Chapter 10 Education for Democratic Citizenship through Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) in Communities with Cultural Diversity

Fostering Migrants’ Competences for Integration in Austria

In: The Challenge of Radicalization and Extremism
Authors:
Sieglinde Weyringer
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Jean-Luc Patry
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Natascha Diekmann
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Lydia Linortner
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Abstract

The didactical tool Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) combines values education in the tradition of Kohlberg with knowledge acquisition through inquiry-based learning on a constructivist basis. The claim is that this method can provide integration competencies and hence contribute to fostering dispositions for courageous non-violent engagement. The prototypical VaKE steps need to be adapted to specific audiences and conditions. Two studies are presented in which VaKE was tested with Muslim immigrants: the first one with a small group of unaccompanied male minors, the second with ninety-five female refugees. In both studies, the participants declared to be highly satisfied with the experience. In the first study, the workshop had to be extended from the planned three half-days to four sessions at the participants’ request, and the participants acquired many competences, culminating in their decision to implement a democratic structure. In the second study, after two half-days of workshop sessions, the participants were asked to take behaviour resolutions and to act accordingly between the second and the third half-days, which most of them achieved successfully. Results show that VaKE had positive effects. It is possible to conclude that VaKE is a promising intervention for promoting successful integration and for preventing terrorist orientations in those who have participated.

1 Introduction

‘Everyone must be prevented from climbing the staircase [of terrorism]’ say Ghosh et al. (2016, p. 123); this is a challenging imperative not only in the context of religious extremism, but also for societal and political processes in general. The steps of this staircase proceed from fundamentalism to extremism, radicalism, and terrorism (Moghaddam, 2005). However, in daily life it is nearly impossible even for individuals—let alone for a group or a community—to be aware of whether and when they have started climbing this staircase, and which step has already been reached. Movement towards the staircase will have begun in the mind, and at first only as a vague idea, long before it becomes visible. The susceptibility for wanting to climb the staircase is driven not just by specific personal conditions like poverty, little access to resources, or experiences of injustice, but may also be linked to group properties like nationality, religion, or ideas on societal constitution. Push and pull factors (Ghosh et al., 2016) influence this process; however, the individual person remains the responsible actor, and everyone may be tempted. The whole process can be imagined as a path with many branches. At each fork in the path, actors decide on which path they wish to follow. A ‘good’ decision means to avoid ending up on the staircase of terrorism (Moghaddam, 2005); for this to happen, the acting person needs to possess certain competences, which may be different at different branch points. Educational interventions aiming to prevent young people from stepping onto the staircase and designed to foster courageous non-violent engagement should focus on such competencies.

In this chapter, we claim that the didactical approach Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) can be used to establish and strengthen such competences. After discussing our theory about what it means to be a migrant, we present the VaKE method and our experiences of using it in two sets of integration training, one with female asylum seekers and one with unaccompanied young refugees. We show that the VaKE intervention can indeed contribute to averting the risk of radicalization.

2 Emigration, Migration, and Integration

Educational interventions will only be successful if the characteristics of the target audience and the educational goals are considered in their design. In this particular study, we work with migrants, specifically refugees from Islamic countries. The question then becomes what the educational goals are in these particular conditions.

We acknowledge that the dominant group plays an important role in the process of integration and that it has a specific responsibility in this regard (Berry & Sam, 2013, p. 153; Grigoryev et al., 2019, p. 2). In the present chapter, however, we will look at integration only from the point of view of the members of the non-dominant cultural groups, i.e. migrants.

2.1 What It Means to Be a Migrant

Our characteristics of migrants will not refer to legal definitions or to the categorizations and policies as defined by the host society. Our considerations are linked to migration theory (e.g. FitzGerald, 2014), research on drivers of migration (e.g. Castelli, 2018), health-related issues like risk and protective factors for migrants’ well-being (e.g. Prilleltensky, 2008), the mental health needs of migrants (e.g. Rousseau & Frounfelker, 2019), and the research by Hertz (e.g. 1981, 1985, 1988). Based on these and other studies which we cannot discuss here, we want to draw a picture of what it means to be a migrant in the everyday life in the host country. Migrants and tourists share the basic characteristic that both are perceived as foreigners by the inhabitants of a host country; however, the detailed perceptions are different. Tourists can ignore the hosts’ attitudes because they stay a limited time and then return to their home country; migrants have to develop viable coping strategies because they stay for an unlimited period of time and seek to start a new life in the host country. The practice of hospitality, defined as the provision of support and help, is the prior value perceived by both groups of foreigners, but in a different manner.

The challenges that migrants are faced with when arriving in the host country depend first of all on the circumstances and motives for leaving their home country. Whether due to belligerent conflicts, economic problems, or ecological crises, the core motive for leaving the home country forever is distress and the hope to improve or to re-establish a good quality of life.

Upon arrival in the host country, following an initial feeling of relief, the feeling of being a stranger will surround all activities like a dense fog. Newly arrived persons experience unfamiliarity with situations that are well-known to the members of the dominant group; they quickly recognize that the coping strategies which they had established in their home country are no longer applicable. Feelings of being excluded and not belonging will grow, followed by the threat of a diminishing quality of life because of reduced access to goods and benefits in the host country. Individuals might face the host community as a closed and homogeneous but entirely unknown entity. The main barrier for the new arrivals is their lack of language competence. Further, nonverbal and paraverbal communication patterns for daily routines, habits, behaviours, and communication customs (e.g. how to greet), are unknown both in terms of giving and receiving messages. Specific terms and connotations are interpreted differently. Preferred attitudes in the host community, like political and religious concerns (e.g. regarding the concept of democracy) are unknown or unfamiliar and therefore difficult to understand because previous experiences of those attitudes in the home country may be missing or different (e.g. the police may have been experienced as oppressor in the home country but may have a completely different role in the host country). Berry (1997) speaks here of acculturation—i.e. cultural change resulting from the encounter of two (or more) groups with different cultural backgrounds—and the ensuing acculturative stress, which differs highly between people, ranging from changes that are easy to accomplish up to psychopathologic problems.

These problems are exacerbated by the fact that the migrants’ main social relationships are now far away and difficult, if not impossible, to maintain (Albrow, quoted in Hill, 2019, p. 29), while there are no or only limited social networks outside of the migrants’ own community in the host country. Furthermore, previous education and one’s place in the economic world, although often devalued by the receiving society, play an important role for pre-acculturation (Berry, 1997, p. 22).

All these aspects jeopardize individuals’ established self-concepts, challenge their personal cultural (including religious) identities (Liebkind et al., 2016), and inhibit coping and active problem solving. Evidence for this can be found, for instance, in interviews with refugees (e.g. Margaroni & Magos, 2018). The described negative feelings are enhanced by the observation that supposedly mandatory rules do not seem to apply to members of the host society; for instance, although bigamy is forbidden by law in the host country, some men are married but nevertheless have a lover. A consequence of such discrepancies could be disappointment with and rejection of the normative constitution of the host community.

Value priorities and hierarchies form core pillars for the establishment of personality and identity. The migrants’ personalities and identities, developed through the shared cultural traditions, norms, and rites of their home country, are strongly challenged by the host society. As newcomers, migrants depend on others not only with respect to appropriate (viable) behaviours, but also with regard to understanding the rules to apply and the laws to comply with and what types of sanctions non-compliance will carry. Such dependence is comparable to the level of heteronomous morality in the sense of Piaget (1932) attributed to children aged between five and nine years. In order to strengthen the established identity, an equilibrium within the structure of the personal self is required. To cope with this, individuals may enter the staircase of terrorism. On the other hand, education that promotes an adaptive interpretation, a change, and/or acceptance of other value priorities and hierarchies is assumed to be a strategy for avoiding this undesirable path.

2.2 Integration

What are the competences and values aimed at? This depends on the concept one has of how immigrants can live in the host society. Instead of ‘assuming that there is an inevitable process of cultural and psychological homogenization’, our view is to accept ‘that diversity is a fact of contemporary life’ (Berry & Sam, 2013, p. 151). The general idea is that each group should be entitled to practice its own culture in their intragroup interactions, while interactions between the groups should follow the principles of the dominant culture, with the latter understanding and acknowledging the needs and principles of the members of the non-dominant group and tolerating such behaviour as much as possible. One must mention here that tolerance is an expression of a power relationship because only the powerful person or group can be tolerant. Powerless people or groups such as members of the non-dominant culture do not have the freedom to tolerate—or not to tolerate—the behaviours or culture of members of the powerful groups.

We propose a normative framework of three levels which express our ideal, with the first one having priority over the second one and the second one over the third:

  1. Priority of human dignity: Any action, whether within the non-dominant or in the dominant culture or in interactions between them, must comply with the principle that ‘all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights’ (United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948, Article 1). These human rights are unconditionally binding for all people in their interactions with all other people. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a good framework for this principle. Although it does not cover every possible issue, the instruments protecting and implementing it have been extended constantly (see, for instance, United Nations, 2020). In particular, any violence, whether structural, psychological, or physical, is prohibited except in the case of self-defence.

  2. Priority of law over religion and tradition: The law of the host country must be adhered to, again both in interactions within groups and between groups. The argument that religion or tradition require someone to do something that is against the established law of the host country is explicitly rejected. It is assumed—at least for most Western countries, on which we focus here—that the laws of the host country are in agreement with universal human rights and, more specifically, that they do not discriminate against the non-dominant group. Where discrimination does occur, the possibility of civil disobedience is explicitly acknowledged: If a law does not comply with human rights, it is deemed acceptable that the person affected should break it but while obeying the specific conditions of non-violence, appropriateness, transparency, and acceptance of legal sanctions if these are not excessive. Democratic attempts to change the law should, of course, also be considered, but the power of the non-dominant group in this regard is limited (Banks, 2017).

  3. The principle of different spheres: As Berry (1997, p. 12) says, ‘there can … be variation according to one’s location: in more private spheres or domains (such as the home, the extended family, the ethnic community), more cultural maintenance may be sought than in more public spheres (such as the workplace or in politics)’. This permits integration without surrendering the original culture. Such an approach requires that the respective people recognize when a sphere is ‘private’ with ‘cultural maintenance’ (in Berry’s terminology), and when it is ‘public’. Individuals must master the respective culture-specific practices, i.e. they ‘must possess sufficient knowledge and awareness of the norms and values of a foreign culture’ (Molinsky, 2010, p. 724). Furthermore, individuals must be able to switch from one cultural practice to another when moving from one sphere to another without feeling threatened in their identity and authenticity (Molinsky, 2007, 2010). In the public sphere, each participant is expected to have an understanding of the other participants’ culture-specific perspective and the possible limits of adaptation to the principles of the other culture. Since the different spheres can also be interpreted as situations (as Molinsky does), one can finally refer to the theory of situation specificity (Patry, 2019).

These are normative demands which require the individuals involved to decide and justify their decisions and to act accordingly. According to these principles, any cultural practice in agreement with points 1 and 2 is acceptable in the private sphere. The critical situations occur in the public sphere when the cultural requirements of the two cultures clash. Human dignity and the law need to be observed in this sphere as well, and by all partners. Compliance with the dignity principle in particular manifests itself in the way in which individuals interact with each other: encounters must be governed by mutual esteem and respect (Tausch & Tausch, 1998). This holds also for small gestures, including routine decisions within daily life. An example of such a decision would be whether to shake hands when greeting each other; in order to act respectfully, knowledge about the respective other culture is necessary. In addition, external influences can also impact these decisions, as illustrated by the 2020 coronavirus crisis which significantly altered established greeting practices.

The application of these principles may require balancing the pros and cons; for instance, judging whether an action is exaggerated with respect to some principles is a judgement call that requires weighing up the circumstances. Therefore, balanced decision-making skills also need to be fostered. In any case, the weighing of pros and cons and responsibility for the ultimate decision rests with individuals, who are also responsible for their actions. In interpersonal situations, particularly in the public sphere, problems may arise whose solution is not evident from the principles of the priority of human dignity and the priority of law. In such cases, an appropriate problem-solving strategy must be used. Two approaches can be mentioned here, namely negotiating values based on justification (moral judgement; see Kohlberg, 1984) and the Gordon communication model (the ‘no-lose’ method, see Adams, 2017).

As the principles of primacy of Human Rights, of the primacy of law, and of the different spheres are normative, they do not imply that people actually follow the respective rules to the letter; instead, these demands describe a target situation, and education is designed to facilitate the application of and compliance with these rules. We assume that complying with them will obstruct individuals’ progress towards the staircase of terrorism mentioned at the beginning of this chapter because compliance will promote mutual understanding. For individuals to follow these principles from values to action, the following steps are required: (a) individuals must identify the values system which underpins their action decisions; (b) they must acquire the competencies required to execute the decisions; and (c) they must execute the decided actions in concrete situations. The Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) intervention programme is designed to address these issues.

2.3 Competences for Integration

Education and training address dispositions, i.e. tendencies to behave in a certain way. This is particularly difficult if situation specificity is the goal (Patry, 2019), as is necessary for integration in the different spheres. One of the most important dispositions refers to competences, i.e. what a person is able to do. This does not mean that the person actually performs the competence all the time, but rather that the competence can be activated when necessary (Mischel & Shoda, 1995); and this, in turn, permits situation-specific behaviour. Hence, as a first strategy, we will explore the concepts of competence that are important for migrants.

The key competences for lifelong learning as defined by the European Union provide a good framework. They are based on the combination of knowledge, skills, and attitudes. They are developed through formal, non-formal, and informal learning and in different environments (European Commission, 2018, p. 5). Their application includes responsibility and autonomy as criteria for quality assurance (European Commission, 2018, p. 18). The development of competences is not limited to the period of formal education that occurs for children and adolescents mostly between the ages of six and eighteen years. Rather, the concept encompasses the entire lifetime of a person, as manifested in the terms ‘lifelong education’ and ‘lifelong learning’.

A further approach borrows from concepts of empowerment and resilience. Both address individuals as well as groups and organizations. Empowerment approaches differentiate between value orientation and theory, which includes processes and outcomes (Zimmerman, 2000). This concept is characterized by several features that are in contrast with traditional approaches. To begin with, it goes ‘beyond ameliorating the negative aspects of a situation by searching for those that are positive’ (Zimmerman, 2000, p. 44). Additionally, it focuses on enhancing wellness instead of fixing problems; on identifying strengths instead of risk factors; on searching for environmental influences instead of blaming victims; on coping with stress; on adapting to change and influencing communities; and on redefining professionals’ roles as collaborators and facilitators rather than as experts and counsellors (Zimmerman, 2000, p. 44). Related competences at individual levels are decision-making skills and working with others. The outcomes are a sense of control, critical awareness, and participatory behaviours (Zimmerman, 2000, p. 47). Lord and Hutchison introduce five elements to describe the personal empowerment process in more detail: experiences of powerlessness, gaining awareness, learning new roles, initiating participation, and contributing. Training programmes following this process result in increased levels of personal control, self-efficacy, and the attribution of personal success to the interdependence of the self and the community (Lord & Hutchison, 1993, p. 18).

Resilience is defined as ‘anticipation-, resistance-, and absorption-related actions … prior to the occurrence of an adverse event, whereas response, adaption, and recovery occur afterwards’ (Carlson et al., 2012, p. 17). The theoretical and practical relevance of resilience for social work and development is increasing (van Breda, 2018). Measures for supporting and accompanying migrants in their efforts towards integration can be classified as social work.

In agreement with Berry’s concept of integration (2005, 2008), Dai and Chen (2020) formulate six assumptions regarding cultural integration competence which we have adapted to our specific conditions as follows:

  1. Culture is an open concept.

  2. For integration purposes, individuals adopt the cultural traits of another culture while at the same time maintaining their original culture (Berry, 2005, 2008); this assumption corresponds to the principle of the different spheres discussed above, although not as explicit as in our proposition.

  3. Cultural integration is a critical synthesis of differences.

  4. Cultural integration is characterized by mutual accommodation and adaptation.

  5. Cultural integration is a developmental process.

  6. Cultural integration competence is a multidimensional concept.

Based on their assumptions, Dai and Chen formulate a model of dimensions and components of cultural integration competence; we have added some issues to fit our specific conditions (Table 10.1; our addenda are shown in italics).

Table 10.1

Dimensions and components of cultural integration competence

Dimension Componenta
1. Affective abilities
  1. 1.1Open-mindedness, tolerance for ambiguity
  2. 1.2Interest in new things
  3. 1.3Relational self-concept
  4. 1.4Active empathy
2. Cognitive abilities
  1. 1.1Multiple cultural knowledge
  2. 1.2Critical cultural awareness
  3. 1.3Synthesis of cultural knowledge
  4. 1.4Multicultural perspectives
  5. 1.5Language competence
  6. 1.6Moral competence
3. Behavioural abilities
  1. 1.1Connection building
  2. 1.2Interaction coordination
  3. 1.3Meaning negotiation
  4. 1.4Identity management
  5. 1.5Situation-specific behaviour
4. Desired outcomes
  1. 1.1Development of common ground
  2. 1.2Improved mutual understanding
  3. 1.3Effective identity management
  4. 1.4Intercultural harmony
  5. 1.5Empowerment
  6. 1.6Resilience
a

Source: Based on Dai and Chen (2020)

Our adaptations to the model are as follows.

Tolerance for ambiguity (1.1): This is a specific issue within open-mindedness. Individuals must be able to accept that for any given circumstance there may be different outcomes or interpretations, particularly with respect to values; in particular, they must accept that other people may have a different culture—this is a means (among others) for preventing individuals from engaging in the staircase of terrorism.

Language competence (2.5): A primary condition for intercultural exchange is a language that is mutually understood. Members of the host society can reasonably expect that migrants should learn their language for use in the public sphere, even if they continue to speak their own language in their private spheres.

Moral competence (2.6): ‘Moral ability is a regulating factor that influences the development of intercultural competence, and the bigger the cultural gap, the more important the moral ability is in intercultural interaction’ (Dai & Chen, 2020, p. 20). From the prescriptive standpoint that we take in this chapter, there are principles such as human rights that must be accepted under any circumstances. Beyond such values, the concept of moral competence refers to the justification of values (moral judgement; see Kohlberg, 1984) and the appropriate patterns of argumentation for or against specific value decisions (stages of moral judgement, see Kohlberg, 1984). Moral competence also permits the balancing of cases of conflicting values.

Situation-specific behaviour (3.5): People must be able to adapt their behaviours as a function of their environment (Molinsky, 2010; this is a prerequisite for satisfying Berry’s (1997) principle of different spheres). A pertinent theory is available (Patry, 2019), but it has not yet been applied to this specific topic.

Empowerment (4.5) and resilience (4.6) were discussed above. They are a synthesis of the previous components and dimensions.

Principles, topics, and contents related to citizenship and democracy have to be analysed in terms of whether and how they contribute to a corresponding development. Competence is seen here as the potential for the autonomous, responsible, and flexible application of knowledge using skills and attitudes on a practicable level of ability. Ability is a precondition for doing something. Attitude is a mental concept for the assessment of a situation based on developed concepts of self and identity, personal priorities, and a hierarchy of ethical values.

The term ‘competences for integration’ refers to the competences required to find a balance between the cultural disposition of the home and host societies, and, more specifically, the competences required to decide whilst moving in the public sphere which aspects to take from the host society and which aspects to reject, and what reasons underlie the decision.

Focusing on the needs of migrants at the start of their integration process, several competences can be highlighted as being supportive of these needs: orientation competences, and the competences to speak and communicate, to involve and act, to cope, to learn, to adapt and change, to assess, and to empower oneself. The most important competence is internal integration, i.e. the ability to reconcile the three personal dimensions of integration (the cognitive, the affective/emotional, and the physical dimension), which do not proceed simultaneously and congruently, and to bring about a conclusion to the process of moving from emigration to immigration, i.e. to precipitate the moment of ‘arriving’.

3 Using Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE) to Increase Integration Competence

We assume that VaKE is a method which has the potential to foster the people’s integration competence according to the normative framework set out previously. In this section, we will present the main issues of VaKE without, however, claiming to provide a full and exhaustive description. We will present two studies using VaKE with migrants that show that the intervention can address at least some of the issues of integration competence.

3.1 Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE)

The teaching-learning method Values and Knowledge Education (VaKE; Weyringer et al., 2022b) is a constructivist approach that combines values education and knowledge acquisition, whereby knowledge and values are related to each other. The process starts with the discussion of a moral dilemma in the tradition of Blatt and Kohlberg (1975). However, in contrast to this tradition, the dilemma is conceived in such a way that it requires some factual knowledge or triggers questions to gain such factual knowledge. In this way, the dilemma promotes enquiry-based learning, whereby students look for answers to their questions. They can then continue their dilemma discussions on a higher level. A short description of this method is available in a YouTube video produced by Cohenian et al. (2017), while a more detailed description can be found in Christodoulou and Georgiadou (2020).

VaKE was developed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has been studied in different contexts since then. The main results can be summarized as follows: Participants acquire at least as much (and often much more) knowledge as students from control groups with traditional teaching; they develop their moral judgement competence as defined by Kohlberg (1984); they are highly motivated; and their discussions often lead to actions in agreement with the decisions taken.

The prototypical VaKE procedure is a sequence of eleven steps. Some variations have also been formulated, including VaKE-dis (VaKE-differentiated, individualized, and specified), which includes specific reflection steps (Weyringer, 2008). The two research studies discussed in this chapter used VaKE-dis.

3.2 Using VaKE with Migrants

We have used VaKE in two research studies with migrants: one with unaccompanied male minors (Patry et al., 2016) and one with female Muslim refugees (Weyringer et al., 2018). In both studies, the standard VaKE-dis process had to be adapted to comply with the needs of the participants. In particular, participants had to get accustomed to the open teaching principles with which they had not previously been not familiar.

The first study (Study 1) was completed with ten males unaccompanied adolescents between sixteen and seventeen years of age hailing from Muslim countries who had come to Austria in 2015 with little to medium knowledge of the German language (Patry et al., 2016). The integration competence addressed here was understanding and supporting democratic principles, including adhering to democratic values and knowing about and getting a positive attitude towards democracy.

All participants came from countries with authoritarian regimes and no democratic tradition; we hypothesized that despite this lack of experience, the participants could acquire democratic competence through VaKE, i.e. not through instruction but through co-construction with the combination of values and knowledge education, and that they would tend towards a democratic form of government.

The dilemma story described a science fiction situation: 100 people are sent to a fictive planet, Wahinu, to start a new life. All of them are different; they are unfamiliar with the environmental conditions; there are no rules and laws, which leads to chaos. The people want to establish a system of government. Two options are given. Either one person (the ‘king’) sets the rules and laws and decides what is right and wrong on everyone else’s behalf; or everyone does this together based on joint decisions. Which option should the people choose, and why?

The VaKE process was scheduled for three half-days, running from 10.30 a.m. to 1 p.m.; in agreement with the principles of VaKE, the process was conceived flexibly so that the workshop leader could adapt to the specific needs that arose in the course of the workshop. In particular, at the participants’ request, an additional half-day was added. The eventual process can be summarized as follows:

  1. On the first half-day, following mutual introductions, the dilemma story was read and participants were shown the pictures. The facilitators ensured that the participants understood the story and asked how the participants had experienced the process so far (reflection phase 1). Following initial individual decisions regarding the preferred type of government, the participants engaged in a first dilemma discussion. Then they were asked to find arguments in support of the position they had not defended (change of perspective).
  2. The next day, a second set of individual decisions was taken. Then the group discussed the principles of a good argument and a good discussion. This was an addition to the standard VaKE-dis which was required as it had become evident that there was disagreement on these principles among the participants. In the ensuing second discussion, participants used the new techniques of discussion and argumentation and the newly acquired terms. A change of perspective was performed again, and the participants were asked how they had experienced the discussion and the day (reflection phase 2).
  3. On the third day, knowledge questions were formulated, information was researched (in groups or individually), and the results of the research were exchanged with the full group. Then the participants reflected on what they had learnt and whether it was too difficult (reflection phase 3).
  4. On the fourth day, the exchange of information was continued and followed by the third dilemma discussion. At the end of the session, a final decision and a concluding discussion with reflection took place (reflection phase 4).

The process was guided in small steps and constantly adapted in light of specific experiences. Many different learning materials were used, such as pictures, specific forms of social interaction (including a repetition of the statements by other people in German and their translations into English and the respective mother language), visualization of achievements in posters, etc.

The aim of the study was to gather as much information as possible about (1) the practicability of VaKE under the given circumstances and (2) about the impact on the participants. Since VaKE was conceived flexibly, it was not possible to anticipate assessment instruments; instead, participating observation was practiced based on predefined observation goals, and the outputs produced during the process were collected. The observation goals were whether the respective steps of the process could be implemented properly and whether they achieved their aims. In general, the observations showed that indeed the implementation was successful and that the intervention aims were achieved. Below, a selection of these results is presented.

In the reflection phases, the participants stated that they experienced the workshop as very interesting; in reflection phase 3, they said that knowledge acquisition had been difficult but manageable. All adolescents participated actively in all steps and dared to express their own opinions. The use of posters and flip charts in different steps was conducive for information exchange and concentration. Compared to the first day, there was a substantial improvement in the discussion with respect to (i) the quality of the arguments (justifications); (ii) oral fluency; (iii) the reaction to expressed opinions; (iv) self-confidence in expressing one’s opinion; and (v) the quality of oral expression. It was striking how participants tried to justify their arguments. Their respective social position in the group played no role. The newly acquired knowledge about discussion and argumentation was immediately implemented, as was the researched information about democracy. There were some problems with language, but the participants improved during the process.

In the end, all participants opted for a democratic government on the planet of Wahinu with a cabinet of two or three persons to be renewed every five months, with divided power and mutual control. They spontaneously decided to hold an election among themselves complete with a presentation of election manifestos, ballot papers, and a ballot box, and two participants were elected into the Wahinu cabinet. This means that the participants deliberately chose to turn their decision into action.

The second study (Study 2) involved female Muslim refugees (Weyringer et al., 2018) and was initiated and supported by the Austrian Integration Fonds (Österreichischer Integrationsfonds). A total of ninety-five women from seven different Muslim countries of origin participated in eleven workshops in groups of between four and sixteen participants. Each of the workshops lasted three half-days, with the third session taking place about two weeks after the second. Most workshops were conducted in Arabic, and some in Dari/Farsi. Each workshop was led by a female leader with the help of an interpreter.

The procedure was based on the VaKE-dis programme but contained additional elements to comply with the needs of the participants. The key elements of the workshops are given in Table 10.2. The concrete implementation of the elements differed from group to group since the workshop leaders took up propositions of the participants or decided on their own what fitted the group best. A more detailed account of the procedure can be found in Weyringer et al. (2018) and Patry et al. (2019).

Table 10.2

Key elements of VaKE-dis workshops in Study 2

Day Element Content
1 Typical for women in ATa/HCb Drawings, keywords; posters
Self-reflection What is important to me?

What do/don’t I like?
Evaluation AT vs HC Negative and positive issues in HC and AT; collecting key words, panel discussion
Integration Discussion: What is integration?
2 Law, religion, tradition Discussion
Decision-making Relationship between law, religion, tradition; what is necessary for decision making?
Problems in general What problems do I have in everyday life?

Differences between HC and AT?
Concrete problems Dilemma stories adapted to the workshop; discussion
Information Information that is required but missing for decision making; avenues for gathering information, panel discussion, own search for information
Decision on resolution Individual decision on the behaviour to work on for the next two weeks
3 Resolution implementation Discussion of experiences of implementing the resolution
Enhanced decision-making Further discussion of dilemma stories. How can we solve upcoming future real problems?
Future as women in AT How do I see myself in the future as a woman in AT?
Workshop evaluation Standardized written questionnaire
a b

Source: From Patry et al. (2019, p. 197, adapted with permission)

A lot of time had to be invested in interactions in order to build trust and define individuals’ positions by discussing what it means to be a woman in the home and host countries, what the participants’ needs are, and the future perspective.

On the second day, it was possible to commence the dilemma discussion based on an example scenario as follows (different dilemmas were used in different workshops):

Mrs Sanar has the opportunity to get a job. She is very interested in taking it. Her future boss says that she has to give up her headscarf (hijab) to get the job.

The participants did not expect the non-directive nature of the VaKE approach, and the steps had to be explained. A central issue on the second day was that the women had to formulate the behaviour goals (resolutions) which they wanted to achieve during the following two weeks, and they were instructed in how to complete a notebook charting their achievements on a daily basis. In some of the courses, participants were sent text messages to remind them to take notes in their notebooks; in others this was not possible.

The experiences of implementing the resolutions were discussed on the third day, then the VaKE process was continued until a final common synthesis was achieved. The format was decided by the women (e.g. role plays). Finally, the women discussed their futures with respect to integration and completed an evaluation questionnaire.

The following assessment tools were used:

  1. An evaluation questionnaire, including the question whether the participants would recommend the course;

  2. The implementation diary for the resolution(s) made between the second and the third sessions, using smileys and open questions, completed daily;

  3. Individual tasks during the VaKE process such as positive and negative aspects of the home and the host countries;

  4. Collective posters created by the full group about being a woman in the home and in the host countries, etc.

  5. Audio and video recordings of the sessions;

  6. Reports of the workshop leaders (summaries of the contents, processes and experiences);

  7. Documentations of the information searches conducted by the participants;

  8. Documentations of the final sessions (generalization).

Since the processes in the different workshops differed considerably while still being in agreement with the principles of VaKE, the assessments of individual and group tasks (c and d) differed considerably. Analyses were quantitative (a: frequencies and means; b: types of behaviours, judgements) and qualitative (b: content; c, d); the assessments e to h were used as background to understand the meaning of the material. In the next section, only selected and prototypical results will be presented.

4 Selected Results

The integration framework presented above is too complex to be tested within two simple studies. Given the heterogeneity of the workshops, it is impossible to give a representative summary of the results in the context of this chapter. In particular, due to the shortness of the two studies, we cannot make firm statements regarding the sustainability of the observed outcomes. However, we can offer some indications about the (presumed) impact of VaKE with respect to integration competence.

In Study 1, the participants were even more motivated than expected, as was demonstrated by the fact that they requested an extension of the programme. They developed their value concepts and their justification around democratic decision structures and learned corresponding discussion and argumentation rules. They were able to coordinate their interaction (integration competence 3.2, see Table 10.1) and negotiate meaning (integration competence 3.3), developed a common ground (integration competence 4.1), and improved mutual understanding (integration competence 4.2; this was particularly visible in the election held at the end of the procedure that occurred with the full agreement even of those who were not elected). They also supported situation specificity (integration competence 3.5) as they assumed that the inhabitants elected to the cabinet would govern for five months and then step back to the role of a regular member of the society.

In Study 2 (Weyringer et al., 2018, 2022a) after some initial scepticism, the women were very interested. Following some hesitation, they engaged keenly in the discussion, and their evaluations showed that they were highly motivated and would recommend the workshops to other women. The reports by the workshop leaders confirmed this outcome.

Because of language problems, only a few language-based instruments could be used for assessment. In particular, the evaluation questionnaire and the behaviour diaries were collected from all participants, and in some of the phases and workshops (see Table 10.2), the groups wrote some posters. We can offer some anecdotal results with respect to the issues discussed above; further results can be found in Weyringer et al. (2018, 2022a) and in Patry et al. (2019).

The women could clearly distinguish between the culture in their home countries and in the host country. This is visible both in the posters (e.g. about positive and negative aspects of the two cultures—see Figure 10.1—and a typical woman in the two cultures, see Figure 10.2) and in their pictures (Figure 10.3). They perceived positive and negative issues in both countries, and they did not perceive their home country as homogeneous; instead, they could clearly differentiate between profession, housewife, and party (see left-hand side of Figure 10.3). Obviously, the participants were able to differentiate the cultural spheres as defined by Berry (1997), but they also distinguished further between different situations within each of the spheres (integration competence 3.5., see Table 10.1). One can also interpret these posters and pictures as an expression of an acquired understanding of the host country (integration competence 4.2) and a multicultural perspective (integration competence 2.4); the women did not seem to have problems with ambiguity (integration competence 1.1), and the positive and negative aspects identified in Figure 10.1 indicate that they had a critical cultural awareness (integration competence 2.2).

Figure 10.1
Figure 10.1

Sample poster: positive and negative aspects of the home and host country. (Poster translated from German by the authors)

Figure 10.2
Figure 10.2

Sample poster: being a woman in the home country and in the host country. (Poster translated from German by the authors)

Figure 10.3
Figure 10.3

Drawings from two participants about women in their home country and in Austria. Left-hand picture = home country; teacher, housewife, having a party. Right-hand picture = Austria (from Patry et al., 2019, p. 199, reprinted with permission)

Regarding behavioural resolutions, according to their diaries, 60 of the 92 women formulated concrete behavioural goals. The main reason for not making a resolution was language problems. Among those who made resolutions, most aimed at improving their German language competence (60%). Further aims mentioned repeatedly were social contacts and social integration (10%) and acquiring a profession or a job (7%). Most of the resolutions mentioned only once were specific to the person’s situation, such as finding a new apartment, improving their time management, or improving their education skills. This indicates clearly that the participants aimed to integrate themselves into their host country, a goal for which language competence is a primary condition (integration competence 2.5, see Table 10.1).

In the final evaluation, the women were asked, among other things, what they had learned and what they wanted to implement. The results are given in Table 10.3. Only 78 women answered the first question, and 50 answered the second question. Failure to respond was mainly due to language problems. One can see that the women learned many competences linked with integration competence. As VaKE does not aim at specific categories per se but devolves responsibility for determining the content of learning to the programme participants, the heterogeneity of the learned competences mentioned in Table 10.3 is not surprising.

Table 10.3

Answers provided by participants in Study 2 in response to the statement categories: ‘This is what I have learned’ and ‘This is what I want to implement’

This is what I have learneda This is what I want to implementa
Category Number of mentionsb Category Number of mentionsc
Rights/women’s rights 36 Learning German 16
Solving problems, making decisions 23 Solving problems 9
Self-determination, self-care 16 Looking for work or honorary office 9
Austrian culture and society 14 Looking for information 6
Looking for information 10 Self-determination, self-care 5
Freedom of expression 10 Integration 3
Equal rights 5 Setting goals 3
Discussion 4 Establish contacts 3
Obeying the law 2 Other 20
Other 14
a b c

Source: Weyringer et al. (2018, table 4, p. 18), translated with permission

About half of the women mentioned that they gained knowledge about issues related to human rights. Many of the other competences learned correspond to the components addressed in Table 10.1, including behavioural abilities like problem solving. The goals to be implemented, although answered by fewer women, emphasize integration-related activities, followed by learning German (the host country language) being the most prominent goal, as well as behavioural goals like problem solving and researching information.

5 Conclusions

The results of Study 1 as reported above can be attributed to the VaKE programme: The election procedure, for instance, was spontaneously initiated be the participants and would not have occurred without the VaKE course. In Study 2, however, the selected results cannot necessarily be attributed to the VaKE programme as the results were gathered during different phases of the workshops and there was no control group. The behaviour results, on the other hand, are clearly linked to the workshops. Similarly, it is clear that the behavioural resolutions were triggered by the workshops; it might be possible that the behavioural resolutions as such can be attributed to VaKE, but the choice of topics may have had other motivations.

The questionnaire in Study 2 was answered at the end of the workshops, and the results (Table 10.3) can be related at least to some degree to VaKE. Again, since there was no control group, there may also have been other reasons that we cannot capture here. In any case, these results clearly indicate that the participating women are motivated to integrate. The other results indicate that they are indeed able to distinguish the different spheres, as is required for our concept of integration.

Moral competence (integration competence 2.6 in Table 10.1) could not be assessed because of time constraints. However, it has been shown repeatedly that dilemma discussions such as used in the VaKE programmes foster moral competence (Schläfli et al., 1985; Lind, 2016); and Weinberger (2016) also shows this for VaKE in particular. We can assume, hence, that moral competence has indeed been fostered in the two studies.

In both studies, participants acquired knowledge about the host culture. While the participants in Study 2—female refugees—are not a group at particular risk of entering the staircase of terrorism as discussed in the first section, we can assume that they do exert an influence within their cultural communities that may be leveraged to hinder other people in engaging in the staircase. On the other hand, the male adolescents in Study 1 can clearly be considered as being at risk of this unfavourable personal development. While there is no certitude that using VaKE can prevent them from doing so, the fact that the VaKE programme was embraced by these young men with much interest and that it was implemented without excessive difficulty gives reason for the optimistic assessment that VaKE can be successfully implemented and that the programme can have a positive influence in preventing individuals from ascending the staircase of terrorism. The results of Study 1 would further seem to support this assumption. We hope that it will be possible to use the VaKE programme for further intervention, both for the benefit of the participants and to gain more experience and evidence with this method.

Acknowledgements

The authors gratefully acknowledge the financial support given by the Österreichischer Integrationsfonds. The support for the production of Study 2 as referenced in this chapter does not constitute an endorsement of the contents, which reflect the views only of the authors, and the Österreichischer Integrationsfonds cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

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The Challenge of Radicalization and Extremism

Integrating Research on Education and Citizenship in the Context of Migration

Series:  Moral Development and Citizenship Education, Volume: 19

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