1 Acculturation of Minority Young People
The ethnic, cultural, and linguistic diversity resulting from historical, recent, and current immigration flows into Germany is reflected particularly in schools, which therefore play a major role in the acculturation process of immigrant children and young adults (Statistisches Bundesamt, 2017; Göbel & Preusche, 2019).
Acculturation is the process of cultural and psychological change which takes place as the consequence of direct contact between two or more cultural groups and their individual members. Its consequences are changes in social structures, institutions, and social practices as well as changes in the individual members of the respective cultures (Berry, 2006). Acculturation processes differ between cultural groups and societies of residence. Individual prerequisites and the context of acculturation are likewise supposed to be influential in the process (Sam et al., 2013; Berry & Hou, 2016). Mutual adaptation processes for minorities and for the respective majority culture seem necessary in order to cope with experiences in culture contact situations (Horenczyk et al., 2013).
The adjustment of minorities is conceptualized as relying on two main outcomes, namely psychological and sociocultural adaptation, whereby psychological adaptation focuses on emotional outcomes such as psychological well-being and life satisfaction, while sociocultural adaption is understood as the more behavioural aspect of adaptation, including skills as well as adaptive behaviour (Ward et al., 2001). For children and young adults, acculturation is a complex process; the outcome of this process is influenced by various factors such as individual qualities, the specific minority group they belong to, and the support they receive (or do not receive) within their family and from their society of residence (Berry et al., 2006). In the context of migration and acculturation, minority group members are simultaneously confronted with expectations and pressure from their own ethnic group and from the majority society (Horenczyk et al., 2013).
Within any given society, schools constitute relevant integration agents for culturally diverse young people because schools provide access to education, opportunities for social mobility, and genuine contact between majority and minority cultures (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 2015; Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006). Because its outcome is relevant to the sociocultural acculturation process, academic achievement plays a prominent role in research on the acculturation of children and young people (Brown & Chu, 2012; Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006).
Research studies focus especially on risk factors for academic engagement, such as ethnic discrimination by peers and teachers or psychological distress,
2 Ethnic and National Identity
Being a member of an ethnic minority group can have a lifelong impact on an individual’s identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Huq et al., 2016) and can often cause psychological distress (Stein et al., 2016; Cross, 1991; Crocker et al., 1998). The social group to which people belong is an important point of reference for their identity construction as well as a strong source for the development of their self-esteem. In general, the group one belongs to is perceived as superior to most other groups; belonging to one’s group is usually related to positive emotions such as happiness and pride (social identity theory, see Tajfel & Turner, 1986).
During the acculturation process, the construction of cultural identity plays a prominent role. The question of whether acculturating individuals wish to maintain their ethnic identity—i.e. a strong emotional, psychological, and behavioural connection to their ethnic origins—or whether and how they want to adopt the national identity (majority culture) is a central issue in Berry’s model. Berry (1997) proposed a two-dimensional model of cultural identification, hypothesizing that the best outcome of acculturation in terms of psychological well-being and behavioural adaption would be reached by identifying with an ethnic culture and through a strong wish for contact with the majority culture. More recent research points to the fact that there might be no
As previously mentioned, the construction of the social identity of students with immigration experience is usually based on their heritage culture as well as on the (new) culture of residence (Seaton et al., 2017; Hannover et al., 2013). In discussions of acculturation and identity, a positive and strong ethnic identity is often interpreted as a resource for immigrants that supports immigrants in coping with the demanding task of acculturation (Allemann-Ghionda et al., 2010; Berry et al., 2006; Liebkind et al., 2004).
Looking at the behavioural outcome of school adaptation, it may be assumed that the influence of majority-culture identity or ethnic identity is complex, with many additional factors playing a role. Unsurprisingly, empirical evidence regarding the effect of children’s cultural and ethnic identity on school adaptation is quite heterogeneous (see Makarova & Birman, 2016). Some empirical studies show that a strong ethnic identity has a positive impact on school adaptation (Vedder & Horenczyk, 2006; Fuligni et al., 2005; Horenczyk, 2010). Several studies indicate that an integrative bicultural identity has a positive impact on psychosocial adaptation and the school performance of learners with immigrant backgrounds (Göbel & Buchwald, 2017; Nguyen & Benet-Martínez, 2013). In a German study, Spiegler et al. (2018) confirm a positive correlation between school adaptation (school motivation, perceived competence, social support) and a strong ethnocultural identification for Turkish minority students. Similar results have been shown in a study by Vietze et al. (2019) for a diverse immigrant sample. A study from Switzerland indicates that biculturally identified adolescents integrate better into their society of residence (Makarova, 2015), and another study on the acculturation of young people with immigrant backgrounds in Switzerland similarly shows the benefit of ethnocultural and bicultural identification; those who either identify with their ethnic culture or identify with both their ethnic culture and Swiss culture show better levels of school adaptation (Haenni Hoti et al., 2017). In Germany, the connection between cultural identity and the school adjustment of immigrant students seems less clear (Edele et al., 2013). The ethnic identity of immigrant students is often associated with low cultural capital, and this low social and cultural capital given to young people from immigrant families seems to play a crucial role in the relatively low educational outcomes of students from immigrant families in Germany (Konsortium Bildungsberichterstattung, 2006; Weis et al., 2020). International large-scale studies on educational achievement show that the correlation between social background and educational success is particularly pronounced in Germany, especially at lower secondary
An endowment with the so-called ‘target country-specific capital’ seems crucial for successful participation in the education system (Steinbach & Nauck, 2004; Stanat & Edele, 2011; Maaz et al., 2014). Looking at research focusing on the motivation to learn the language of communication in Germany and Switzerland, ambivalent effects of ethnic identification have been found. Ethnic identity showed both a direct negative effect on the motivation to learn the German language and an indirect positive effect on the school-related contingency of self-worth (Wolfgramm et al., 2010). Results of a study with another German student sample show a negative correlation between national and ethnic identity (Zander & Hannover, 2013); assimilative pressures of the host society might be one explanation for these contradictory effects.
The picture concerning the correlation between ethnic and national identification might depend on the context of acculturation. An international comparative study on immigrant young people (ICSEY study, Berry et al., 2010) found positive correlations between ethnic and national identity only for typical countries of immigration like the United States, Canada, and Australia. Immigrant students have been found to favour national identity as a strategy for school adaptation when their ethnic identity is confronted with discrimination (Berry et al., 2006). A study conducted in the United States by Chu (2011) confirmed the connection between positive ethnic identities and positive academic attitudes of ethnic minority students.
However, when these students experienced discrimination in school by their peers or teachers, negative attitudes towards academic effort and towards school were the consequence. The influence of contextual conditions on the positive impact of ethnic identity on school adaptation is also illustrated by the findings of Baysu and Phalet (2019), which indicate that learners who identify with both ethnic and host country identities suffer particularly from the activation of performance-related stereotypes (e.g. low academic ability of specific ethnic groups) regarding their culture of origin. Although ethnic identification might be a resource for promoting school adaptation, the construction of ethnic and national identity in the school context as well as the relationship between ethnic identification and school adaptation seems to be strongly influenced by contextual factors.
3 Ethnic Discrimination and Self-Esteem
People who belong to ethnic minority groups are often different from the majority culture in terms of their physical appearance or their habits. Such differences
As belonging to a social group has been shown to be relevant for self-esteem (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), negative experiences like discrimination might result in severe psychological problems which, in turn, could cause a progressive disengagement from different social domains and particularly from the school environment (Brown & Chu, 2012; Berry et al., 2010).
Several studies provide evidence of the negative connection between perceived discrimination and the adaptation of students inside and outside of school (Berry et al., 2006; Wolfgramm et al., 2014). In general, the perception of various kinds of discrimination at school—for example, when students are being teased by their peers or graded unfairly by their teachers because of their ethnicity—can have far-reaching negative consequences for the psychological development of children and young people. It can be assumed that the experience of discrimination and its perception can vary greatly both between different migrant groups and within migrant groups (Wang et al., 2019). In the context of a country comparison survey, the ICSEY study has shown a significant correlation between perceived discrimination and the well-being and adaptation of migrant learners in thirteen countries (Berry et al., 2006). A more recent meta-analysis of the relationship between discrimination and school adaptation also confirmed the disastrous effects of discrimination (Benner et al., 2018). The meta-analysis of different studies shows a correlative relationship between perceptions of discrimination and psychological tension, low academic achievement, and low levels of school motivation and school engagement.
The experience of discrimination and the respective individual reactions to it can have a long-term negative impact on the overall psychosocial adaptation of young people (Benner et al., 2018). In particular, negative stereotypes relating to specific migrant groups can have an inhibiting effect on the performance of students with migrant backgrounds (Martiny et al., 2013). For example, activating negative stereotypes relating to differences in educational achievement
The relationship between discrimination and psychological well-being seems to be multi-layered; while most studies confirm the correlation between ethnic discrimination and psychological distress (e.g. Chu, 2011; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000), some studies did not find any direct correlation. In a study by Fischer and Shaw (1999), for instance, the relationship between perceived racism and mental health could not be verified. In order to better understand these contradictory findings, Cassidy et al. (2004) argue that self-esteem could play a mediating role for the relationship between perceived discrimination and psychological distress. In the late 1970s, the self-esteem theory of depression (Brown & Harris, 1978) already claimed that self-esteem could moderate the distressing impact of negative life events on psychological well-being. Self-esteem represents the internalized feelings of mastery, value, and self-acceptance of the individual and is strongly influenced by implicit and explicit messages provided by relevant others (Hill, 1999; Constantine & Blackmon, 2002). A higher level of self-esteem might consequently be a protective factor for individuals when they are confronted with distressing experiences; higher self-esteem might also be a resilience factor, making individuals less vulnerable to stressful life events (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1992; Cassidy et al., 2004). However, as racism and discrimination have generally been found to affect psychological well-being, the mere exposure to racism and discrimination might also lead to low levels of self-esteem (Crocker & Quinn, 1998).
Although research hints at differences in the estimated impact of perceived discrimination depending on whether individuals themselves have directly experienced discrimination or whether the group to which they belong is exposed to discrimination, empirical studies mostly focus on the perception of individual discrimination. However, several studies indicate that people tend to perceive group discrimination as being stronger than individual discrimination (Taylor et al., 1990; Verkuyten, 2002). Both individual and group discrimination have been found to have a negative impact on general psychological well-being and self-esteem (Mereish et al., 2016; Greene et al., 2006; Cassidy et al., 2004). But even though it appears that the impact of individual discrimination seems to be generally underestimated, some authors emphasize the importance of discovering the specific relevance of each (Stevens & Thijs, 2018, Armenta & Hunt, 2009). As previously stated, against the backdrop of the rejection identification model proposed by Branscombe et al. in 1999, it can be argued that ethnic minorities attempt positive self-evaluation through a higher level of ethnic identification; hence group discrimination might turn out to be related to higher levels of ethnic identification and to higher levels of self-esteem. When differentiating between individual and group discrimination, a study by Stevens & Thijs (2018) involving Moroccan-Dutch adolescents does, in fact, report a positive correlation between group discrimination and ethnic group identification and a positive impact of both on self-esteem. On the other hand, Stevens and Thijs’ results confirm the negative impact of individual discrimination on self-esteem. A previous study of a Latino sample in the United States had produced quite similar results; however, it also hinted at an interaction effect of group discrimination and individual discrimination for predicting self-esteem and ethnic identification in the sense that individuals who perceived higher levels of discrimination in comparison to other in-group members showed lower levels of in-group identification and lower levels of personal self-esteem (Armenta & Hunt, 2009).
During the acculturation process, minority young people find themselves in a unique position which requires them to construct their cultural identity based on their ethnic and national identities. This construction can be strongly influenced by their experiences of discrimination which, in addition, can have an impact on their self-esteem.
4 Self-Esteem and Extremist Behaviour
Self-esteem is an important outcome in acculturation research as it is a relevant aspect of a healthy psychological development and an important predictor of school adaptation and of the societal integration of minorities (Ward et al., 2001). On the downside, low self-esteem and the feeling of not being a valuable or relevant member of a group seem to be a major predictor of aggression and delinquent behaviour (Bushman et al., 2009). Likewise, when one’s own group is perceived as being treated less well than other groups (relative deprivation of the in-group), this perception may result in feelings of anger and frustration (Feddes et al., 2012). Consequently, individuals might disassociate themselves from society and might become attracted to deviant or criminal behaviour or even to violent radicalization (Doosje et al., 2012). Young people during critical stages of identity formation in particular are in search of a meaning for their lives; and to bolster their self-confidence, they are most susceptible to adopt extremist religious ideologies (Ghosh et al., 2016). A study by Doosje et al. (2013) shows that Muslim adolescents in the Netherlands who feel relatively deprived show more positive attitudes towards ideology-based violence.
In their review of reasons for engagement in extremist behaviour, Ghosh et al. (2016) come to the conclusion that a threat to individual and collective identity and marginalization from mainstream society by way of discrimination, segregation, or bullying can all promote deviant conduct. In many cases, radicalization seems to be a response to a lack of meaning in life or to the experience of enduring and systemic inequalities (Ghosh et al., 2016). When looking at violent extremists, Borum (2014) points to specific psychological vulnerabilities of this group; violent extremist young people are in search of personal meaning and identity and in need of a sense of belonging. This makes them receptive to imposed ideas and alternative worldviews. Furthermore, they often perceive injustice within society, a fact which further enhances their readiness to distance themselves aggressively from this society.
5 Research Question
Schools are relevant socializing agents for children both from majority and minority groups. To promote a healthy psychological development and to counteract aggressive violent radicalization, it is important to understand the relevant predictors of positive self-esteem. Research on discrimination, ethnic identity, and self-esteem has been mostly conducted in the United States and in some studies in European countries; only a few studies have focused
6 The Study
6.1 Study Design
The data analyzed in this chapter was gathered in western Germany and is part of the international project ‘Hidden School Dropout in the Context of Immigration’ conducted at the University of Duisburg-Essen. The study is a cross-sectional survey study based on paper-and-pencil assessment of 7th grade students (mostly between 12 and 13 years old) conducted in North Rhine-Westphalia in the summer of 2017. The study is part of a larger international cooperation focusing on hidden school dropout of immigrant children in different European countries and Israel. Data collection in Germany was carried out by the authors of this chapter and by trained student assistants. Data collection involved the completion of a structured questionnaire with one open question at the end (‘Is there anything else you want to tell us?’). The questionnaire was completed by students individually during regular class time (Göbel & Preusche, 2019).
6.1.1 Sample
The analysis presented here focuses on students who reported cultural self-identification with at least one other culture in addition to the German one. This subsample consisted of 454 students (47.8% female) with a different cultural identification in addition to German, aged mostly between 12 and 13 years (21.2% of participants were older than 13), and reporting more than 50 different cultural identifications. In this study, we assessed both migration status—defined as having at least one foreign-born parent—and the students’ self-reported cultural identity. Because a person’s individual cultural identification is relevant for their emotional acculturation process (see Berry, 2006), we included those students who reported at least one other cultural identification and dropped those who had a migration background but did not feel associated with a culture other than the German one (see Göbel & Preusche, 2019).
6.1.2 Measures
The questionnaire items concerning students’ sociodemographics were questions about their gender, the country or countries in which the students and
Scale characteristics
Variable | Number of items | α | M | SD | n | Scale | Source and item examples |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Self-esteem | 9 | .857 (n = 412) | 3.72 | .83 | 450 | 5-point Likert scale | Rosenberg (1965) (adapted); e.g. ‘On the whole, I am satisfied with myself’. |
Individually perceived discrimination | 4 | .749 (n = 442) | 1.50 | .5 | 451 | 4-point Likert scale |
Oppedal et al. (2005) based on Berry et al. (1993); e.g. ‘I have been teased and insulted because of my cultural background’. |
Group-based perceived discrimination | 4 | .813 (n = 439) | 1.61 | .67 | 452 | 4-point Likert scale |
Oppedal et al. (2005) based on Berry et al. (1993); e.g. ‘I have the feeling that people from my culture are not being accepted by people with another cultural background’. |
National identity | 4 | .932 (n = 430) | 3.16 | 1.19 | 450 | 5-point Likert scale |
Berry et al. (2006); e.g. ‘I am proud of being German’. |
Ethnic identity | 4 | .870 (n = 391) | 4.39 | .80 | 400 | 5-point Likert scale |
Berry et al. (2006); e.g. ‘I am proud of being a member of my heritage culture’. |
The Cronbach’s α test indicates that the scales used in the analysis tend to be highly reliable. The mean scores of the dependent variable ‘self-esteem’ show a rather even distribution within the sample. Students’ national and ethnic identity as well as their perceived discrimination are unevenly distributed; students reported a relatively strong national identity and a strong ethnic identity. On the other hand, their perception of individual and group-based discrimination showed to be quite weak.
6.1.3 Data Analysis
An exploratory multiple hierarchical linear regression was calculated to predict self-esteem by cultural identity, perceived discrimination, and perceived support, with statistical control for demographic variables (gender, HISEI). Three regression equations were administered to determine the respective explanatory power of the resulting models.
6.2 Results
First results of the exploratory multiple linear regression (F(4,341) = 6.163, p < .001) controlling for families’ economic capital and gender show that individually perceived discrimination serves as a significant predictor (β = –.303 p < .001) of minority students’ self-esteem; group-based discrimination does not appear to be a significant predictor (β = .122, p = .058). HISEI does not seem to have a significant effect, but gender shows to be influential, with boys having a somewhat higher probability for a higher self-esteem. When including identity variables in the model (F(6,339) = 6.727, p < .001), individually perceived discrimination (β = –.292, p < .001) is still the strongest predictor, but now, group-based discrimination is also significantly predictive for self-esteem (β = .127, p = .047) just after ethnic identity (β = .136, p = .009). National identity does not become relevant for explaining self-esteem within the presented analysis (Table 4.2).
Regression analysis (dependent variable: self-esteem, n = 346)
Predictor | Model 1 | Model 2 | Model 3 | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
B | β | B | β | B | β | |
HISEIa | .002 | .038 | .004 | .064 | .004 | .073 |
Gender | –.263 | –.156** | –.294 | –.174** | –.293 | –.173** |
Individual discriminationb | –.464 | –.303*** | –.447 | –.292*** | ||
Group discriminationc | .149 | .122 | .155 | .127* | ||
National identity | .034 | .048 | ||||
Ethnic identity | .142 | .136** | ||||
Adjusted R² | .019* | .077** | .091* |
7 Discussion
According to findings from previous studies, our results confirm that male students tend to have a higher self-esteem than female students (Bleidorn, 2016). In our German sample of students we could furthermore show that individually perceived ethnic discrimination seems to be a significant predictor of minority students’ self-esteem, a result which is in line with previous research studies in other countries (e.g. Chu, 2011). The results also show that the relevance of individually perceived discrimination is accompanied by the relevance of ethnic identity as a further significant predictor of self-esteem. This is also in accordance with previous research. Because human beings have an innate urge to feel included in social groups, their ethnic heritage culture can serve as a strong social group, and being excluded can have a negative impact on their overall well-being and their performance (Tajfel & Turner, 1986; Walton et al., 2012). According to the rejection identification model (Branscombe et al., 1999), a strong feeling of connectedness with one’s ethnic heritage culture can have a protective effect when facing prejudice or discrimination towards the respective ethnic group. This phenomenon may weaken the generally negative consequences of discrimination (Branscombe et al., 1999).
In sum, the study shows that individually perceived discrimination, perceived group-based discrimination, and ethnic identity seem to play a relevant role for explaining self-esteem in German minority students. Therefore, it seems important to address the issue of discrimination and ethnic identity in schools in order to provide a healthy environment for students. Ethnic identity seems relevant for the development of self-esteem in minority students in Germany. To counteract discrimination, the development of a positive inclusive cultural climate, in which ethnic identity should not be ignored in terms of ‘colour blindness’, should be promoted in schools (Schachner et al., 2016; Göbel & Frankemölle, 2020).
8 Conclusion
Low self-esteem has been shown to have a negative impact on different aspects of psychological well-being and might even lead to aggression (Bushman et al., 2009). Children and young adults who have a lower self-esteem because of
Perceived inequality and harassment may provoke negative emotions in students who can block their academic aspirations and thus might lead to poor school adjustment (Özdemir & Stattin, 2014). Therefore, supporting children’s ethnic identities and being sensitive to perceived discrimination experiences are important measures for counteracting depression and anxiety. The school setting and school teachers can play an important role in influencing children’s everyday experiences (Chu, 2011). Children and young adults feel a need for school connectedness and belonging (Juang et al., 2018; McNeely & Falci, 2004; Walton et al., 2012). Therefore, in order to prevent radical or extremist behaviour, schools and teachers should create an inclusive environment where all students can experience social belonging (Ghosh et al., 2016). A key aspect of this endeavour are teachers who are able to integrate students with different cultural and linguistic experiences and who can build supportive and caring relationships with their students (Göbel et al., 2017; Gutentag et al., 2018; McNeely & Falci, 2004).
Nevertheless, the integration of a wide range of students who speak different languages and who have different acculturation experiences is a complex task for teachers. Teachers are often not sufficiently prepared for this complex situation; therefore, they often fade out cultural diversities and ignore the diverse living conditions of their students, or they oversimplify them by relying on stereotypes (Göbel et al., 2017; Bender-Szymanski et al., 2000). For this reason, it is important to prepare teachers to better understand cultural differences in order to create an inclusive and embracing climate at school (Göbel & Buchwald, 2017; Civitillo & Juang, 2020).
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