalizer (e.g., //uwar-ji// → uwai ‘the end’).
The suffix -jaː derives agentive nouns from verbal stems (e.g., //moːr-jaː// → moːjaː ‘dancer’).
7.1.2 Nominalization of Adjectival Roots
Nominalization of adjectival roots derives two types of nouns: concept nouns and entity/human nouns.
The nominalizer suffix which derives concept nouns from adjectival roots has three allomorphs: -∅ for the Class i roots, -a for the Class ii roots (with their root-final /i/ dropped) and -sa elsewhere (examples for each are: jaːsa-∅ ‘hunger’, kasimas-a ‘annoyingness’, taka-sa ‘height’).
The nominalizer suffix -ː creates a deadjectival noun which denotes an entity/human having a property denoted by the root (e.g., magi-ː ‘large person’, hiko-ː ‘short person’).
7.2 Verbalization
Some adjectival roots are verbalized by the special suffixes -mi- (transitive) and -mar- (intransitive): tjuː-mi- ‘strengthen’, taka-mar- ‘heighten’, etc. These derivations are lexically restricted and not productive.
The verbalizer suffix -mikas- attaches to onomatopoeia and derives a verb with a meaning like ‘do something making such a sound’: patjin-mikas- ‘slap’, tjara-mikas- ‘sizzle’, etc.
Although denominal verbalization is not common in Kin, a light verb construction is frequently used as an alternative strategy in which the light verb s- ‘do’ takes a noun (including derived nouns) as its complement and creates a verbal predicate (e.g., siwa ‘anxiety’ → siwa s- ‘worry’; kanasa ‘adorableness’ → kanasa s- ‘care for’, etc.).
7.3 Adjectivalization
The adjectivalizer suffix -tta- concatenates with a verbal root to derive an adjective which expresses the speaker’s physiological desire (as in hattjaːn ‘nauseous’ (//hak-tta-ː⸗n// ‘vomit-adjvz-pred⸗npst.ind’), nintaːn ‘sleepy’ (//ninb-tta-ː⸗n// ‘sleep-adjvz-pred⸗npst.ind’), etc.).17
There is another adjectivalizer suffix -raːsi-, which attaches to a noun (say, ikiga ‘man’) to yield words like ikigaraːsa(n) ‘manly’ (< //ikiga-raːsi-a(⸗n)// ‘man-adjvz-pred⸗npst.ind’).
8 Demonstratives and Interrogatives
Kin makes a three-way distinction between demonstratives: proximal, medial, and distal. The proximal demonstratives refer to a referent near the speaker, either physically or metaphorically. The medial demonstratives can refer to a referent either near the speaker or the addressee. Thus, the range of possible referents overlaps between the proximal and the medial. The distal demonstratives refer to a referent distant from both speaker and addressee.
Some instances of the demonstrative and the interrogative words are shown in Table 4.8, though it is not an exhaustive list. For the interrogative personal pronouns, see Table 4.3 in § 4.1.
Indefinite pronouns are derived by attaching the suffix -gajeːra to interrogative words (e.g., taru-gajeːra ‘someone’, nuː-gajeːra ‘something’, maː-gajeːra ‘somewhere’, etc.).
Table 4.8
Demonstrative and interrogative words
Word class |
Semantic type |
Proximal |
Medial |
Distal |
Interrogative |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Pronoun |
Entity |
kuri |
uri |
ari |
nuː ‘what’ / ziru ‘which’ |
Person (sg) |
kuri |
uri |
ari |
(See Table 4.3) |
|
Person (pl) |
kuritta |
uritta |
aritta |
(See Table 4.3) |
|
Noun |
Location |
kuma |
maː |
ama |
maː |
Time |
- |
- |
uniː |
itju |
|
Numeral |
Quantity |
- |
- |
- |
iku-18 |
Adnominal |
Specifier |
kunu⸗ |
unu⸗ |
anu⸗ |
zinu⸗ ‘which’ |
Exemplifier |
kunna⸗ |
unna⸗ |
anna⸗ |
ikana⸗ |
|
Adverb |
Complement |
kaː |
aː |
- |
itja ~ tjaː |
Manner |
kattji |
attji |
- |
itjattji |
|
Degree |
kuhina |
uhina |
ahina |
tjassana |
|
Reason |
- |
- |
- |
nunnitji |
9 Argument Phrase
9.1 The Head
A phrase which functions as an argument in a clause (NP, henceforth) consists of a nominal head and optional modifiers. For some nominal heads, the modifier is necessary rather than optional, and these heads are classified as formal nouns; gutu, which expresses a simile, is an instance of a formal noun (see (93) in § 10.2 for an example sentence).
9.2 The Modifier
What can be an NP modifier are: adnominals, genitive pronouns, NPs followed by a genitive case particle, adjectival nouns followed by the adnominal particle ⸗na, and an adnominal clause.
9.3 Case and Other Role Marking
Cases are marked by case particles which cliticize onto NPs as postpositions.
The nominative and the genitive case particles are homonymic. They have two forms, ⸗ga and ⸗nu, and the allomorph selection is sensitive to the animacy hierarchy, as reported by Kinjo (2020): if the argument is ranked higher in the animacy hierarchy (i.e., personal pronouns, proper names, address nouns19), ⸗ga is selected as the nominative and genitive particle, and if it is ranked lower (i.e., common nouns except address nouns), ⸗nu tends to be selected (sometimes ⸗ga is also used, especially when the argument is focused).
Note that there is no particle that marks the accusative case. Thus, the P argument occurs as a bare NP unless other kinds of particles (topic, focus, etc.) attach to it.
Table 4.9
Case particles
Case |
Particle |
Functions to be marked |
---|---|---|
Nominative |
⸗ga / ⸗nu |
S/A |
Genitive |
⸗ga / ⸗nu |
Possessor, NP modifier |
Dative |
⸗nake |
Location of existence, Recipient, Passive agent |
Allative |
⸗katji |
Location of existence, Recipient, Passive agent, |
Goal of locomotion, Direction, Causee agent |
||
Locative |
⸗ti / ⸗zi / ⸗nakeːti |
Location of action/event |
Ablative |
⸗kara |
Source, Path, Means of transportation |
Limitative |
⸗madi |
Spatial or temporal limit |
Instrumental |
⸗ttji |
Instrument, Number of the participants of action |
Comitative |
⸗tu |
Accompaniment |
Comparative |
⸗joːka |
Standard of comparison |
10 Predicate Phrase
A predicate phrase necessarily includes a verbal component. Lexical verbs can be a predicate on their own. Adjectives need the aid of the cliticized auxiliary verb when they function as a predicate (see § 6.1.1). Nominals, adjectival nouns and adverbs serve as a predicate in conjunction with the copula verb.
10.1 Verbal Predication
A single verbal predicate can include two (or more) verbal roots. Such a complex predicate is either a compound verb or a sequence of a main verb and an auxiliary verb. I focus on these complex verbal predicates here. In what follows, the preceding verb and the second verb are abbreviated as V1 and V2, respectively.
10.1.1 Compound Verbs
Compound verbs consist of V1 in its dedicated forms and V2 which carries the inflection. There are two kinds of compound verb: one is what I call nominalization compounds, in which V1 occurs in a nominalized form; and the other is what I call infinitive compounds, in which V1 occurs in an infinitive form.20 Nominalization compounds can be further classified into two types: lexical and productive.
In lexical nominalization compounds, the combination of V1 and V2 is lexically fixed. tui+keːsun ‘take back’ is an example of a lexical compound verb, in which V1 is the nominalized form of the verb tur- ‘take’ and V2 is an inflected form of the verb keːs- ‘return’.
In productive nominalization compounds, V2 adds some adverbial meaning to V1. The combination of V1 and V2 is not lexically fixed (i.e., it is productive). Instances of verbs which can be V2 in productive nominalization compounds are: noːs- ‘V1 over again’ (e.g., sikoi+noːsun ‘remake’ (lit. ‘make+repair’)), hatti- ‘V1 completely’ (e.g., ui+hattin ‘sell out’ (lit. ‘sell+come to an end’)), etc.
In infinitive compounds, V2 is limited to a few modal verbs that are dedicated to the compound verb predicate: joːs- ‘can V1’ (e.g., sikoː+joːsun ‘can make (something)’); nsoːr-, which expresses the speaker’s respectful attitude to the S/A argument of the clause (e.g., koː+nsoːri ‘please buy’). Some modal adjectives are also employed in infinitive compounds: busa(⸗n) ‘want to V1’ (e.g., saː+busan ‘want to touch’), gisa(⸗n) ‘likely to V1’ (e.g., huː+gisan ‘likely to rain’).
10.1.2 Auxiliary Verb Construction
The connective form of verbs, which is marked with the sequential suffix -ti, cooccurs with various auxiliary verbs to yield complex predicates, most of which are aspectual expressions. Instances of auxiliary verbs are shown in Table 4.10.
In auxiliary constructions, the connective forms phonologically fuse with the auxiliary verbs ur- (as in (89)) and ar- (as in (90)).
(89)
atamani
tjuːru
usetusa
jaː.
atamani
tjuː⸗ru
use-ti ur-∅-sa
jaː.
really
person⸗foc
make.fun-seq cont-npst-ass
adr
‘(He) is really making fun of me, isn’t he?’
(90)
ottoːga
juːban
sikotesa.
ottoː⸗ga
juːban
siko-ti ar-∅-sa.
father⸗nom
dinner
make-seq res-npst-ass
‘Father has cooked the dinner for us.’
Table 4.10
Auxiliary verbs
Functions to be marked |
Auxiliary verb |
Lexical meaning |
---|---|---|
Continuative |
ur- |
‘exist’ (animate S) |
Resultative/Benefactive21 |
ar- |
‘exist’ (inanimate S) |
Completive (undesired result) |
nen |
‘not exist’ (inanimate S) |
Preparative |
uk- |
‘put’ |
Directional (away from the deictic center) |
ik- |
‘go’ |
Directional (toward the deictic center) |
k- |
‘come’ |
Benefactive |
turas- |
‘give’ |
Conative/Experiential |
(⸗n) m- |
‘see’ |
10.2 Non-verbal Predication
A phrase headed by a nominal, an adjectival noun, or an adverb serves as a predicate in conjunction with the copula verb. Sentence (91) is an example of nominal predication.
(91)
arija
simanu
tjuːdeːru.
ari⸗ja
sima⸗nu
tjuː⸗ru jeː-∅-ru.
3sg⸗top
village⸗gen
person⸗foc cop-npst-ind.fccd
‘He is our fellow villager.’
The copula verb is obligatorily omitted when the sentence is affirmative, non-past, indicative, and no other marking is involved.
(92)
anu⸗hjaː⸗ja
waː⸗duːsi.
that⸗guy⸗top
1sg.gen⸗friend.
‘That guy is a friend of mine.’
Phrases headed by the formal noun gutu, which expresses a simile, is an exception, in that the auxiliary verb ar-, rather than the copula verb, is employed when it serves as a predicate.
(93)
gaikukunu
guturu
aːru.
gaikuku⸗nu
gutu⸗ru
ar-∅-ru.
foreign.country⸗gen
sml⸗foc
aux-npst-ind.fccd
‘It’s like a foreign country.’
11 The Simple Sentence
11.1 Sentence Type
Four sentence types can be distinguished by their speech acts and verbal morphology: declarative, interrogative, imperative, and exclamative.
11.1.1 Declarative Sentences
The main verb in declarative sentences has its ending marked with the mood suffixes -n (indicative) or -(s)sa (assertive). While the indicative mood suffix -n is used to express objective facts, the assertive mood suffix -(s)sa expresses the speaker’s subjective judgment, which is unknown or uncertain information for the addressee as in (94).22
(94)
aː
natesuja
jaːtami
jessa.
aː
nar-ti ar-∅-su⸗ja
jaː⸗tami
je-∅-ssa.
so
become-seq res-npst-nmlz⸗top
2sg.gen⸗fault
cop-npst-ass
‘It’s your fault that it happened.’
11.1.2 Interrogative Sentences
The main verb in interrogative sentences has its ending marked with a mood suffix such as -ː (polar question; nudaː? ‘Did you drink?’), -(s)se (polar question in a demanding tone; see (80) and (81) in § 2.5), -mi (intentional question; numimi? ‘Will you drink?’), -ga (content question), -ra (self-question), etc. The content question suffix -ga marks the verb’s concord with an interrogative word.
(95)
maːkatji
itjuga?
maː⸗katji
ik-ju-ga?
where⸗all
go-ipfv.npst-whq
‘Where are you going?’
Similarly, the self-question suffix -ra marks the verb’s concord with the interrogative focus particle ⸗ga.23
(96)
nuːnu
juːzuga
jeːbira?
nuː⸗nu
juːzu⸗ga
je-ːbi-∅-ra?
what⸗gen
errand⸗foc
cop-pol-npst-slfq
‘I wonder what errand you came on.’
The sentence-final particle ⸗na, which cliticizes onto the indicative form of verbs, also serves as a polar-question marker.
(97)
tjaː⸗kaneː
je-ːbi-ta-n⸗na?
constant⸗well
cop-pol-pst-ind⸗ynq
‘Have you been well ever since then?’
11.1.3 Imperative Sentences
The verb of imperative sentences has its ending marked with mood suffixes such as -i or -iwa ~ -uwa. Prohibition is expressed by periphrasis of the infinitive form of a negated verb and the imperative form of the preparative auxiliary verb uk- (lit. ‘put’).
(98)
aberanna
uki.
abe-an-na
uk-i.
shout-neg-inf
prep-imp
‘Don’t shout.’
Alternatively, the prohibitive suffix -ki or -kiwa ~ -kuwa attaches immediately after the negative suffix. Thus, the two-word sentence (98) can be paraphrased as a single word, aberanki or aberankiwa ~ aberankuwa.
11.1.4 Exclamative Sentences
Exclamative sentences are signaled by the demonstrative adverb attji ‘in such a way’ and a verb whose ending is marked with the focus concord suffix -ru (see § 11.7.2).
(99)
attji
maːsa-∅⸗nu
mizu
jeː-∅-ru!
in.such.a.way
tasty-pred⸗npst.adn
water
cop-npst-ind.fccd
‘What tasty water this is!’
11.2 Alignment
Kin has a marked nominative alignment system, in which the S/A argument is marked for nominative and the P argument remains unmarked (as was seen in § 9.3, Kin has no accusative case marker). Although non-volitional S arguments tend to be zero-marked in main clauses (as in (100)), they are marked for nominative in subordinate clauses as in (101).
(100)
aːmiː
huːgisan.
ami
hur-ː+gi-sa⸗n.
rain
fall-inf+likely-pred⸗npst.ind
‘It’s likely to rain.’
(101)
aːminu
huija,
maːkatjin
nziran.
ami⸗nu
hur-ː⸗ija,
maː⸗katji⸗n
nzi-an.
rain⸗nom
fall-inf⸗cond
where⸗all⸗adt
go.out-neg.npst.ind
‘When it rains, (I) don’t go anywhere.’
11.3 Possession
Predicative possession is expressed by existential verbs. Unless the possessor argument is topicalized, both the possessor and the possessed are marked for nominative. In (102), while the possessor hinsuːmun ‘poor man’ is marked with the nominative (⸗nu), the possessed nuː ‘what’ is also marked with the nominative (⸗ga).
(102)
hinsuːmunnu
nuːga
aːga
hinsuː+mun⸗nu
nuː⸗ga
ar-∅-ga
poverty+person⸗nom
what⸗nom
ext-npst-whq
‘What does such a poor man (like me) have?’
11.4 Valency Changing
11.4.1 Causativization
Causativization is a valency-increasing operation, in which the S/A argument of the underlying predicate becomes a causee agent and the causer argument is introduced as the A argument of the derived predicate. The causativized verb is marked with the derivational suffix -as- or -imi- (see § 5.2).
(103)
waːga
kadikara
ittakatji
kamasugutu.
waː⸗ga
kam-ti⸗kara
itta⸗katji
kam-as-ju-gutu.
1sg⸗nom
eat-seq⸗abl
2pl⸗all
eat-caus-ipfv.npst-csl
‘I’ll eat first and then let you eat.’
11.4.2 Passivization
Passivization is a valency-decreasing operation, in which the A argument of the underlying predicate is demoted and the P argument of the underlying predicate is promoted to the S argument of the derived predicate. The demoted A argument is either omitted or marked with the dative or allative particle as in (104). The passivized verb is marked with the passive suffix -ar- (see § 5.2).
(104)
habu⸗nake
kuːr-ar-i-n⸗doː.
snake⸗dat
bite-pass-ipfv.npst-ind⸗adm
‘You’ll get bitten by a snake.’
11.5 Polarity
Negation is marked on verbs with the negative suffix (see § 5.1.2). As was observed in § 5.3, the existential verb ar- and the copula verb have special stem allomorphs for negation.
The negation of adjectival predicates is expressed by periphrasis of an adverbial form (see § 6.1.2) and an auxiliary verb whose lexical source is the negative existential verb nen.
(105)
maːsa-ku
ne-n-tekara
kam-an-ki.
tasty-adv
ext-neg-cond
eat-neg-proh
‘If it doesn’t taste good to you, don’t eat it.’
11.6 TAM
11.6.1 Tense
There are fundamentally two tenses marked in the Kin dialect: non-past and past. In addition, there is also a modal past suffix whose semantic functions will be overviewed in § 11.6.3.
11.6.2 Aspect
The periphrastic aspectual expressions were introduced in § 10.1.2, but there are other strategies for aspect marking. For example, the imperfective past form (§ 5.1.2) is used to express reminiscences about a habit in the past.
(106)
wakasai⸗ja
meːnitji
saki
num-i-ta-n.
younger.days⸗top
every.day
alcohol
drink-ipfv-pst-ind
‘When I was young, I used to drink alcohol every day.’
As has been reported in the literature on Shuri Okinawan (Tsuhako 1989), the imperfective past form is also used to mark evidentiality of direct perception. Sentence (107) has a strong implicature that the speaker directly saw the scene of his/her father’s drinking alcohol.
(107)
ottoː⸗ga
saki
num-i-ta-n.
father⸗nom
alcohol
drink-ipfv-pst-ind
‘Father drank alcohol.’
The inceptive suffix -jagi- (§ 5.2) is used to report events denoted by the verb as having just begun and not yet completed.
(108)
amakara
⟨hikoːki⟩ga
saːgiːsa.
ama⸗kara
⟨hikoːki⟩⸗ga
k-jagi-ː-sa.
there⸗abl
airplane⸗nom
come-inc-ipfv.npst-ass
‘An airplane is coming from there.’
There is also an aspectual expression in which the non-finite connective form serves as a predicate in a main clause, without the aid of the auxiliary verbs. This kind of predicate expresses not only the continuative aspect but also some sense of mirativity. Sentence (109) expresses the speaker’s sudden realization of the situation.
(109)
aːmiː
huti!
aːmiː
hur-ti!
rain
fall-seq
‘It’s raining!’
11.6.3 Modality
The modal past tense suffix -te- expresses such modal senses as evidence-based inference, counterfactual assumption, or mirativity (sudden discovery/recollection). Sentences (110) and (111) exemplify the usages of evidence-based inference and sudden recollection, respectively.
(110)
kumakatji
tjuːnu
jaːnu
aːtesa
jaː.
kuma⸗katji
tjuːnu
jaː⸗nu
ar-te-sa
jaː.
here⸗all
human⸗gen
house⸗nom
ext-mpst-ass
adr
‘There must have been someone’s house here.’ [There are some archeological traces, etc.]
(111)
suːja
zuːguja
jeːtesa
jaː.
suː⸗ja
zuːguja
je-te-sa
jaː.
today⸗top
Fifteenth.Night
cop-mpst-ass
adr
‘(Come to think of it,) tonight is the Fifteenth Night.’
Sentence-final particles are also used to express modal meanings: ⸗doː (admonitive), ⸗te (inferential), ⸗ni (reportative), etc.
(112)
aːtjaːja
aːmiːdente.
aːtjaː⸗ja
aːmiː⸗ru je-∅-n⸗te.
tomorrow⸗top
rain⸗foc cop-npst-ind⸗infr
‘It’ll probably rain tomorrow, I think.’
11.7 Information Structure and Its Formal Encodings
11.7.1 Topicalization
The topicalized element is marked with the topic particle ⸗ja. In most cases, the nominative case particle does not cooccur with the topic particle: topic marking takes precedence over nominative marking. In (113), the A argument puːpuː ‘grandpa’ is marked with the topic particle ⸗ja, without a nominative case marker.
(113)
puːpuː⸗ja
meːnitji
saki
num-i-n.
grandpa⸗top
everyday
alcohol
drink-ipfv.npst-ind
‘Grandpa drinks alcohol every day.’
However, the S/A argument of a verbal predicate with a connotation of ability (e.g., nar- ‘can do’ or wakar- ‘understand’, etc.) is double-marked by the nominative and the topic particle.
(114)
watta⸗ga⸗ja
wakar-an-∅-gutu,
itta
ta-i
ik-uwa.
1pl⸗nom⸗top
understand-neg-npst-csl
2pl
two-clf
go-imp
‘We don’t understand (what they say) so you two should go.’
11.7.2 Focalization
The contrastive focus particle ⸗ru marks the host constituent as new information contrasted with alternatives (‘not others but X’). In concord with the contrastive focus particle, the verb’s ending is marked with the focus concord suffix -ru as in (115), unless the verb is marked with non-indicative mood suffixes or followed by a sentence-final particle.
(115)
waːta⸗nu⸗ru
jam-i-ru.
stomach⸗nom⸗foc
hurt-ipfv.npst-ind.fccd
‘It is my stomach that hurts.’
When the contrastive focus particle ⸗ru is followed by the copula, it is phonologically fused into the copula and pronounced as if they are a single word (i.e., the underlying //⸗ru jeː-∅-ru// is realized as deːru).
The additive focus particle ⸗n marks the host constituent as new information additional to alternatives already introduced in the discourse (‘not only others but also X’).
(116)
jan
maːzui
itjumi?
jaː⸗n
maːzui
ik-ju-mi?
2sg⸗adt
together
go-npst-ynq
‘Do you also want to go with us?’
12 The Complex Sentence
12.1 Clause Combining Strategies
12.1.1 Coordination
In the coordination structure, two clauses are linked by inflectional coordinator suffixes (conjunctive -kutu24 ‘and/so’ or adversative -suga ‘but’), which are marked on the verb of the first clause.
(117)
saːisosa
seːgana
juti
izakutu,
tjuːnu
nutuːranu
hunideːtanni.
saː-iso-sa
s-jegana
jur-ti
ik-ta-kutu,
tjuː⸗nu
nur-ti ur-an-∅-nu
huni⸗ru jeː-ta-n⸗ni.
att-joyful-nmlz
do-sim
approach-seq
go-pst-csl
man⸗nom
get.on-seq cont-neg-npst-adn
boat⸗foc cop-pst-ind⸗rep
‘(He) got closer with glee (to see what it is) and it was an unmanned boat.’
12.1.2 Subordination
Inflectional subordinator suffixes, which fill the ending slot of verbs, form adverbial clauses, adnominal clauses, and nominal clauses. The bracketed parts in (118)–(120) are instances of each clause type subordinated by the causal subordinator -ruwa, the adnominal subordinator -nu, and the clause nominalizer -su, respectively.
(118)
[suːja
hamati
tjaːruwa],
jaːsaku
nati.
suː⸗ja
hamar-ti
k-ta-ruwa,
jaːsa-ku
nar-ti.
today⸗top
work.hard-seq
come-pst-csl
hungry-adv
become-seq
‘Since I worked hard outside today, now I’ve become starving.’
(119)
[jaː⸗ga
wiː-ta-nu]
hiru.
2sg⸗nom
plant-pst-adn
garlic
‘The garlic you planted.’
(120)
[ari⸗ga
j-uː-su]⸗ja
muttumu
jeː-∅-sa.
3sg⸗nom
say-ipfv.npst-nmlz⸗top
reasonable
cop-npst-ass
‘What he says is reasonable.’
12.2 Quotatives
The quotative clause is marked with the conjunctive particle ⸗nitji.
(121)
naːmigaru
uttunuguwanitji
itjuru.
naːmi⸗ga⸗ru
uttunug-uwa⸗nitji
j-ti ur-∅-ru.
2sg.hon⸗nom⸗foc
dive-imp⸗quot
say-seq cont-npst-ind.fccd
‘It is you, who is saying (to me) “Dive!”.’
12.3 Insubordination
The connective form of verbs used in sentence-final position expresses evaluation (some sense of compliment or blaming). This construction can be analyzed as an ellipsis of a main clause such as ‘I’m very impressed’ or ‘I’m very disappointed’.
(122)
attji
hudui-ti!
in.such.a.way
grow-seq
‘(I’m very impressed to see that) you’ve grown so big!’
The adversative coordinator -suga expresses a warning when used in sentence-final position.
(123)
kuma⸗katji
kurumaː
tumi-ti⸗ja
nar-an-∅-suga.
here⸗all
car
park-seq⸗top
can.do-neg-npst-advrs
‘You cannot park a car here.’
12.4 Clause-Chaining Structures
The connective form of verbs is used for clause chaining. In this construction, the number of linked clauses is virtually unbounded.
(124)
…
saː
wakatji,
kamitanakatji
usagiti,
…
ningwan
saːbitan.
…
saː
wakas-ti,
kamitana⸗katji
usagi-ti,
…
ningwan
s-jabi-ta-n.
…
tea
boil-seq
altar⸗all
offer-seq
…
prayer
do-pol-pst-ind
‘(People used to) brew the tea, offer it on the altar of ancestors, … and say a prayer.’
Appendix: Sample Text
The following text is collected from a recording by the Shimakutuba Bukai (Local Language Club) of the Kinchō Bunka Kyōkai (Kin Town Culture Association) in 2018. The speaker is Yaeko Ashitomi (female, born in 1942). The story is about the old May Festival.
(125)
mukasija
tjinezineːnu
jaːja
asa
heːku
ukiti,
mukasi⸗ja
tjine+zine⸗nu
jaː⸗ja
asa
heː-ku
uki-ti,
those.days⸗top
family+family⸗gen
house⸗top
morning
early-adv
get.up-seq
‘In those days, it was a day when each family got up early in the morning,’
(126)
ukamaganasiːkatji
meː
usagiti,
urikara,
ukama-ganasiː⸗katji
meː
usagi-ti,
uri⸗kara,
cooking.stove-hon⸗all
rice
offer-seq
that⸗abl
‘and offered rice to the god of fire, then,’
(127)
taːkara
meːnu
huː
sanbun
nuzittjeːsutu,
taː⸗kara
meː⸗nu
huː
san-bun
nug-ti k-ti ar-∅-su⸗tu,
rice.field⸗abl
rice⸗gen
ear
three-clf
pull-seq come-seq res-npst-nmlz⸗com
‘three ears of rice which had been taken from a rice field,’
(128)
sirumeːtu
misusiruːnu
mitjugumi
toːtoːmeːkatji
usagiti,
siru+meː⸗tu
misu+siru⸗nu
mitjugumi
toːtoːmeː⸗katji
usagi-ti,
white+rice⸗com
miso+soup⸗gen
set.of.three
altar⸗all
offer-seq
‘cooked rice and miso soup, we offered the set of three on the altar of ancestors,’
(129)
sukuimuzukui
dikigahuːnitji
jaːninzunu
⟨karada⟩nu
⟨kenkoː⟩nu
ningan
suːnu
hiːdeːbitaru.
sukui+muzukui
dikigahuː⸗nitji
jaːninzu⸗nu
⟨karada⟩⸗nu
⟨kenkoː⟩⸗nu
ningan
s-ju-nu
hiː⸗ru je-ːbi-ta-ru.
crop+crop
good.harvest⸗quot
family⸗gen
body⸗gen
health⸗gen
prayer
do-ipfv.npst-adn
day⸗foc cop-pol-pst-ind.fccd
‘as a thanksgiving for a good harvest and a prayer for the good health of the family.’
(130)
suːja
muntageːnitji,
irera,
kweː,
hira,
nukuziriː,
nuimununu
haːi,
suː⸗ja
muntageː⸗nitji,
irera,
kweː,
hira,
nukuziri,
nuimunu⸗nu
hai,
today⸗top
muntagee⸗quot
sickle
hoe
hand.hoe
saw
sewing⸗gen
needle
‘On this day, people did a kind of purification called muntagee. As for sickles, hoes, hand hoes, saws, or sewing needles,’
(131)
sukatija
narandoːnitji
jattujabitan.
suka-ti⸗ja
nar-an⸗doː⸗nitji
j-ar-ti ur-jabi-ta-n.
use-seq⸗top
do.pot-neg.npst.ind⸗adm⸗quot
say-pass-seq cont-pol-pst-ind
‘we had been told not to use them.’
(132)
jeːsugajoː,
hoːtjaːja
sukatin
jutaːbitan.
jeːsuga⸗joː,
hoːtjaː⸗ja
suka-tin
juta-ː⸗ːbi-ta-n.
but⸗rem
kitchen.knife⸗top
use-conc
good-pred⸗pol-pst-ind
‘However, we were allowed to use kitchen knives.’
(133)
attji,
matjigati
uri
mamurankui,
haːmunuː
keːsukeja,
attji,
matjiga-ti
uri
mamur-an-kui,
haː+munuː
keː-suka-i⸗ija,
then
make.mistake-seq
this
follow-neg-circ
bladed+object
att-use-inf⸗cond
‘If you go against this custom by mistake and used a bladed object,’
(134)
habunake
kuːrarindoːnitji
jattujabitan.
habu⸗nake
kuːr-ar-i-n⸗doː⸗nitji
j-ar-ti ur-jabi-ta-n.
poisonous.snake⸗dat
bite-pass-npst-ind⸗adm⸗quot
say-pass-seq cont-pol-pst-ind
‘it had been said that you’ll be bitten by a poisonous snake in that year.’
Lawrence (2006) argues that an example of lexical innovations shared among the Northern subgroup is provided by a proto-Northern Okinawan word *gasusu ‘sea urchin’ derived from a proto-Northern Ryukyuan (the common ancestor of Okinawan and Amami) counterpart *gacucu. The corresponding word in Kin is kasusu.
I am very grateful to Prof. Akiko Matsumori for generously providing me with the data collected by her, to which I owe this subsection. Needless to say, all errors are my own responsibility.
The occurrence of sequential voicing (kwi → gwi) indicates that it is compounding rather than affixation, as sequential voicing applies at compound-stem boundaries.
Personal interrogative pronouns are included in Table 4.3 to call attention to the fact that their inflection pattern is similar to that of the 1st person pronoun. For other interrogative and demonstrative words, see Table 4.8 in § 8.
-ta must be distinguished from -tta, which is the dedicated plural marker for pronouns. In this regard, the second person honorific naːmi appears to be exceptional, for it selects -ta rather than -tta as the plural marker. This can be accounted for by the etymological fact that naːmi originates from a nominal phrase consisting of the genitive pronoun naː and the lexical noun mi ‘body’ (cf. Uchima 1984).
It should be noted that -ntja does not attach to all nominal roots that denote a human’s age or sex. For example, niːseː ‘young man’ and meːrabi ‘young girl’ select -ta as the plural marker, as in niːseːta and meːrabita.
These rules are only partially applied to irregular verbs such as existentials and the copula (§ 5.3), as well as mono-consonantal-root verbs (s- ‘do’, k- ‘come’, m- ‘see’, j- ‘say’) and some other irregular verbs (ik- ‘go’, moːr- ‘come.hon’, etc.).
Many researchers of the Japanese-Ryukyuan languages assume that /r/ is an affix-initial segment rather than introduced by epenthesis. Such an analysis cannot hold for Kin, for /r/ does not appear after stems whose final segment is a non-front vowel, where the Vowel Fusion Rules (83) are applied.
There are some predictable exceptions to the C-t Realization Rules: //#(C)i-t// → /(C)itj/ (e.g., //si-ta-n// (wear-pst-ind) → /sitjan/), //#(C)ir-t// → /(C)ittj/ (e.g., //sir-ta-n// (cut-pst-ind) → /sittjan/), //nb-t// → /nt/ (e.g., //ninb-ta-n// (sleep-pst-ind) → /nintan/).
The politeness suffix also has the allomorph -ːbi- for the existential ar- and the copula je-. See Table 4.6 for the word forms.
Instances of the subordinator particles which attach to the infinitive form are: ⸗ija (conditional), ⸗ini (temporal condition), ⸗ga (purposive), etc.
The long vowel in the underlying //neː-n// is shortened to avoid a superheavy syllable (see § 2.2).
Given that adjectives themselves do not inflect, they can no longer be considered “verb-like” (Dixon 2004), as has been assumed in the literature. This view is consistent with Dixon’s generalization that “non-verb-like” adjectives tend to be found in dependent-marking languages (Dixon 2004, p. 33).
The morphological status of adjectival roots is semiword (see § 3.1). Hence, they can be a component of compounds, as in magi+gwi ‘loud voice’, although they cannot stand alone as a word. The root forms of adjectives are attested when they appear in compound nouns as the first element, as shown in Table 4.7.
-ku also attaches to some predicative forms which are derived from the roots which belong to Classes II-A and III, as shown in Table 4.7.
The parenthesized (⸗na) in each example word is an adnominal particle which is used when adjectival nouns modify nouns.
Desire in general (‘want to V’) is expressed by the modal adjective busa(⸗n), which combines with the infinitive form of verbs. See § 10.1.1.
The numeral interrogative iku- is a semiword (see § 3.1) which needs a classifier suffix (as in iku-tai ‘how many people’) or a nominal stem to compound with (as in iku+tukuru ‘how many places’) in order to stand as a word.
Address nouns refer to common nouns which are used to address someone (e.g., kinship terms for older relatives).
Nominalized forms and infinitive forms are distinctive in verbs whose stem-final segment is /r/. For instance, the nominalized forms of the stems tur- ‘take’, sikor- ‘make’, saːr- ‘touch’ are tui, sikoi, saːi, on the one hand; and their infinitive counterparts are tuː, sikoː, saː, on the other.
Sentence (90) is ambiguous between resultative and benefactive readings. The benefactive reading becomes much clearer when the ar-auxiliary construction appears in an imperative sentence (as in tasukiteːri ‘Help me!’), where the resultative reading vanishes.
In a monologue, the assertive mood suffix -(s)sa also expresses a sense of mirativity as in (88) in § 6.2.
In (96), the self-question sentence is used as a polite question.
-kutu (-gutu) is also used as a causal subordinator in the subordination structure.
Bibliography
Bhat, D.N.S. (2004) Pronouns. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dixon, R.M.W. (2004) Adjective classes in typological perspective. In R.M.W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) Adjective Classes: a Cross-Linguistic Typology, 1–49. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kenesei, István (2007) Semiwords and affixoids: the territory between word and affix. Acta Linguistica Hungarica, 54(3): 263–293.
Kinjo, Kunio (2020) Okinawago Kin hōgen ni okeru kakujoshi ga/nu no bumpu [Distributions of the case particles ga/nu in the Kin dialect of Okinawan]. Paper presented at the 160th meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan.
Lawrence, Wayne (2006) Okinawa hōgengun no kaikubun ni tsuite [On the subclassification of the Okinawan dialects]. Okinawa Bunka [Okinawan Culture], 40: 101–118.
Matsumori, Akiko (2009) Okinawa hontō Kin hōgen no taigen no akusentogata to sono keiretsu: Ryūkyū chōsahyō keiretsubetsu goi no kaihatsu ni mukete [Accent classification for nouns in the Kin dialect of Mainland Okinawa Island: a step towards a development of word lists for Ryukyuan accent research]. Nihon Joshi Daigaku Kiyō: Bungakubu [Memoirs of the Japan Women’s University: Faculty of Literature], 58: 97–122.
Tsuhako, Toshiko (1989) Fukansēsō ni tsukimatou rinjōsē: Shuri hōgen no baai [Sense of presence in imperfective aspect: the case of the Shuri dialect]. Kotoba no Kagaku [Science of the Language], 2: 159–177.
Uchima, Chokujin (1984) Ryūkyū hōgen bumpō no kenkyū [A study of grammar in Ryukyuan dialects]. Tokyo: Kasama Shoin.
Uemura, Yukio (1963) Shuri hōgen no bumpō [A grammar of the Shuri dialect]. In Kokuritsu Kokugo Kenkyūjo (ed.) Okinawago jiten [Dictionary of Okinawan], 58–86. Tokyo: Ōkurashō Insatsukyoku.
Zwicky, Arnold M. (1977) On Clitics. Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistics Club.