1 The Language and Its Speakers
1.1 Geography and Affiliation
The Izumo dialect is spoken in the Izumo area, the east part of Shimane Prefecture, including Izumo City, Unnan City, Matsue City, Yasugi City, and Okuizumo Town. Shimane Prefecture is situated in the western part of the main island of Japan, so the Izumo dialect has been classified as a Western Japanese dialect since Tōjō (1953). However, it shares several features with Eastern Japanese dialects, such as the existence of the copula ⸗da, leading to a long-standing controversy among linguists with regard to how Izumo is situated in the history of Japanese.
According to Hiroto (1950), the Izumo dialect can be classified into three subdivisions: the Northeastern dialects, the Northwestern dialects, and the Southern dialects. These differences are based on their phonological, lexical, and grammatical features (Table 8.1). The present chapter focuses on the Nita dialect, one of the Southern dialects (Figure 8.1). The Nita dialect is spoken in the former Nita Town area of the present Okuizumo Town, located on the prefectural border of Shimane and Hiroshima prefectures.
Table 8.1
Differences within Izumo dialects
go-int |
‘sit down’ |
|
---|---|---|
Northwest |
ek-a |
nemar- |
Northeast |
ek-a |
siwar- |
South |
ek-aa |
nemar- |
1.2 Sociolinguistic Overview
The population of the former Nita area of Okuizumo Town is about 6,500 (as of 2020), but the number of people who can speak the traditional Nita dialect is much fewer. Fluent speakers of Nita are mostly over seventy years old, and many are in their eighties or nineties.
While able to understand the traditional dialect, the younger generations normally choose to speak Standard Japanese or use dialectal forms familiar to the whole region of Izumo, which is similar to the dialect spoken in Izumo City and distant from the traditional Nita dialect.
1.3 Previous Works
One of the earliest descriptive studies on the Izumo dialects is Katō (1935), a short description of the morpho-syntax of one dialect in Northeastern Izumo. Hiroto (1950) is the landmark study on Izumo, and it contains some descriptions of the phonology and morphology of the dialects spoken in Shimane and Tottori prefectures. Since then, no work has produced a comprehensive synchronic description of this dialect, although there have been some studies on individual phenomena, such as Hirako (2016) on case marking and Hirako and Tomosada (2018) on the morphology.
2 Phonology
The first thing to mention on the phonology of Nita is that there are some variants such as oroko ~ uroko ‘fish scale’ both among and within individual speakers. These variations must be due to sound changes and standardization. For example, oroko is considered to be ‘traditional’, as it was derived from the proto-form *uroko through the historical sound change *u > o, while the form uroko may be a loanword from Standard Japanese. This section will describe the Nita phonology based on its ‘traditional’ forms.
2.1 Phoneme Inventory
Nita has five vowels (/i[i̞ ~ i ~ ɨ], e[e ~ e̝], a, o[o ~ o̝], u[ɯ]/), thirteen consonants (/p, b; t, d; k, g; c[ts ~ tɕ], z[dz ~ dʑ]; s[s ~ ɕ], h[h ~ ɸ], m, n[n ~ m ~ ŋ ~ ɴ], r[ɾ ~ ɭ ]/) and two glides (/w, y[j]/). Phonetic long vowels are analyzed as a sequence of vowel phonemes: [aː] is /aa/, [oː] is /oo/, and so on. Closed vowels can be devoiced after a voiceless consonant, and non-closed vowels can also be devoiced between voiceless consonants (e.g. /sine/[sɨ̥ne] ‘shin’, /kata/[kḁta] ‘shoulder’).
The contrast between the closed vowels /i/ and /u/ is neutralized after /s, c, z/, and they appear as /i/[ɨ]. For example, when the verbal suffix //(r)u//(npst) attaches to an s-stem verb such as das- ‘put out’, it is realized as /das-i/[dasɨ] (put out-npst).
/i/ has three allophonic variants: the front vowels [i] and [i̞] appear after a vowel, while the central vowel [ɨ] appears in other environments (e.g. /sjooi/ [ɕoːi] ‘soy sauce’, /ki/ [kˢɨ̥] ‘tree’). /u/ does not appear in word-initial position.
/t/ and /d/ appear only before /a, e, o/.1 /k, g/ have allophones with contain a fricative off-glide [s, z], which often appear before /i/ (e.g. /ki/[kˢɨ̥] ‘tree’). /c, z/ are affricates. /c/ is palatalized before /y/ (e.g. /cya/[tɕa] ‘Japanese tea’), while /z/ is always palatalized before /y/ and /e/ (e.g. /mesizyakusi/[mesɨdʑakɯ̥sɨ] ‘rice scoop’, /zene/[dʑene] ‘money’). The fricative /s/ is also palatalized before /y/ and /e/ (e.g. /ase/[aɕe] ‘sweat’, /bosya/[boɕa] ‘bath’). Note that the palatalization of consonants before /i/ is optional in Nita, while the consonant before /i/ is almost obligatorily palatalized in most of the other Japanese-Ryukyuan dialects (e.g. /ci/[tsɨ̥ ~ tɕɨ̥] ‘blood’). This may be due to the phonetic nature of /i/ in Nita, which is a central vowel [ɨ] after a consonant.
/h/ is realized as [ɸ] before /u/ and /i/. /n/ is realized as the dental nasal [n] in onset position, but in coda position it is a homorganic nasal, which is realized as [ɴ] in word-final position, [ŋ] before velars, [m] before bilabials, and as a nasalized vowel before vowels, fricatives, and approximants. /r/ is realized as [ɭ] before /i/ (e.g. /kiiri/[kɨːɭɨ] ‘cucumber’).
Glide phonemes may combine with other consonants to form complex onsets, as in /hwaa/ [ɸaː] ‘day’, /kwaama/ [kʷaːma] ‘car’, /kyaa/ [kʲaː] ‘fog’.
2.2 Syllable Structure and Mora
The syllable template in the Nita dialect is schematized as (O)(G)Nu1(Nu2)(Cd). The syllable contains an obligatory nucleus (Nu), which can be filled by vowels. The onset position (O) can be occupied by any consonant, while the coda position (Cd) cannot be occupied by the voiced obstruents /b, d, g, z/, the glides /w, y/, /m/, and the liquid /r/ in the data at hand. The glides /w, y/ can fill the G slot. /w/ precedes /k, g/ and /h/ only (e.g. /kwasi/[kʷasɨ̥ ~ kʷaɕɨ̥] ‘sweets’; /hwaa/[ɸaː] ‘daytime’). /y/ can follow any consonant but /y/ itself, and precede /a/ or /o/ (e.g. /syooi/[ɕoːi] ‘soy sauce’; /kaw-ya/[kawʲa] (buy-cond)).
The mora, as opposed to the syllable, plays a significant role in the description of the accentuation (§ 2.3). The nucleus and coda each constitute one mora, while the onset and glide are not moraic.
2.3 Word-Level Prosody
The prosodic system of Nita is a ‘pitch accent’ system (Uwano 2012). This dialect has n+1 distinctive pitch patterns for n morae words, which are distinguished by whether a fall in pitch exists or not and, if there is a fall in pitch, where it is located. Some basic data are given in Table 8.2. The acute accent mark indicates the locus of the ‘accent’; the pitch falls after an accented mora.
Table 8.2
Examples of pitch pattern
Mora count |
Form |
Gloss |
Pitch pattern |
|
---|---|---|---|---|
Isolation |
⸗ga |
|||
1 |
ci |
‘blood’ |
H |
LH |
té |
‘hand’ |
H |
HL |
|
2 |
eka |
‘squid’ |
LH |
LHH |
kusá |
‘grass’ |
LH |
LHL |
|
áka |
‘red’ |
HL |
HLL |
|
3 |
sakana |
‘fish’ |
LHH |
LHHH |
kokoró |
‘hear’ |
LHH |
LHHL |
|
awábi |
‘abalone’ |
LHL |
LHLL |
|
kábito |
‘helmet’ |
HLL |
HLLL |
H = High pitch, L = Low pitch
2.4 Intonation
For Japanese, Igarashi (2018: 189) defines an Accentual Phrase (AP) as “having a delimitative rise to high around the second mora and a subsequent gradual fall to low at the end of the phrase and as having at most one lexical pitch accent”, and further defines the Intonation Phrase (IP) as “the prosodic phrase immediately above the AP in the hierarchy within which pitch range is specified” (Igarashi 2018: 193). These definitions can also be applied to describe the intonational phrasing of Nita, and the intonational phrasing may mark a focus domain, though further research is needed.
Pitch movements at the end of the prosodic phrase contribute to the pragmatic or modal interpretation of the utterance. For instance, a rise in pitch on the final syllable of the utterance indicates a question (§ 11.2). Interaction between modal markers, discourse markers, and intonation may create various modal or pragmatic indexes, but these details have yet to be researched.
2.5 Alternations Concerning the Liquid /r/
In Nita, some (morpho)phonological processes are observed: the neutralization of closed vowels after /s, c, z/ (§ 2.1), segmental alternations in the verb morphology (§ 5), and vowel coalescence across the boundary between an adjective stem and a suffix (§ 6.1). In this section, one of the notable phonological processes, the alternations concerning the liquid /r/ as shown in (349), are described. Other phonological processes will be detailed in the following sections.
(349) a. arigo ~ aago ‘ant’
b. tori ~ too ‘bird’
c. kwaama ~ kuruma ‘car’
d. kiri ~ kyaa ‘fog’
e. eri ~ yai[jae] ‘collar’
Two pieces of evidence lead us to believe that each of the paired forms in the alternations in (349) is considered to be derived from a single underlying form, and that the form containing /r/, such as kuruma, must be the underlying form. Strong evidence of this view is found in the morphophonemic alternations in the verbal inflections as shown in (350).2
(350) a. //ar-u// → /aa/ (exist-npst)
b. //tor-u// → /too/ (take-npst)
c. //cikur-u// → /cikwaa/ (make-npst)
d. //kir-u// → /kyaa/ (cut-npst)
e. //ker-u// → /kyai/ (kick-npst)
Based on the non-past forms of the other C-verbs such as kak-u (write-npst), an allomorph of the non-past suffix must be //-u//, and the conditional forms such as /ar-ja/ (exist-cond) or the negative non-past forms such as /cikur-a-n/ (make-thm-neg.npst) show that all the stems of the verbs in (350) must end in /r/. See § 5 for more details on verb morphology.
Supporting evidence for this view is found in the relationship between the segment and the prosody. In this dialect, while the locus of fall in pitch is distinctive, the locus of the rise in pitch is predictable from the segmental conditions of the word. For example, if the first syllable of the word contains a long vowel or diphthong or it ends in /n/, the word begins with high pitch (e.g. kiiri HHH ‘cucumber’). On the other hand, if the second mora of the word contains a closed vowel (i, u) and the third mora contains a non-closed vowel (a, e, o), the rise in pitch occurs after the second mora (e.g. kobira LLH ‘calf’). The fact that kwaama appears as LLH suggests that the underlying form of this word is /kuruma/, and the second mora contains a closed vowel /u/. Note that the form kuruma is used in somewhat formal situations.3
3 Word Classes
There are two major word classes in Nita, nominals and verbals, and these can be identified on the basis of their morpho-syntactic properties. In addition to these two major word classes, a word class called here ‘particles’, as well as three minor and closed categories, adverbs, adnominals, and interjections, are recognized.
Nominals are defined as words which can head an NP and constitute an argument of a predicate. There are five subcategories of nominals: nouns (§ 4.2), pronouns (§ 4.1), numerals (§ 4.3), formal nouns (§ 4.4) and nominal adjectives (§ 6.2). Nominal adjectives differ from other subcategories in that they take special forms of the copula ⸗na. See § 6.2 for details.
Verbals are words that inflect, and they divide into verbs (including copular verbs) and adjectives. They occur in verbal predicate phrases, while the copular verb ⸗da occurs in nominal predicate phrases. Both verbs and adjectives inflect word-finally, and inflectional categories of verbals vary depending on whether they are finite (inflecting for tense and mood) or non-finite (inflecting for neither). The morphology of verbs is described in § 5, and the morphology of adjectives in § 6.1.
Nita has a set of grammatical morphemes that can be considered clitics. They occur phrase- or clause-finally, and are phonologically dependent on their hosts, i.e. they cannot constitute a single accentual phrase by themselves. The label particle is used here to group together role markers, conjunctive markers, modal markers, and discourse markers. Role markers will be discussed in § 9.2 (case markers) and § 9.3 (other role markers). Conjunctive markers mark clause combinations, such as and-relation (juxtaposition; ⸗si), but-relation (adversative; ⸗damo, ⸗ne), and for-relation (causal; ⸗ken). They can appear after any kind of predicate, and trigger insertion of the copula in the case of a nominal predicate. See § 12 for the clause combinations.
Modal markers and discourse markers can appear after any kind of predicate as conjunction markers. Modal makers such as ⸗ka (q), ⸗koi (hor), ⸗zo, ⸗wa(a), and ⸗ga express various kinds of modal value, and they cannot follow other modal or discourse markers. Discourse markers such as ⸗ne(e), ⸗yo, and ⸗na(a) may follow modal markers and other discourse markers and express emphasis, though further research will be needed to investigate their functions.
Adnominals are used for adnominal modification only. In addition to the adnominal forms of demonstratives and interrogatives, there are a few adnominals such as taisita ‘great’ as in the first sentence of the sample text. Adverbs are non-inflecting words whose function is to modify verbs, adjectives, adverbs, nominal predicates or sentences (e.g. moo ‘already’ as in (355), yoo ‘often’). Note that some adverbs such as kaisiki require the negative forms of the predicates as in kaisiki ne-rare-datta (not.at.all sleep-pot-neg.pst) ‘(I) couldn’t sleep at all’. Interjections are non-inflecting words that can be used in isolation to mark an exclamation, like maa in the fifth sentence of the sample text.
4 Nominals
4.1 Pronouns
Nita has personal, demonstrative, and interrogative pronouns. Non-speech-act participant reference, i.e. third person, location, and direction, is intertwined with the demonstrative system (see § 8). Here, an overview of the personal pronouns is given.
Table 8.3 shows the personal pronoun system of Nita. Pronouns of the Nita dialect are considered to inflect for number, i.e. they distinguish different word forms for different numbers (e.g. ora-∅ (1-sg) vs. ora-nci, ora-raci, and ora-yaci (1-pl)).
Table 8.3
Personal pronouns of Nita
Singular |
Plural |
|
---|---|---|
First |
ora-∅, oranci-∅ |
ora-nci, ora-raci, ora-yaci |
adan-∅ |
adan-ci, adan-raci, adan-yaci |
|
waawa-ci, waawa-raci, waawa-yaci |
||
Second |
waa-∅, waaci-∅ |
waa-raci, waa-yaci |
omai-∅ |
omai-ci, omai-raci, omai-yaci |
|
Reflexive |
waawa-∅ |
waawa-raci, waawa-yaci |
The first-person pronoun adan tends to be used by female speakers, while ora(-nci) is a general form, which is used by both male and female speakers.
Different forms for second-person referents are used depending on the hierarchical social relationship between the speaker and the addressee; the forms waa, waaci are used to indicate that the speaker finds themself to be of higher social status, while omai is used to indicate that the speaker considers themself to be of equal social standing with the addressee. To show the recognition that the addressee is superior on the social hierarchy, the honorific suffix -san is attached to the pronoun (e.g. omai-san (2-hon)), and it cannot be attached to waa or waaci.
The differences between the plural suffixes -nci, -ci, -raci and -jaci are not known in detail, but they have different distributions. For example, -ci attaches only to first-person adan and second-person waawa or omai. -nci attaches only to ora, and the form ora-nci may not only refer to more than two persons, but also to one person. waaci contains the plural suffix -ci, but it refers to one person only, and it cannot refer to two or more persons. Both -raci and -yaci can be attached to nouns denoting humans and animate beings. In other words, nouns denoting inanimate entities do not distinguish number. For example, in (351a), the distal demonstrative pronoun aa refers to something to eat, meaning that the plural suffix cannot be used, thus rendering the number of things to eat ambiguous. On the other hand, in (351b), the plural suffix is obligatorily attached to the demonstrative aa, which refers to someone who is not participating in the speech act, therefore, expressing plurality.
(351)
a.
{aa/*aa-raci/*aa-yaci}⸗ga
kuu-ta-i
{that/that-pl/that-pl}⸗nom
eat.thm-des-npst
‘(I) want to eat that/those.’
b.
{*aa/aa-raci/aa-yaci}⸗ga
kuu-ta
{that/that-pl/that-pl}⸗nom
eat-pst
‘Those people ate (it).’
The plural suffixes may follow the honorific suffix. For example, omai-san-ci, omai-san-raci is used to express the second person, but *omai-san-yaci is not acceptable.
4.2 Nouns
Nouns do not inflect. Cross-linguistically common inflectional categories for nouns such as number, gender, and case are either absent (in the case of gender) or present in systems other than inflection; case is marked by a clitic attaching to an NP, and plural marking is derivational, i.e. it is not obligatory for nouns.
The plural suffixes -yaci and -raci attach to nouns referring to humans and animate beings: taroo-raci (Taroo-pl), sensee-yaci (teacher-pl), hebi-raci (snake-pl).
4.3 Numerals
A numeral may be composed of a numeral root and a classifier suffix. Two usual numeral sets are as follows. In some numerals, as in (353) below, numbers greater than three or five may be expressed by numerals of Sino-Japanese origin.
(352) For general non-animate objects: huto-ci ‘1’, hutaa-ci ‘2’, mec-ci ‘3’, yoc-ci ‘4’, eci-ci ‘5’, moc-ci ‘6’, nana-ci ‘7’, jac-ci ‘8’, kokono-ci ‘9’, too ‘10’.
(353) For humans: hutoo ‘1’, hutaa-ri ‘2’, san-nin ‘3’, yottaa ‘4’, go-nin ‘5’, roku-nin ‘6’, sici-nin ‘7’, haci-nin ‘8’, ku-nin ‘9’, zii-nin ‘10’.
Numerals behave like other nominals and can head an NP, but they can also float (e.g. ringo hutoci kuu-ta (apple one eat-pst) ‘I ate one apple’).
4.4 Formal Nouns
Nita has some formal nouns, which have undergone some grammaticalization. Formal nouns cannot be used alone, and the modifier always precedes them. Some of them have entirely lost their lexical meaning and are now pure grammatical markers, while others still retain lexical meaning. For example, eci ~ yaci, which may have originated from yaci ‘guy’, can be used not only for humans and animate beings but also for inanimate things or events as in (354). On the other hand, sii, which may be derived from sii (< *syuu ‘people’, from Chinese zhòng), can be used only for persons (355).
(354)
kaee⸗ga
negee
yaci
mi-ta
frog⸗nom
run.away.npst
YACI
see-pst
‘(I) saw a frog run away.’
(355)
moo
ano
sii
ene+kake-cyot-te⸗da⸗yo
already
that
SII.top
leave.inf+begin-cont-seq⸗cop.npst⸗dsc
‘That person is about to leave.’4
4.5 Compound Nouns
In Nita, like other Japanese-Ryukyuan dialects, compounding is very common in nominal (and verbal) morphology, and rendaku (sequential voicing) is also common. For example, the second element of each compound noun of (356a–c) is subject to rendaku: hara ‘stomach’ → bara, syakusi ‘ladle’ → zyakusi, kwaa ‘chestnut’ → gwaa. The plus sign “+” here indicates the boundary between elements of a compound.
(356)
a.
waki+bara
side+stomac
‘flank’
b.
mesi+zyakusi
rice+ladle
‘rice scoop’
c.
ega+gwaa
burr+chestnut
‘chestnut in its burr’
5 Verbs
All regular verbs are of one of two subtypes according to the shape of their stem, and this determines which allomorphic suffix they take for certain inflectional categories. There are vowel-stem verbs (V-verbs) and consonant-stem verbs (C-verbs). Examples of each types of C-verb stem are given in Table 8.4. The V-verb ends in /i/ or /e/, and the C-verb ends in /b, m, t, s, k, g, r, w/ or /n/. Note that the n-verbs, of which there are only en- ‘leave’ and sin- ‘die’, have irregular non-past forms like enoo //en-oru// (leave-npst). In addition to the two subtypes, there are two completely irregular verbs, the come-verb and the do-verb.
Table 8.4
Examples of each type of C-verb stem
Stem-final |
Stem |
-n (neg.npst) |
-ru (npst) |
-ta (pst) |
-rya (cond) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
consonant |
|||||
b |
yob- ‘call’ |
yob-a-n |
yob-u |
yon-da |
yob-ya |
m |
yom- ‘read’ |
yom-a-n |
yom-u |
yon-da |
yom-ya |
t |
tat- ‘stand’ |
tat-a-n |
tac-i |
tat-ta |
tac-ya |
s |
sas- ‘point’ |
sas-a-n |
sas-i |
sai-ta |
sas-ya |
k |
kak- ‘stand’ |
kak-a-n |
kak-u |
kai-ta |
kak-ya |
g |
kag- ‘smell’ |
kag-a-n |
kag-u |
kai-da |
kag-ya |
r |
tor- ‘take’ |
tor-a-n |
too |
tot-ta |
tor-ya |
w |
kaw- ‘buy’ |
kaw-a-n |
ka-u |
kaa-ta |
kaw-ya |
n |
en- ‘leave’ |
en-a-n |
en-oo |
en-da |
en-ya |
The structure of the verb is schematized as stem (+ thematic vowel) + inflection. The thematic vowel -a- is inserted when negative-polarity suffixes follow C-verbs (e.g. kak-a-sikoni write-thm-neg.seq ‘(I) did not write and …’). The thematic vowel -i- is inserted when the C-verbs are followed by the imperative suffix -tae, the infinitive suffix -∅, the purposive suffix -ni ~ -i, the desiderative suffix -ta-, and the polite suffix -mas-.
When followed by -ta (pst), -te (seq), -tara (cond), -cyor- (cont) and -cyar- (res / hon), the stem-final consonants of the C-verbs alternate with other segments and the suffix-initial consonant /t/ or /c/ may alternate with /d/ or /z/ respectively. To describe such alternations, the following morphophonological rules are identified: (a) the alternation of the suffix-initial consonant—/t/(or /c/) alternates with /d/ (or /z/), if the stem ends in /b, m, g, n/ (e.g. //yom-ta// (read-pst) → yom-da); (b) the stem-final consonant alternation—(b-1) /b, m/ alternate with /n/ (e.g. //yom-da// → yon-da), (b-2) /s, k, g/ alternate with /i/ (e.g. //kak-ta// (write-pst) → kai-ta),5 (b-3) /r/ alternates with /t/ (e.g. //tor-ta// (take-pst) → tot-ta); (c) /Vw/ contraction—the vowel-glide sequence in w-verbs may change to long vowel, i.e. /Vw/ → /VV/ (e.g. //kaw-ta// (buy-pst) → kaa-ta). Note that /w/ also alternates with /t/ or /c/, so that morat-ta //moraw-ta// (receive-pst), utac-cyor-aee //utaw-cyor-ae-ru// (sing-cont-hon-npst) are observed, as shown in the appendix.
5.1 Inflectional Morphology
Inflection covers the categories of tense, mood and polarity,6 but also encodes differences in the morpho-syntactic status of forms, i.e. finite or non-finite (see Table 8.5).
Table 8.5
Inflectional paradigms of verbs
Finite |
Polarity |
kak- ‘write’ |
mi- ‘look’ |
‘come’ |
‘do’ |
|
Unmarked |
Affirmative |
-ru |
kak-u //kak-ru// |
myaa //mi-ru// |
kwaa //ku-ru// |
saa //si-ru// |
/Non-past |
Negative |
-n |
kak-a-n |
mi-n |
ko-n |
se-n |
Unmarked |
Affirmative |
-ta |
kai-ta |
mi-ta |
ki-ta |
si-ta |
/Past |
Negative |
-(n)datta |
kak-a-(n)datta |
mi-(n)datta |
ko-(n)datta |
se-(n)datta |
~ -(n)zyatta |
~ kak-a-(n)zyatta |
~mi-(n)zyatta |
~ ko-(n)zyatta |
~ se-(n)zyatta |
||
Inferential |
Affirmative |
-oo/-aa |
kak-aa |
myoo //mi-yoo// |
k-oo |
syoo //si-oo// |
/Non-past |
Negative |
-mai |
kak-a-mai |
mi-mai |
ki-mai |
se-mai |
Inferential/Past |
Affirmative |
-taraa |
kai-taraa |
mi-taraa |
ki-taraa |
si-taraa |
Imperative |
-re/-i |
kak-e //kak-re// |
mi-re |
ko-i |
se-e //se-i// |
|
-tae |
kak-i-tae |
mi-tae |
ki-tae |
si-tae |
||
Prohibitive |
-runa |
kak-una //kak-runa// |
myaana //mi-runa// |
kwaana //ku-runa// |
saana //si-runa// |
|
Non-finite |
Polarity |
kak- ‘write’ |
mi- ‘look’ |
‘come’ |
‘do’ |
|
Infinitive |
-∅ |
kak-i-∅ |
mi-∅ |
ki-∅ |
si-∅ |
|
Sequential |
Affirmative |
-te |
kai-te |
mi-te |
ki-te |
si-te |
Negative 1 |
-sikoni |
kak-a-sikoni |
mi-sikoni |
ko-sikoni |
se-sikoni |
|
Negative 2 |
-nko(o)ni |
kak-a-nko(o)ni |
mi-nko(o)ni |
ko-nko(o)ni |
se-nko(o)ni |
|
Conditional 1 |
Affirmative |
-rya(a) |
kak-ya //kak-rya// |
mi-rya |
ku-rya(a) |
s-ya(a) |
Negative |
-nya |
kak-a-nya |
mi-nya |
ko-nya |
se-nya |
|
Conditional 2 |
Affirmative |
-tara |
kai-tara |
mi-tara |
ki-tara |
si-tara |
Negative |
-(n)dattara |
kak-a-(n)dattara |
mi-(n)dattara |
ko-(n)dattara |
se-(n)dattara |
|
Purposive |
-ni ~ -i |
kak-i-(n)i |
mi-(n)i |
ki-(n)i |
si-(n)i |
The suffix-initial /r/ in -ru (npst), -re (imp), -runa (proh) and -rya(a) (cond) is omitted when these suffixes are attached to the C-verb stem (i.e. //kak-re// → /kak-e/ write-imp).
-oo, one of the allomorphs of the inferential suffix, follows the V-verbs and come and do verbs. In this case, the stem-final vowels /i/ and /e/, if present, alternate with /y/ (i.e. //ake-oo// → /aky-oo/ ‘will open’; cf. /k-oo/ ‘will come’). On the other hand, the allomorph -aa follows C-verbs (i.e. kak-aa ‘(Someone) will write (something)’).
The infinitive forms participate in compounding as in (357a,b).
(357)
a.
nahayasi
na+hayas-i-∅
greens+cut-thm-inf
‘knife for cutting greens’
b.
enesagare!
en-i-∅+sagar-re
leave-thm-inf+step.back-imp
‘Go away!’
Note that there are negative forms such as kaka-sen ‘do not write’, which are derived from kak-i-∅⸗wa se-n (write-thm-inf⸗top/cntr do-neg.npst).
5.2 Derivational Morphology
Non-class changing verbal derivation includes the causative (-sase-), passive (-ra(r)e-), potential (-e-, -ra(r)e-), aspectual (-cyor-), honorific (-ra(r)e-, -nahar-, -syar-, -cyar-). The different honorification suffixes may be used depending on the hierarchical social relationship between the speaker and the subject. The speaker uses the suffix -cyar- to show a moderate degree of respect to the subject, while, to show a higher degree of respect, the speaker must use the other suffixes.7
The polite marker -mas- can often be observed in formal speech, and its inflection may be restricted; only the non-past indicative form -mas-i as in kak-i-mas-i (write-thm-pol-npst) ‘(I) will write it’ and the past habitual form -mas-yot-ta as in ii-mas-yot-ta (say.thm-pol-hab-pst) ‘(I) used to say it’ have been observed.
5.3 Existential and Copular Verbs
In Nita, there are two existential verbs: or- and ar-. The former is used for animate subjects, while the latter is for inanimate subjects. Their inflectional patterns are almost identical to that of r-verbs, except that the negative adjective na- is used to express the non-existence of an inanimate subject instead of *ar-an. Table 8.6 shows the paradigm of the copular verb ⸗dar-. In addition to the forms in Table 8.6, the copula has a special polite form ⸗des-.
Table 8.6
The paradigm of the copular verb in Nita
Finiteness |
Tense |
d-series |
n-series (special form) |
|
---|---|---|---|---|
Finite |
Indicative |
non-past |
⸗da //dar-∅// |
⸗na //nar-∅// |
past |
⸗datta //dar-ta// |
⸗natta //nar-ta// |
||
Inferential |
non-past |
⸗daraa //dar-aa// |
⸗naraa //nar-aa// |
|
past |
⸗dattaraa //dar-taraa// |
⸗dattaraa //dar-taraa// |
||
Non-finite |
Conditional 1 |
⸗nara |
⸗nara |
|
Conditional 2 |
⸗dattara //dar-tara// |
⸗nattara //nar-tara// |
||
Sequential |
⸗de |
⸗de |
||
Adverbial |
⸗ni |
⸗ni |
||
Noun modifier |
(⸗no/ga) |
⸗na |
The n-series forms are used only for nominal adjectives (see § 6.2), while the d-series forms are used for all the types of nominals.
In negation, the analytical forms ⸗da na- ~ ⸗zya na- (//de⸗wa na// (cop.seq⸗top neg)), ⸗nya na- (//ni⸗wa na// (cop.adv⸗top neg)) and ⸗n na- (//ni na// (cop.adv⸗top.neg)) are used.
⸗da, the non-past indicative form of the d-series, does not precede a noun (i.e. *otoko⸗da huto (male⸗cop.npst person) ‘male person’). Instead, the genitive particle ⸗no/ga is used when an NP modifies another NP (e.g. otoko⸗no huto (male⸗gen person) ‘male person’).
6 Adjectival Expressions
There are two classes of adjectival roots in Nita: verbal adjectives and nominal adjectives. Like verbs, verbal adjectives inflect for tense and mood, while nominal adjectives do not inflect, and they take the d- or n-series copular verb (see § 5.3).
6.1 Verbal Adjectives
Tables 8.7 and 8.8 give the paradigm of the verbal adjective haya- ‘fast/early’.8
Vowel coalescence optionally takes place across a boundary between an adjective stem and the indicative non-past suffix -i. As shown in (358), /ai/ and /oi/ alternate with /e(e)/, and /ui/ alternates with /i(i)/ via vowel coalescence, which is optional.
Table 8.7
Verbal adjective paradigm 1
Finite |
Tense |
|
---|---|---|
Indicative |
non-past |
haya-i ~ haye(e) |
past |
haya-katta |
|
Inferential |
non-past |
haya-karaa |
past |
haya-kattaraa |
Table 8.8
Verbal adjective paradigm 2
Non-finite |
|
---|---|
Infinitive |
haya-∅ |
Conditional 1 |
haya-kerya |
Conditional 2 |
haya-kattara |
Adverbial |
haya(-a) //haya-u// |
Sequential |
haya-(a)te |
(358) a. //taka-i// (high-npst) → takai ~ take(e)
b. //too-i// (far-npst) → tooi ~ toe(e)
c. //hiku-i// (low-npst) → hikui ~ hiki(i)
Infinitive forms participate in adverbial expressions such as haya-∅ koto and haya-∅⸗n(i), and such adverbial expressions are used to form so-called light-verb constructions such as haya-∅ koto saa ‘hurry up (lit. do something in haste)’ or haya-∅⸗n(i) naa ‘become fast(er)’.
The complex verbal phrase is used to negate the verbal adjective. The adjective inflects as an infinitive form and the auxiliary verb is the negative verbal adjective na- (e.g. haya-∅ na-i (fast/early-inf neg-npst) ‘not fast/early’).
6.2 Nominal Adjectives
Nominal adjectives do not inflect and may take a copula to indicate tense, mood, polarity and finiteness. Moreover, as shown in § 5.3, nominal adjectives may take special n-series copular forms as in (359). Note that some nominal adjective roots may occur in a special construction X⸗ga aa, where X may be a noun or a nominal adjective as shown in (360).
(359)
{genki⸗na/genki⸗da}⸗ka
fine⸗cop.npst⸗q
‘(Are you) fine?’
(360)
genki⸗ga
aa
fine⸗nom
exist.npst
‘(S/he) is fine.’
7 Class-Changing Derivations
7.1 Nominalization and Nominalizers
In Nita, three nominalizers, ⸗∅, ⸗ga and ⸗no, have been identified. In (361), the phrase yai-ta⸗∅ serves as an object. The slot filled by ∅ can be filled by the nominalizer ⸗no or formal nouns such as bun or yaci. Younger speakers tend to fill the slot with such overt forms.
(361)
{yai-ta⸗∅
/
yai-ta⸗no
/
yai-ta yaci
/
yai-ta bun}⸗o
kuu-ta
{bake-pst⸗nmlz
/
bake-pst⸗nmlz
/
bake-pst YACI
/
bake-pst BUN}⸗acc
eat-pst
‘I ate the baked one.’
The nominalizer ⸗∅ is often used in an event nominalization as observed in (362a). ⸗∅ cannot be used for a referential nominalization which refers to a person as in (362b). In contrast, it can be used in referential nominalizations which refers to a non-human referent as in (363a,b).
(362)
a.
kyonen
aa-ta⸗∅⸗o
oboe-cyoo
last.year
meet-pst⸗nmlz⸗acc
remember-cont.npst
‘Do you remember that we met last year?’
b.
kyonen
{*aa-ta⸗∅
/
aa-ta sii}
oboe-cyoo
last.year
{meet-pst⸗nmlz
/
meet-pst SII}
remember-cont.npst
‘Do you remember the person you met last year?’
(363)
a.
sara⸗ne
at-ta⸗∅⸗ga
naanat-ta
plate⸗dat
exist-pst⸗nmlz⸗nom
disappear-pst
‘What was on the plate was gone.’
b.
sara⸗ne
at-ta⸗∅⸗o
ora⸗ga
kuu-ta
plate⸗dat
exist-pst⸗nmlz⸗acc
1st⸗nom
eat-pst
‘I ate what was on the plate.’
7.2 Other Class-Changing Derivations
Verbal adjective stems are derived from verb roots with the desiderative suffix -ta- (e.g. kuu-ta-karaa⸗zi (eat.thm-des-infr⸗mod) ‘(You) will want to eat’). Several verb stems which are derived from nouns have been identified (e.g. kyaa-gom- (fog-vlz) ‘become foggy’).
8 Demonstratives and Interrogatives
The demonstrative system in Nita is the three-way contrast system of ko-, so-, and a-. Table 8.9 shows the demonstratives and interrogatives in Nita.
Table 8.9
Demonstratives and interrogatives in Nita
Pronoun 1 |
Pronoun 2 |
Pronoun 3 |
Adverbial |
Adnominal 1 |
Adnominal 2 |
|
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
(individual) |
(location) |
(direction) |
(manner) |
(state / quality) |
||
Proximate |
koo ~ kore |
koko |
kocci |
koge |
kono |
kogyan |
Medial |
soo ~ sore |
soko |
socci |
soge |
sono |
sogyan |
Distal |
aa ~ are |
asiko |
acci |
age |
ano |
agyan |
Interrogative |
doo ~ dore |
doko |
docci |
doge |
dono |
dogyan |
In deictic use, three types of demonstratives are used differently depending on the relative distance between the speaker, the addressee and the referent, while, in anaphoric use, only two types, the so- and a- types, are used, though it is unclear how they differ.
Other than the forms in Table 8.9, there are nominal adjectives such as koge⸗na, soge⸗na, and age⸗na. In (364a), the nominal adjective age ‘like that’ anaphorically refers to ‘impatient’ in the preceding comment. On the other hand, when age anaphorically refers to the whole comment before that, age cannot take the special copular form ⸗nar- as in (364b). In (364b), age should be analyzed as an adverbial form of the a-type demonstrative in Table 8.9.
(364) a. (In response to the comment ‘He is impatient’)
arya
honne
age⸗nat-ta
mukasi⸗kara
that.top
really
like.that⸗cop-pst
the.past⸗abl
‘He has been impatient for a long time.’
b. (In response to the comment ‘Was he impatient?’)
age⸗dat-ta⸗yo/*age⸗nat-ta⸗yo
like.that⸗cop-pst⸗dsc
‘That is right.’
There are interrogatives other than those listed in Table 8.9 (e.g. nan(i) ‘what’, daa ~ dare ‘who’, nanbo ‘how many/how much’, dogesite ‘why’,9 ecu ‘when’).
As in (365), indefinites are composed of interrogatives plus the particles ⸗zi, ⸗dai and ⸗ka.
(365)
asiko⸗ne
daa⸗dai
oo⸗wa
there⸗dat
who⸗q
exist.npst⸗mod
‘There’s someone out there.’
9 Argument Phrase
9.1 Basic Structure
A nominal phrase (NP) consists of the head and (optionally) a modifier, which may be filled by a noun plus a genitive particle ⸗no/⸗ga, an adjective, an adnominal, or an adnominal clause. An argument NP is followed by case and other role markers.
9.2 Case Marking
In Nita, the case particles listed in Table 8.10 have been identified.
Table 8.10
The Case particles in Nita
Case |
Form |
Function |
---|---|---|
Nominative |
⸗ga/⸗no |
Subject |
Genitive |
⸗no/⸗ga |
Noun modifying |
Accusative |
⸗o |
Direct object |
Dative |
⸗ni~⸗ne |
Recipient, Passive agent, Goal, Existential location |
Limitative |
⸗made |
Limit |
Allative |
⸗e |
Goal |
Ablative |
⸗kara |
Source |
Instrumental |
⸗de |
Means, Event location |
Comitative |
⸗to |
Associate |
Comparative |
⸗yoo |
Object of comparison |
As shown in Table 8.10, the same case forms are used as nominative and genitive markers. For convenience, I use the term ‘nominative’ (nom) when the marker is attached to an NP that serves as an argument of the predicate, and ‘genitive’ (gen) when the marker is attached to an NP that serves as a modifier of a larger NP. As in (366a), when the relative social rank of the NP to which the marker is attached is high, ⸗no is used.10 In the case of the nominative, only ⸗ga is used in the main clause, while ⸗no can be used in adnominal clauses. On the other hand, when the relative social rank of the NP is not higher than the speaker’s, the choice between the two markers is based on the animacy-definiteness of the NP. In the case of the genitive, when the NP to which the marker is attached refers to human beings, both ⸗ga and ⸗no can be used (366b), while only ⸗no can be used when the NP refers to animals or inanimate things (366c).
(366)
a.
sense⸗{no/*ga}
tenugui
teacher⸗gen
towel
‘a towel of our teacher’
b.
taroo⸗{no/ga}
tenugui
Taro⸗gen
towel
‘Taro’s towel’
c.
cikue⸗{no/*ga}
nezi
desk⸗gen
screw
‘desk screw’
As suggested by (367a–c), the relative rank in the animacy hierarchy of the subject and object may affect the choice to use or not use the overt accusative marker ⸗o, though further investigation is needed.11
(367)
a.
ziroo⸗ga
{*omae
/
omae⸗o}
mi-cyoo
ziroo⸗nom
{2
/
2⸗acc}
look.at-cont.npst
‘Ziroo is looking at you.’
b.
ziroo⸗ga
{inu
/
inu⸗o}
mi-cyoo
ziroo⸗nom
{dog
/
dog⸗acc}
look.at-cont.npst
‘Ziroo is looking at a dog.’
c.
ora⸗wa
{omae
/
omae⸗o}
mi-cyoo
1⸗top
{2
/
2⸗acc}
look.at-cont.npst
‘I am looking at you.’
9.3 Other Role Markers
So far, the following role markers have been identified: ⸗mo (add ‘also, even’), ⸗dari (add ‘even’), ⸗kurai (exm), ⸗demo (exm), ⸗nato (exm), ⸗doma(a) (exm), ⸗sika (lmtd ‘only’), ⸗dake (lmtd ‘only’), ⸗hodo (lmtd ‘only, at least’), ⸗bakka(a) (lmtd ‘just’), ⸗wate (dist ‘at a time, each’), and ⸗wa (cntr). See the sample text for concrete examples of ⸗kurai, ⸗sika (398), and ⸗dake (400).
In the data at hand, there are some cases where a role marker follows the case particle as in (368), while there are no examples where it precedes the case particle.
(368)
tanzyoobi⸗ni⸗doma
kaet-tara
birthday⸗dat⸗exm
return-cond
‘Come home at least on your birthday.’
The same form as the contrastive ⸗wa is also used as a topic marker (see § 11.7). Note that the topic (and contrastive) marker ⸗wa and the additive markers always replace the nominative and accusative markers (e.g. ora⸗wa not *ora⸗ga⸗wa). Further research will be needed to clarify the co-occurrence restrictions of case and other role markers.
10 Predicate Phrase
10.1 Verbal Predicate
A verbal predicate consists of a lexical verbal root (either a verb or a verbal adjective) and optionally an auxiliary verb, which dilutes or changes the lexical meaning and expresses a grammatical meaning. In a complex verbal predicate, a lexical verb inflects as the sequential converb -te, and the auxiliary verb inflects for tense, mood, and polarity. The auxiliary verb constructions in (369) have been identified. Benefactive auxiliary verbs derive from verbs of giving (yar-, age- ‘give others’, gos- ‘give us’) or receiving (moraw-, maw-). Aspectual auxiliary verbs will be described in § 11.5.1. In addition to (369), -te mi- is used to designate the speaker’s intention to try (deontic modality).
(369) a. Benefactive: -te yar-, -te age-, -te gos- (giving of a favor), -te moraw-, -te maw- (receiving of a favor)
b. Aspectual: -te ar- ~ -cyar- (resultative), -te ok- ~ -cyok- (preparatory), -te maw- ~ -cyaw- (completive)
10.2 Nominal Predicate
A nominal predicate consists of an NP as the head of the predicate and a copular verb, which inflects for tense and mood as would a general verb (see § 5.3 for the morphology of copular verbs).
A nominalized phrase (or clause) with the nominalizer ⸗∅ can be followed by a copular verb as in (370), which is presented as new information for the addressee (see also § 11.2 and § 11.7).
(370)
taroo⸗wa
sara⸗o
wat-ta⸗∅⸗da⸗yo
taroo⸗top
plate⸗acc
break-pst⸗nmlz⸗cop.npst⸗dsc
‘Taro broke a plate.’
11 The Simple Sentence
11.1 Alignment System and Non-canonical Case-Marking
The alignment system of Nita is a nominative-accusative system, in which S/A are obligatorily marked with a nominative case marker ⸗ga/⸗no and P is optionally marked with accusative ⸗o.12 In a clause whose predicate is a ditransitive verb (e.g. yar- ‘give others’, okur- ‘send’), the recipient or goal is marked with dative case as in (371), and the causee agent is also marked with the dative case in a ditransitive clause derived by the causativization (see § 11.4).
(371)
taroo⸗wa
otooto⸗ne
waawa⸗no
ie⸗o
yat-ta
Taroo⸗top
brother⸗dat
refl⸗gen
house⸗acc
give-pst
‘Taro gave his house to his younger brother.’
Nita has a double nominative construction in which the predicate takes two nominative arguments (372). In this construction, the first NP is marked with ⸗wa (top), and the second NP with ⸗ga (nom).
(372)
kome⸗wa
nita⸗ga
ma-i
rice⸗top
Nita⸗nom
good.taste-npst
‘(For) rice, Nita is (a) good (place).’
Nita also has a transitive adjectival construction in which the predicate takes an experiencer and stimulus (373). In this construction, the two NPs are canonically nominative-marked as in the double nominative construction, while the second NP can be marked with ⸗ni (dat). Such constructions can be formed with predicates such as suki⸗dar- (love⸗cop) or suk- (like).
(373)
adan⸗wa
ni-i-∅+mono⸗{ga/ni}
sik-a-n
1⸗top
sew-thm-inf+MONO⸗{nom/dat}
like-thm-neg.npst
‘I do not like sewing.’
11.2 Sentence Type
Based on morpho-syntactic and prosodic properties, three distinct sentence types are identified: declaratives, interrogatives, and imperatives. This section provides an overview of interrogatives and imperatives.
Interrogative sentences divide into two subtypes: polar and content interrogatives. In Nita, both polar and content questions are marked with question particles such as ⸗ka. Furthermore, rising intonation in sentence-final position indicates that a question is being asked (374, 375). The final rising intonation is also observed when the question marker ⸗ka is used. Further research is needed to clarify the relationship between question markers and intonation.
(374)
zisin⸗ga
ar-ta(⸗no)
{sit-cyor-u⸗ka⸗ne(↘)
/
sit-cyor-u(↗)}
earthquake⸗nom
exist-pst(⸗nmlz)
{know-asp-npst⸗q⸗dsc
/
know-asp-npst}
‘Did you know that there was an earthquake?’
(375)
korya
daa⸗no
{tenogui⸗ka⸗ne(↘)
/
tenugui⸗da(↗)}
this.top
who⸗gen
{towel⸗q⸗dsc
/
towel⸗cop}
‘Whose towel is this?’
Imperatives are commands addressed to a second person. Nita has the following three forms dedicated to expressing commands: (a) the imperative inflection (oki-re or oki-tae(⸗yo)), (b) the imperative forms of the honorific suffixes, as in kak-i-naha-i (write-thm-hon-imp) ‘Please write it’, and (c) the imperative forms of the benefactive auxiliary verbs, as in noo-te gos-e (sew-seq ben-imp) ‘Please sew it’. In addition, there are some conventionalized ways of expressing commands pragmatically, and these are declarative in morphological terms: (d) the sequential form, as in kak-a-sikoni oi-te (write-thm-neg.seq put-seq) ‘Don’t write it down, just let it be’, (e) the non-past form plus copula construction, as in kak-u⸗∅⸗da (write-npst⸗nmlz⸗cop) ‘Write it!’, (f) the past form, as in sore goi-ta (it give-pst) ‘Please give it (to me)’.
Prohibitives (negative commands) are marked with the inflectional suffix -runa.
11.3 Possession
In the possessive construction, the possessor is marked with dative case ⸗ni and the possessed with nominative case ⸗ga. In this construction, the existential verbs ar- and or- are used (376).
(376)
oci⸗nyaa
eno-ga
oo⸗yo
(My) family⸗dat.top
dog⸗nom
exist.npst⸗dsc
‘We have a dog.’
When the possessed is inanimate and alienable, mot- ‘have, hold’ may be used, and in this case, the possessor is marked with the nominative case and the possessed with the accusative case.
11.4 Valency Changing
11.4.1 Causative
The causative is productively built upon an intransitive or transitive verb with the suffix -sase-. In both types, the causer is introduced and is coded as A. The causee object is marked with either the dative or accusative case in intransitive-based causativization (377a), while it is marked with the dative case in transitive-based causativization (377b).
(377)
a.
taroo⸗wa
otooto⸗{ni/o}
sii-ta⸗∅⸗hodo
oyog-ase-ta
taroo⸗top
young.brother⸗{dat/acc}
like-pst⸗nmlz⸗lmtd
swim-caus-pst
‘Taro let his brother swim as long as he wanted. (intransitive-based causative)’
b.
taroo⸗wa
otooto⸗ni
yamekucya
yasai⸗o
kw-ase-ta
taroo⸗top
young.brother⸗dat
against.his.will
vegetable⸗acc
eat-caus-pst
‘Taro forced his brother to eat vegetables. (transitive-based causative)’
11.4.2 Passive
Passive sentences are built upon both intransitive and transitive verbs with the suffix -ra(r)e-. The patient is coded as the subject, while the agent is coded as a dative ⸗ni phrase (378a). The agent is often not explicitly stated as in (378b). Note that the benefactive construction -te moraw- as in (378b) is used in place of the suffix -ra(r)e-.
(378)
a.
taroo⸗wa
otooto⸗ni
hanas-i-∅+kaker-are-ta
taroo⸗top
young.brother⸗dat
talk-thm-inf+set-pass-pst
‘Taro was spoken to by his younger brother.’
b.
katte⸗ni
{ko-raee
/
ki-te moraa}⸗to
komaa
selfish⸗cop.adv
{come-pass.npst
/
come-seq ben.npst}⸗cond
be.troubled.npst
‘I don’t want (him) coming here on his own.’
The availability of passivization may depend on the animacy of the object NP and the transitivity of the verb as suggested by (379a,b). Further research will be needed to clarify this point.
(379)
a.
kono
ie⸗wa
oziicyan⸗ga
tate-ta
this
house⸗top
grandfather⸗nom
build-pst
‘(My) grandfather build this house.’
b.
*kono
ie⸗wa
oziicyan⸗ne
tate-rae-ta
this
house⸗top
grandfather⸗dat
build-pass-pst
‘[intended meaning] This house was built by (my) grandfather.’
11.4.3 Potential
The potential suffixes -e- and -ra(r)e are used to express ability (380a), circumstantial possibility (380b) and middle voice (380c).
(380)
a.
yorokuso⸗de
toe
toko⸗wa
ek-are-n
weak⸗cop.seq
far.npst
place⸗top
go-pot-neg
‘(I am) too weak to travel far.’
b.
asikaa
toe⸗ken
arii-te⸗mazya
ek-are-n
there.top
far.npst⸗csl
walk-seq⸗lmt.cont
go-pot-neg
‘It is too far to go there on foot.’
c.
kono
pen⸗wa
yoo
kakyae⸗wa
this
pen⸗top
well
write.pot.npst⸗mod
‘This pen writes well.’
11.5 Aspect and Tense
11.5.1 Aspect
For the perfective aspect, simple verb forms such as ku-u ‘eat’ and kuu-ta ‘ate’ are used, while for the imperfective aspect (progressive (381a) and resultative (381b)) -cyor-.13
(381)
a.
neko⸗ga
esa
kuu-cyoo
cat⸗nom
feed
eat-cont.npst
‘A cat is eating food.’
b.
neko⸗n
ke⸗ga
oci-cyoo
cat⸗gen
hair⸗nom
fall-cont.npst
‘Cat hair is on the floor.’
While in many other western Japanese dialects there is a morphological opposition between completive -tor-/-cyor- and progressive -(y)or- (see Chapters 9 and 10 on Kyūshū dialects), Nita has no such opposition. For the past habitual aspect, however, -yot-ta //yor-ta// is used, while, for the present habitual aspect, the non-past forms are used.
For the resultative aspect, the auxiliary verb construction -te ar- ~ -cyar- is also used, and here S is interpreted as the object of the lexical verb (382).
(382)
kono
hon⸗wa
eego⸗de
kai-cyaa⸗wa
this
book⸗top
English⸗ins
write-res.npst⸗mod
‘This book is written in English.’
For the perfect aspect, past-tense forms are used, and the perfect interpretation is compatible with certain adverbs such as moo ‘already’ as in (383).
(383)
moo
hai
yasai
kit-ta⸗yo
already
early
vegetable
cut-pst⸗dsc
‘I have already cut the vegetables.’
Nita has other marked aspectual expressions such as inceptive (inf+kake- ‘just begin to’ (356)), preparatory (-te ok- ~ -cyok-), which indicates an action in preparation for the future, and completive (-te maw- ~ -cyaw-) (384).
(384)
kodomo⸗ga
omocya⸗o
mee-zyat-ta⸗ge⸗na⸗ne
child⸗nom
toy⸗acc
brake-compl-pst⸗lctn⸗cop⸗dsc
‘I think my child has broken a toy.’
11.5.2 Tense
Tense is expressed by two opposing inflectional suffixes, non-past suffixes (e.g. -ru and -i) vs. past suffixes (e.g. -ta and -katta). Non-past forms are used to refer to present states or properties (e.g. kuutai ‘want to eat’ in (351a)), future events (385), as well as atemporal or generic events.
(385)
kooni
siicyooken
kaatenzyaawa
koo⸗ni
sik-cyor-u⸗ken
kaw-te en-te yar-u⸗wa
this⸗dat
like-cont-npst⸗csl
buy-seq
leave-seq
ben-npst⸗mod
‘He likes this one, so I’ll buy it for him.’
11.6 Mood and Modality
In Nita, two opposing types of mood have been identified, and they are marked with mood inflectional suffixes: declarative and imperative. See § 5.1 and § 11.2 for each inflection and the relationship with sentence type.
Intentional modality is expressed by the non-past form plus the modal marker ⸗ka, or the discourse marker ⸗wa or ⸗jo. The intentional form is not used in isolation to express volition. It is always followed by ⸗to (o)mow- (⸗quot think) as in the second sentence of the sample text.
The intentional form of a verb may be followed by the modal marker ⸗koi, which comes from the imperative form of the ‘come’-verb, or ⸗ya, and it expresses hortativity as in (386).
(386)
asita⸗mo
koko⸗e
k-oo⸗koi
tomorrow⸗add
here⸗all
come-int⸗hor
‘Let’s come back here together tomorrow.’
Inferential (epistemic) modality is expressed by intentional forms plus the modal markers ⸗zo/⸗zi (387a). Note that the formal noun sikoo(⸗da) is used to express inferential modality as in (387b) and that the inferential form of the copula ⸗dar-aa is also used for the inferential as in (387a,b). Additionally, there are nominal adjective constructions such as ge(⸗na), ya(a)(⸗na), saa(⸗na), which express evidential modalities, although the difference between these constructions is still unclear.
(387)
a.
sorosoro
{k-oo⸗zo⸗naa
/
kwaa⸗dar-aa}
soon
{come-int⸗mod⸗dsc
/
come.npst⸗cop-infr}
‘(He) will be here soon.’
b.
asita⸗wa
{huu sikoo⸗da
/
huu⸗dar-aa}
tomorrow⸗top
{rain.npst SIKOO⸗cop.npst
/
rain.npst⸗cop-infr}
‘It will rain tomorrow.’
Some kinds of complex predications which express deontic modalities have been found (388), but the details are not yet clear.
(388)
haya
benkyo+suu⸗ga
ee⸗ga⸗na
soon
study+do.npst⸗nom
good.npst⸗mod⸗dsc
‘The sooner you study, the better.’
11.7 Information Structure and Its Formal Encodings: Topic and Focus
In principle, a topicalized argument is marked with ⸗wa, and it appears in sentence-initial position (e.g. the subject taroo is topicalized in (378a), while the object kono ie is topicalized in (379a)). However, as in (355), the topicalized argument may appear without any particle.
In Nita, there is no dedicated morphological focus marker. A focus is marked with a cleft construction ‘X⸗wa Y⸗da’, in which Y is the focus (389).
(389)
akamboo⸗ga
nai-cyoo⸗wa
o-naka⸗ga
hec-cyoo⸗ken⸗da⸗wa.
baby⸗nom
cry-cont⸗top
pol-stomach⸗nom
decrease-cont⸗csl⸗cop.npst⸗mod
‘(I think that) It is because s/he is hungry that the baby is crying.’
The intonation must also have something to do with information structure, but this has not been investigated in detail.
12 The Complex Sentence
In Nita, one of the main strategies employed to build complex sentences is the combining of clauses headed by converbs. However, based on semantic-syntactic criteria, many clauses headed by converbs cannot be described as strictly subordinate, but they rather encode coordinate events. The distinction between coordination and subordination in Nita is thus blurred.
12.1 Coordination
In Nita, syntactic clausal coordination is not prominent, and clause-chaining constructions are used instead as a coordination strategy (§ 12.3). Only constructions with the conjunctive markers ⸗si, ⸗damo and ⸗ne (390a,b) are identified as coordination constructions.
(390)
a.
eno⸗mo
oo⸗si
neko⸗mo
oo(⸗si)
dog⸗add
exist.npst⸗and
cat⸗add
exist.npst(⸗and)
‘There are dogs, and (there are) cats.’
b.
eno⸗wa
oo⸗{damo/ne}
neko⸗wa
or-an
dog⸗cont
exist.npst⸗but
cat⸗cont
exist-neg.npst
‘There are dogs, but there are cats.’
12.2 Subordination
There are three types of subordinate clause: complement clauses, adnominal clauses, and adverbial clauses.
Complement clauses divide into two subtypes: noun clauses and quotative clauses. Noun clauses are formed by attaching a nominalizer, and they serve as arguments (see § 7). Quotative clauses are formed by being directly followed by verbs of saying or thinking, or by attaching the quotative markers ⸗to and ⸗tte. See the sample text for concrete examples of quotative clauses with ⸗to (394) and ⸗tte (402) and without any marker (394 and 402).
An adnominal clause precedes a head noun without a relativizer such as a relative pronoun (391). Verbals in adnominal clauses inflect as the unmarked forms (-ru, -n, -ta, -i, etc.).
(391)
[oci⸗ne
at-ta]
sara
zyanzyane
mee-da
[my house⸗dat
exist-pst]
plates
many
break-pst
‘(I) broke many plates in my house.’
Adverbial clauses are most usually headed by converbs (392).
(392)
cyonbo
ake-ryaa
sizisi⸗n
naa⸗yo
a little
open-cond
cool⸗cop.adv
become.npst⸗dsc
‘If you open (the windows) a little, it’ll be cooler.’
The other adverbial subordination strategy available is the use of a finite form followed by the formal noun nakai ‘interval’, and the nominalizer ⸗∅ followed by a conditional form of copular verb such as saa⸗∅⸗nara (do.npst⸗nmlz⸗cop.cond).
12.3 Clause-Chaining
In the clause-chaining construction, a series of non-finite (converbal) clauses follow each other and only the final verb is finite carrying the TAM markers. Clause-chaining constructions are close to adverbial subordinate structures in that they connect non-finite clauses, and they are also close to coordinated structures in that they are used as a coordination strategy. Chain-medial clauses are headed by a sequential converb. See the first sentence in the appendix for a concrete example.
12.4 Insubordination
Nita exhibits an insubordination process whereby a non-finite clause is used as a main clause. For example, in the third sentence in the appendix, the causal marker ⸗ken behaves as a discourse marker, and it may express ‘I envy her because I never return to my parents’ home for hange domari.’
Acknowledgements
My deepest gratitude goes to the people in Nita who taught me their language with patience and kindness. My deepest thanks also go to Dr. Kenji Tomosada, Dr. Izumi Konishi, and Dr. Jumpei Noma, with whom I have researched other Izumo dialects. I would like to thank the reviewers for their invaluable comments, Keolakawai Keli’ikuewa Genko Spencer for looking over my English carefully and thoroughly, and Dr. Thomas Pellard for creating the map in Figure 8.1.
Appendix: Sample Text
The following discourse is about hange domari (lit. ‘mid-summer stay’), for which a woman who has married returns to her parents’ home for a few days after her first rice planting.
(393)
A:
tonarino
oyomesanno
kyoowa
taisita
hanauta
utaate
newano
hoo
batabata
site
hanauta
utaccyoraee.
tonari⸗no
o-yome-san⸗no
kyoo⸗wa
taisita
hana+uta
utaw-te
newa⸗no
hoo
bata+bata
si-te
hana+uta
utaw-cyor-ae-ru
neighbor⸗gen
pol-bride-hon⸗nom
today⸗top
great(ly)
nose+song
sing-seq
garden⸗gen
direction
bata+red
do-seq
nose+song
sing-cont-hon-npst
‘ ‘My neighbor’s wife is humming in a good mood today, flapping around in the garden, and humming,’ I thought.’
(394)
A:
asitawa
hangede
osatoe
ekaakato
omoote
yorokonzyoraeewa
iitenee.
asita⸗wa
hange⸗de
o-sato⸗e
ek-aa⸗ka⸗to
omow-te
yorokob-cyor-ae-ru⸗wa
iw-te⸗nee
tomorrow⸗top
mid.summer⸗cop.seq
pol-home⸗all
go-int⸗q⸗quot
think-seq
rejoice-cont-hon-npst⸗mod
say-seq⸗dsc
‘ ‘She is happy that tomorrow is hange and that she will be able to go back home,’ I thought.’
(395)
A:
watasira
eku
tokoga
naiken.
watasi-ra
ek-ru
toko⸗ga
na-i⸗ken
1-pl.top
go-npst
place⸗nom
neg-npst⸗csl
‘We had nowhere to go.’14
(396)
A:
cikakudaken.
cika-ku⸗dar-∅⸗ken
near-adv⸗cop-npst⸗csl
‘Because my parents’ house was nearby.’
(397)
A:
soode
honne
tonaano
obasanno
hanauta
utaate
maa
asitawa
ekakato
motte
maa
ii
mondanaato
mootene
omootanowa.
soode
honne
tonari⸗no
obasan⸗no
hana+uta
utaw-te
maa
asita⸗wa
ek-a⸗ka⸗to
omow-te
maa
i-i
mon⸗dar-∅⸗naa⸗to
omow-te⸗ne
omow-ta⸗no⸗wa
then
really
neighbor⸗gen
lady⸗nom
nouse+song
sing-seq
intj
tomorrow⸗top
go-int⸗q⸗quot
think-seq
intj
good-npst
thing⸗cop-npst⸗dsc⸗quot
think-seq⸗dsc
think-pst⸗nmlz⸗top
‘Then, I heard her humming, and I envied her, thinking that tomorrow she would be going to hange. That is what I thought.’
(398)
B:
sonoguraisika
tanosimiga
naiwanee.
sono⸗kurai⸗sika
tanosim-i-∅⸗ga
na-i⸗wa⸗nee.
its⸗exm⸗lmtd
enjoy-thm-inf⸗nom
neg-npst⸗mod⸗dsc
‘It was the only thing she could look forward to, was not it?’
(399)
B:
zikkae
ekuguraisika.
zikka-e
ek-ru⸗kurai⸗sika
parents’
home⸗all
go-npst⸗exm⸗lmtd
‘The only thing she could look forward to was going home to her parents.’
(400)
A:
soo
soo
zikka
ekunoga
tatta
soredakegane
tanosimidattano.
soo
soo
zikka
ek-ru⸗no⸗ga
tatta
sore⸗dake⸗ga⸗ne
tanosim-i-∅⸗dar-ta⸗no
yes
yes
parents’ home.all
go-npst⸗nmlz⸗nom
just
it⸗lmtd⸗nom⸗dsc
enjoy-thm-inf⸗cop-pst⸗dsc
‘Yes, the only thing she was looking forward to was going home to her parents.’
(401)
A:
nna
ryokoone
ekuzya
naisinee.
(so)nna
ryokoo⸗ne
ek-ru⸗de⸗wa
na-i⸗si⸗nee
intj
travel⸗dat
go-npst⸗cop.adv⸗top
neg-npst⸗jux⸗dsc
‘Well, she was not going to travel.’
(402)
A:
soresorene
obaasanne
okaasannette
omiyage
yooisite
moratte
ittekimasi
iite.
soresore⸗ne
obaasan⸗ne
okaasan⸗ne⸗tte
o-miyage
yooi+si-te
moraw-te
ittekimasi
iw-te
each one⸗dat
grandmother⸗dat
mother⸗dat⸗quot
pol-gift
preparation+do-seq
ben-seq
ittekimasi
say-seq
‘She had gifts prepared for each of her family members; in other words, for her grandmother, mother and so on, and said ittekimasi.’15
(403) Researcher: Was the gift sasamaki (a Japanese rice cake wrapped in bamboo leaves)?
(404)
A:
sasamakinee.
sasa+mak-i-∅⸗nee
bamboo.leaves+roll-thm-inf⸗dsc
‘Yes, it was sasamaki.’
(405) Researcher: Did she take the sasamaki as a gift?
(406)
B:
omiyageninee.
o-miyage⸗ni⸗nee
pol-gift⸗dat⸗dsc
‘Yes, as a gift.’
(407)
A:
uun
omiyageni
kanarazi
sasamaki
motasete
moratte
ette
modottawaneette
XXsanno.
uun
o-miyage⸗ni
kanarazi
sasamaki
mot-ase-te
moraw-te
ek-te
modor-ta⸗wa⸗nee⸗tte
XX-san⸗no
intj
pol-gift⸗dat
always
SASAMAKI
have-caus-seq
ben-seq
go-seq
return-pst⸗mod⸗dsc⸗quot
XX-hon⸗nom
‘Well, ‘I used to go and come back, always with sasamaki as a gift,’ XX said.’
/t/ in verb stem-final position alternates with /c/ when followed by the suffixes -(r)u(npst) and -(r)una(imp) and the thematic vowel -i-, e.g. //tat-ru// (stand-npst) → //tac-u// → /tac-i/ (neutralization of closed vowels). For more information on verbal morphology, see § 5.
Contrary to the prediction from (350d), //sir-u// (know-npst), //cir-u// (fall(leaves)-npst) and //tozi-ru// (close-npst) are realized as saa, caa and tozaa, not *syaa, *cyaa and *tozyaa. Historical speaking, the merger of the closed vowels after /s, c, z/ must have preceded the changes of (i) and (ii) in footnote 3. After /s, c, z/, the vowel /i/ appeared as the central vowel [ɨ] that did not trigger the palatalization of the consonants.
Based on comparisons with other dialects, the sound changes shown in (i) and (ii) must have occurred in Nita.
(i) a. *(C)ar{i/u} > (C)aa
b. *(C)or{i/u} > (C)oo
(ii) a *Cur{i/u} > C(w)aa
b. *Cir{i/u} > Cyaa
c. *(C)er{i/u} > (C)yai
In other Izumo dialects, the changes in (i) occurred regardless of what vowel appears before the /r/. Therefore, in other Izumo dialects, only forms like kuuma are observed, and forms like kwaama are not observed. Also in Nita, forms such as kuuma may be used, and such forms must have been borrowed from other nearby dialects.
One of the reviewers pointed out that the form ene in (355) may result from perseverative (left-to-right) assimilation (i.e. //en-i-∅// (leave-thm-inf) → /ene/). This point may be correct, since the infinitive form of sin- “die” is not sine but sini or sin. I would like to thank the reviewer for the suggestion.
The verb ek- ‘go’ is an exception to rule (b-2), i.e. the stem form followed by suffixes such as -ta is eki-, and the past-tense form of this verb is eki-ta ‘went’.
The optional n-elements contained in -(n)datta, -(n)zyatta, and -(n)dattara may be identical to the negative suffix -n, and they may have been inserted secondarily to express negation analytically. Furthermore, according to Ōnishi (2019: 13), the negative sequential form -sikoni may be derived from *-zi ok-u⸗ni (-neg put-npst⸗cnc).
In addition to honorification via the above suffixes, the sequential -te forms can be used to show respect to the subject as in (355) above.
The negative verbal adjective na- has the special conditional form na-keranya.
This form is considered to be a grammaticalized form of doge si-te (how do-seq) ‘in what way/for what reason’.
See the first and final sentences of the sample text for examples of nominative ⸗no.
Direct objects may appear with final-vowel lengthening, but the details are not yet clear (cf. Fujiwara 1981: 197–198).
Here, S is defined as the nominal argument of a single-argument clause, A as the most agent-like argument of a multi-argument clause and P as the most patient-like argument of a multi-argument clause, following Payne (1997: 133–134).
The -cyor- form could be an auxiliary verb construction //-te or-// as in other Japanese dialects, but there is no evidence to assume so and it is treated here as a suffix.
The form watasira may come from Standard Japanese.
A Japanese greeting used on the way out. The literal meaning is ‘I am off’.
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