Chapter 2 Re-forming the Conversation as a Response to Polarization: A Case Study Exploration of the Dallas Statement

In: The Calling of the Church in Times of Polarization
Author:
Thandi Soko-de Jong
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Love those you disagree with.
Wish them the very things you wish for yourself,
Wish them the fullness of life.
ANON.

1 Introduction

Polarization is not new. It manifests itself in society in different ways over time and space. In recent years, the socially connective power of the internet has facilitated unprecedented exchanges between people. But with no mechanism to moderate these exchanges, some have used digital media1 as a platform to further intensify polarization with devastating consequences. Most terrorists, for example, now rely on social media to recruit new members, disseminate their ideologies and broadcast their crimes.2 Considering this changing landscape of polarization; this chapter aims to respond to the question this book seeks to address: What is the church’s role in these times of polarization? It does so by, firstly, narrowing the question down to the context of our shared Reformed tradition and examining how some among us have used digital media to fuel polarization today. Secondly, it shows that divisive online activity can reflect our fragmented Reformed communities. Thirdly, at the conclusion of the chapter I will suggest that we “re-form” the status quo by more intentionally moving away from polarized exchanges to a more inclusive exchange of knowledge, ideas and experiences that reflect the rich diversity of our Reformed Christian family.

In what follows, I will focus on a distinct strand of Reformed expression, the Reformed Evangelical tradition. This paper applies the term “Reformed Evangelical” to describe denominations and congregations that combine Evangelical doctrines such as baptism by immersion3 and personal salvation; with the five points of Calvinism,4 also known as TULIP.5 I have some affiliation with this tradition as I was a member of a Southern Baptist Convention missionary-founded church when I lived in my home country, Malawi. With that in mind, I will present a case study that shows how Reformed tradition can be a catalyst for polarization because of its tendency to privilege the voices of the powerful over marginalized voices. This will be followed by a discussion that recommends re-forming dialogue as a possible contribution to defusing polarization. Particularly between voices whose knowledge, ideas and life experiences are markedly different.

The paper will discuss as a case study the Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel (also known as the Dallas Statement). The Statement was published in the United States of America in 2018. It is a unique document that, on the one hand, reflects the fact that Reformed and (for example) Evangelical-theology does have common ground. On the other hand, it shows that faith communities can build their identity based on their strong opposition to others, rather than searching for unity and catholicity.6 The latter is a factor that can contribute to polarization by emphasizing an opposition between a faith community’s values and those of groups it perceives as dangerous and a threat to its survival.7

Before delving into discussing the theory of polarization in detail, let us first note its definition here briefly. Polarization occurs when two (or more) groups of people are driven apart by opposing views, beliefs, ideologies, fears, etcetera. According to Pieter Vos, this is “often motivated by a longing for a strong and fixed (group) identity, which is constructed as being in contrast with the (attributed) identity of the other group.”8 We see this among Christian communities in the tendency to define ourselves in opposition to other Christians.9 Examples include the opposition between orthodox/liberal, the so-called mainline/evangelical, and conservative/progressive etcetera binaries. Against this background, this chapter aims to call attention to the dynamics that exploit such oppositions and fuel polarization and to suggest that the worldwide church’s calling in times of polarization includes addressing those dynamics head-on in order to better promote unity and catholicity. Thus, we now turn our discussion to the dynamics that undergird polarization as described by Bart Brandsma.

1.1 Bart Brandsma’s Theory of Polarization

Brandsma describes polarization as a social process that begins simply with a thought construct of “us” and “them.” It is then shaped by five agents: the “pushers,” the “joiners/recruits,” the “silent,” the “bridge builders,” and the “scapegoats.”10 Pushers, according to Brandsma, are public influencers whose purpose is to affirm a group’s position on an issue by making opposing groups appear suspicious or dangerous. He adds that pushers solidify their influence by amassing “joiners/recruits.” Recruits are members of the public that have been successfully persuaded into believing that the only viable option for supporting their cause and ensuring its success is to join a pusher’s political and/or ideological platform. The “silent,” on the other hand, are the “unrecruited” members of society whose position ranges from indifference, neutrality to nuanced thinking about the issues that the “pushers” have framed into a “black-and-white” narrative.11 The “bridge builders” are those who, with usually the best intentions, try to promote dialogue, understanding, and harmony between opposing “pushers” (and their “recruits”). Unfortunately, this approach may only serve to further establish the two groups as polar opposites. The “bridge builder” may even be suspected of having a hidden agenda or perhaps taking sides. Finally, the “scapegoats” are the target or perceived threat that the pushers identify as dangerous to their cause. The “scapegoat” is usually from the “silent” or “bridge builder” groups.

In light of how these five play a role in how polarization operates in society, Brandsma highlights the problematic role of traditional media.12 He points out that the media has played a significant role in the growing public profiles of pushers. He argues that it is the regular and prominent presence of polarization pushers in news cycles that has further cemented their success in digital media. Therefore, he argues that traditional media must take the responsibility of defusing polarization by widening coverage to include equally the overlooked perspectives from members of the public that have not yet been recruited into one camp or the other. He explains that traditional media can potentially re-introduce much-needed nuance to “hot button” issues and lead to more constructive public engagement that defuses polarization early. In my view, this approach is a helpful step, however, it does not leave room to consider that it may not be in the interest of traditional media to defuse polarization entirely, so long as the adage that “bad news sells better than good news”13 remains in force. However, it is in the direct interest of the church, defined as all followers of Christ, to defuse polarization because as part of our “call to be witnesses to Christ by demonstrating his love and concern for the world”14 and not willing participants in the status quo of divisiveness that sows hatred, fear and violence. Therefore, this is an important conversation for the church to have as a stakeholder in society alongside the media and all who are making efforts to address polarization in various contexts around the world.

Taking this a step further, the task of the church and theology is to consciously avoid being limited to the role of the “bridge builder.” Rather, as argued previously by Vos,15 the core task includes practicing critical self-reflection in light of scripture and tradition in order to seek to understand the meaning of the Christian faith and the church with regard to conflicts and processes of polarization. Therefore, the task of the church and theology is to seek to understand one’s own faith tradition (and its implications) with regard to attitudes towards life, conflicts, and how to deal well with them. Thus, in a context of polarization, this approach can contribute to a better praxis of being church. In other words, the church’s calling is to actively pursue and apply what it means to be a community of believers in a context of polarization by “being a community gathered around Christ which practices a Christ-like attitude in dealing with conflict and polarization.”16 With this in mind, let us now apply Brandsma’s theory to our case study.

1.2 Brandsma’s Theory and the Calling of the Church in Times of Polarization

Brandsma’s theory of the dynamics of polarization is useful for examining the case study in the sections that follow. It guides how we can identify polarized dynamics. Needless to say, the intention is not to attack the Dallas Statement’s signers. Rather, this exploration aims to show how churches and theologies contribute to polarization. Thus, for the case study, it is important to note that the signers of the Statement are located in a political/ideological environment where some of the main “pushers” that influence public discourse on polarizing issues are arguably right-wing and left-wing pundits. These include politicians, academics, news corporations and social media influencers divided primarily along the Republican (political right) versus Democrat (political left) dichotomy.17 Regarding our case study that takes place in the context of US Reformed Evangelicalism, right and left-wing ideologies impact it in different ways. Moreover, the case study is impacted by the global phenomenon of the so-called “culture wars,”18 that pit conservative values against liberal values and thus limit dialogue between the two sides.19 One of the outcomes of culture wars is the tendency to politicize academic/scientific enterprise to benefit either of the two sides.20

Relating this dichotomy back to the US Reformed Evangelical context of our case study, we see that some communities that find themselves divided on these grounds seem to respond to polarization by paying close attention to some fundamental, theological principles. Among these is the Reformed principle21 of sola scriptura (scripture alone).22 Thus, some who make this option apply sola scriptura to (most) matters of doctrine that are found in the realm of public debate, including those that relate to social justice issues. This position differs, for instance, from that taken by those whose hermeneutics focus primarily on Jesus and his teachings/interpretation of the scriptures. An example is liberation theology which focuses on the liberatory aspects of Jesus’ ministry in relation to social justice.23 Another example of a differing position to note is that of those who stress the role of the Spirit in their hermeneutics. Within the Reformed tradition, an example is the work of some feminist Reformed theologians who take this position.24 In the case of the USA, not surprisingly, conversations between these theological positions (and more) prove difficult and often reflect elements of partisan gridlock25 in their wider context. Before exploring this further in the case study, let us briefly look at how the paper envisions engaging the two sides, along the lines of this paper’s headline: re-forming the conversation as a calling for the church in times of polarization.

1.3 Re-forming the Conversation: A Palaver Hut Model

An image that comes to mind for re-forming our conversation is the concept of the palaver hut. The palaver hut is a West African meeting place where people go in to deliberate (palaver) while facing each other in a circle (and not across a table) with the aim of emerging from the hut after having reached an amicable resolution. The goal is to find a way forward on an issue without having to agree on every point or being seen to have won/lost ground.26 This is an important point for reflection in our engagement on polarizing issues, that moving forward often requires that we engage with each other without the need to force our opinions and win theological legitimacy but rather to move forward in fulfilling our calling to be witnesses to Christ’s love and concern for the world as expressed in the diversity of our shared Reformed tradition. Additionally, this model also precludes the power play of a host/guest situation. When both parties enter into “palaver,” this potentially guards against privileging either (a) a powerful hosting party, who may feel more entitled to setting and controlling the agenda, or (b) a powerful guest who may want to manipulate the outcome. I suggest that the symbolism of the palaver hut has the potential to discourage either party from taking advantage of the other.

2 The Case Study: The Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel

2.1 Introduction

To start with, let me point out that it is not this chapter’s intention to argue for social justice. Rather, by presenting the case study on the polarizing Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, I hope to show the urgent need for re-forming how we engage across divided communities in Reformed tradition. Secondly, in discussing the case study, I will not rely on specific (Reformed) theologies but will draw from broad themes familiar to the Reformed tradition, such as orthodoxy, justice, love and compassion. Thirdly, for a definition of the term “social justice,” I base my interpretation on its historic development beginning in the early 19th century “during the Industrial Revolution and subsequent civil revolutions throughout Europe,”

Which aimed to create more egalitarian societies and remedy capitalistic exploitation of human labor. Because of the stark stratifications between wealthy and the poor during this time, early social justice advocates focused primarily on capital, property, and the distribution of wealth. By the mid-20th century, social justice had expanded from being primarily concerned with economics to include other spheres of social life [such as] the environment, race, gender, and other causes and manifestations of inequality.27

From my own Malawian context, I have experienced social justice as the belief that closing the gap between the powerful and the marginalized, and taking care of the environment are important parts of practicing faith and conforming to the philosophy of umunthu.28 Umunthu, known elsewhere on the African continent as ubuntu29 is a philosophy that informs traditional belief systems that, at their best, encourage a relational and inclusive society. Thus, in many cases, the successes of political and cultural leaders are measured by how many citizens they have pulled out of poverty; how much they have improved access to quality health care and other basic services, and their contribution to sustainable agricultural livelihoods.30 We now turn to the case study to consider these interpretations.

2.2 The History and Formation of the Document

The Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel was first drafted in Dallas, Texas, in June 2018 and published online in September 2018. The Statement is also known as the Dallas Statement31 and will here onwards be referred to simply as the Statement. It has an official list of “initial signers,” made up of the all-male leaders32 who contributed to its first drafts and there are now just over 11,000 signatures33 with a mix of individuals and churches signing. The Statement and its effects are not only interesting for case study purposes, but it is also interesting in the wider discussion about polarization due to the growing influence of the US Evangelical community in general regarding socio-political issues in the US and around the world.

Among the initial signers, the most influential is John MacArthur and thus the Statement is often attributed to him. John Fullerton MacArthur Jr. is an American pastor and writer born in 1939. He has been the lead pastor-teacher of the large, non-denominational congregation, Grace Community Church in Sun Valley, California, since 1969.34 MacArthur is relatively well-known for his political influence.35 MacArthur is also known academically as the president of The Master’s University in Santa Clarita, California,36 and the founder of The Master’s Seminary in Los Angeles.37 As a writer, his publications include the MacArthur Study Bible, and as a broadcaster, he owns the internationally syndicated Christian teaching radio program Grace to You.38

In terms of its purpose, the Statement was written in the wake of four major occurrences on the US Reformed and/or Evangelical landscape,39 namely:

  1. the election of a proponent of social justice, James David (J. D.) Greear40 as president of the Southern Baptist Convention on June 13, 2018;

  2. an open letter by Beth Moore (evangelist, author and Bible teacher) calling for reformation in light of misogyny against female leadership in the Church on May 3, 2018;41

  3. the Revoice Conference in St. Louis, which highlighted LGBTQI+ Christians (June 27–29, 2018);42

  4. the MLK50 Conference, the commemoration of 50 years since the assassination of Martin Luther King, in Memphis, which held forums on race relations and the church, continuing talks that had been taking place online in the form of Evangelicals advocating for racial reconciliation (April 3–4, 2018).43

Thus, it becomes clear that the specific concern of the Statement is to challenge advocacy for social justice as gender, racial and sexuality equality in the Reformed Evangelical landscape. Thus, the authors state that “the rapidity with which these deadly ideas have spread from the culture at large into churches and Christian organizations—including some that are Evangelical and Reformed—necessitates the issuing of this statement now.” This is elaborated further as follows:

Specifically, we are deeply concerned that values borrowed from secular culture are currently undermining Scripture in the areas of race and ethnicity, manhood and womanhood, and human sexuality. The Bible’s teaching on each of these subjects is being challenged under the broad and somewhat nebulous rubric of concern for “social justice.” If the doctrines of God’s Word are not uncompromisingly reasserted and defended at these points, there is every reason to anticipate that these dangerous ideas and corrupted moral values will spread their influence into other realms of biblical doctrines and principles …44

Gender, race and sexuality are already deeply polarized issues in today’s world. Some pushers of polarization have established their platforms for or against these issues and in light of that, the Statement’s style of prescribing their position of orthodoxy on these complex topics can be seen to be supportive of typical polarizing discourse whereby the “us” believes they are right and the “them” are wrong. Let us further explore the document, paying attention to how it is structured.

2.3 Structure

The Statement is in a confessional style of “We affirm” and “We deny”45 statements on the following fourteen articles: Scripture, Imago Dei, Justice, God’s Law, Sin, Gospel, Salvation, The Church, Heresy, Sexuality and Marriage, Complementarianism, Race/Ethnicity, Culture and Racism. The format for each is a heading directly followed by what the drafters affirm, followed by what they deny, and finally a list of supporting Bible texts. There is also a resources section and an appendix which provides additional information and answers questions relating to the articles.

2.4 Content

The fourteen articles complement each other in arguing that it is only the preaching of the Gospel which is central to the role of the church. All social justice issues are secondary, and involvement in them depends on convictions at the congregational level or, indeed, at the personal level. To this end, all the articles are summed up in Article I: Scripture which affirms that “the Bible is God’s Word, breathed out by him. It is inerrant, infallible, and the final authority for determining what is true (what we must believe) and what is right (how we must live). All truth claims and ethical standards must be tested by God’s final Word, which is Scripture alone.” And denies that “Christian belief, character, or conduct can be dictated by any other authority, and that the postmodern ideologies derived from intersectionality, radical feminism, and critical race theory are consistent with biblical teaching.” The rest of the articles affirm and elaborate on this doctrinal position. Already, the Article I: Scripture separates social justice from righteousness. This is in contrast with the position of others in the Reformed community. For example, the ACCRA Confession46 or the association of the World Communion of Reformed Churches (WCRC) with the Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification which affirms the interrelatedness of justice and justification by arguing:

That both of these meanings are conveyed with the same word reflects the fact that they are profoundly related. The one who is justified by faith is called to act in a righteous way. As a consequence, the doctrine of justification cannot be seen in the abstract, divorced from the reality of injustice, oppression and violence in today’s world.47

Furthermore, the Statement seems to fall short of making its arguments clear. For instance, it is vague about delivering its argument because of its haziness in defining any of the terms it refers to as “secular” or “social justice.” Perhaps this is the Statement authors’ way of arguing their points without recognizably acknowledging academic research they disagree with. Thus, it often makes broad statements; for example, the entire Article III: Justice does not define justice, it only states that:

WE AFFIRM that since he is holy, righteous, and just, God requires those who bear his image to live justly in the world. This includes showing appropriate respect to every person and giving to each one what he or she is due. We affirm that societies must establish laws to correct injustices that have been imposed through cultural prejudice.

WE DENY that true justice can be culturally defined or that standards of justice that are merely socially constructed can be imposed with the same authority as those that are derived from Scripture. We further deny that Christians can live justly in the world under any principles other than the biblical standard of righteousness. Relativism, socially constructed standards of truth or morality, and notions of virtue and vice that are constantly in flux cannot result in authentic justice.48

Tom Ascol, one of the Statement’s contributors, responded to concerns about the Statement’s tendency to use vague language by explaining that “the group wanted to also leave room for conscience and interpretation because various churches will do things differently and “would view cultural engagement in significantly different ways.”49 Thus, the reader is left to reach their own conclusions on what “intersectionality,” “radical feminism,” and “critical race theory” represent.

This type of approach is in contrast with statements like the Belhar Confession, a 1982 theological statement against apartheid by the Dutch Reformed Mission Church in South Africa, which did not shy away from demystifying terms, stating, for instance, that: “the church as the possession of God must stand where the Lord stands, namely against injustice and with the wronged; that in following Christ the church must witness against all the powerful and privileged who selfishly seek their own interests and thus control and harm others.50 It is not a surprise then that with its clear definitions the Belhar Confession’s impact was far-reaching in contributing to the fall of apartheid, in contrast to the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa (NGK),51 which was “tightly insulated within its own hermeneutic circle”52 based on the fundamental principles of racial volkstheologie. Contrasting the Belhar Confession’s approach with that of the Statement it seems that, similar to the NGK, the Statement is simply conforming to the rhetoric of polarization “pushers” (as described by Brandsma) that use abstract language to maintain a particular status quo. In this case, the status quo is the rejection of the push to eradicate sexism, homophobia and racism in church and society. Having outlined the content, let us briefly consider the divided reception of the Statement from MacArthur’s supporters before bringing these into dialogue with some key perspectives on gender, race and sexuality from Reformed and Evangelical proponents of social justice.

2.5 (Divided) Reception from among MacArthur’s Supporters

Among those, who align themselves with the Statement’s conservative interpretation of Reformed Evangelicalism, are US missionaries abroad and activists, particularly anti-abortion and racial equality activists. They were quick to point out that the Statement risks being interpreted as against all forms of social justice–including what is referred to as mercy missions but also advocacy against abortion policy.53 Mercy missions are charity interventions,54 in which many missionaries abroad have made social justice approaches central to their mission of spreading the Gospel in order to holistically tackle the root causes of challenges they seek to address. In some cases, this involves outright political advocacy as part of their carrying out of the Great Commission (Matt. 28: 18–20)55 in solidarity with oppressed or marginalized groups that stand to lose, for example, land, livelihoods and access to resources. But these are scenarios at the individual level. In his article, “The Reformed Identity and Mission from the Margins,” Roderick Hewitt describes experiences at the macro level as the “arrested missional development” borne out of the tendency to have an “uncritical alliance with neoliberalism and neo-conservative socio-economic, political and theological discourses.”56

Similarly, anti-abortion and racial equality activists opposed the Statement’s negative view of social justice as a whole, appealing to the influence in their faith tradition of the likes of William Wilberforce and Charles Spurgeon (anti-slavery activists)57 and the social reform activism of William Carey in India,58 arguing that these leaders were exemplary in not separating the Gospel from their social activism. Their nuanced concerns seem to find common ground with proponents of social justice, particularly in drawing attention to the fact that the Gospel is not detached from the suffering in society. However, like the Statement, they too seem to draw the line when it comes to acknowledging the voice of Reformed Evangelical women, people of color and LGBTQI+59 persons on these issues. For instance, in the extensive investigation by the Christian News Network into responses to the Statement from this faith community published in September 2018, the examples of social justice that are highlighted are male, European and heterosexual.60 As such, they do not refer to figures like Martin Luther King, a Black Baptist leader (regarding anti-racism) or, in the case of abortion, the reflections of Rachel Held Evans, a woman whose views on the topic are rooted in the Evangelical tradition.61 Rather, on this point, they seem to share the Statement’s denial of social justice’s challenge to the gender, sexuality and racial status quo they accept, as implied by Baptist missionary Trevor Johnson’s62 reduction of social justice to charitable works as follows:

Christians are to always be striving for justice … it’s just that “modern ‘social justice’ is not the same as true biblical justice … the Church has always worked for justice and missionaries have always defended the rights of the poor and needy. Let’s defend the gospel, yes, but let’s remember that this gospel leads to action!63

In the interest of applying the suggestion of re-forming the conversation and Brandsma’s theory of presenting diverse views as an important part of defusing polarization, I will next attempt to bring the Statement’s message into conversation with feminist, LGBTQIA+ and people of color who are Reformed and/or Evangelical leaders. In keeping with the Statement’s use of the internet (a typical way of discussing polarizing issues in our times as mentioned earlier), I have selected online reflections by the ministers Rasool Berry and Emily Swan, and the late writer and speaker, Rachel Held Evans. I will start with an open letter to the Statement by Rasool Berry.64

3 Re-forming the Conversation: Responding to the Statement with Views from Social Justice’s (Reformed) Evangelical Proponents

3.1 Rasool Berry

Rasool Berry is an African American Baptist teaching pastor from Brooklyn’s Bridge Church with a background in Africana Studies and Sociology. His academic background seems to fit well into the “secular knowledge” camp the Statement distances itself from. He summarizes his outlook on social justice by introducing his name, Rasool, which means ‘messenger’ in Arabic which he relates to his passion for “communicating, especially about the Message that God is pursuing reconciliation, peace and redemption in the world through us.”65 In light of this, his open letter is a rebuttal of the Statement’s description of social justice given through the lens of his own social location as an African American Baptist leader with deep knowledge and experience in the fields of sociology,66 African American social justice issues and the role of African American Christian communities in the Civil Rights movements of the twentieth century.67 His contribution is important because it provides a perspective missing particularly from the Statement’s discussion of race. The following is an excerpt from his open letter that captures his main arguments:

Dear John … recently you took aim at what you believe is the most dangerous heresy you’ve ever faced: the growing Christian advocacy for “social justice.” I read your string of posts making the case that the Church is being lured away from the Gospel message and down a road that leads to destruction with great interest and greater disappointment. As an African American pastor who has studied and experienced this issue personally, I believe your post, and the Statement on Social Justice launched in tandem with it, are the actual dangers to the Church at this moment. I have taken the time to respond with as much detail as I can because I, too, love the universal Church, and I also believe in this particular moment she is in danger of falling away from a clear understanding of the Gospel in the United States. We need to talk more and do more about social justice–not less.

To demonstrate your historic concern and the shared convictions between you and “black leaders,” you invoked your ministry partnership68 with a leader I respect deeply, Dr. John Perkins. You described experiencing discrimination first-hand and your awareness of the injustices in our nation. You also acknowledged that the gospel of Jesus Christ is the solution to resolve “ethnic animus.” What is unclear is how you think we are to apply the gospel to the social injustices you personally witness. We know your friend’s view through his own writing on the subject. Justice is any act of reconciliation that restores any part of God’s creation back to its original intent, purpose or image. When I think about justice that way, it doesn’t surprise me at all that God loves it. It includes both the acts of social justice and the restorative justice found on the cross.69

At the core of Berry’s criticism is that MacArthur has stated before that he has personally witnessed social injustice during his partnership with African American leaders. However, the Statement is unclear about how we are to apply the gospel to the social injustices he has witnessed. Berry offers his suggestion by invoking Perkin’s view that the gospel of Jesus Christ includes both the acts of social justice and restorative justice.

3.2 Rachel Held Evans

Rachel Held Evans, born in 1982, renowned speaker, New York Times best-selling author, and social media influencer,70 was, until her untimely death in early 2019, very vocal on social justice issues and Evangelicalism. Her background in conservative, non-denominational Evangelical tradition informed her position that I find relevant to this discussion, particularly in how she weaves together the fundamentals of Evangelical faith with a feminist rationale for social justice engagement. One example is her proposal for a more holistic approach to the abortion debate between pro-choice versus pro-life positions:

It seems to me that Christians who are more conservative and Christians who are more liberal, Christians who are politically pro-life and Christians who are politically pro-choice, should be able to come together on this and advocate for life in a way that takes seriously the complexities involved and that honors both women and their unborn children. In other words, instead of focusing all of our efforts on making “supply” [abortion] illegal, perhaps we should work on decreasing demand. And instead of pretending like this is just an issue of women’s rights, perhaps we should acknowledge the very real and very troubling moral questions surrounding a voluntarily terminated pregnancy.71

In sum, her views on social justice and feminism hold that, although Christianity isn’t simply a social justice movement, its responsibility is not an either/or choice between the Gospel message and social engagement. Rather it includes both.72

3.3 Emily Swan

Lastly, Emily Swan is an Evangelical queer writer and co-pastor at Blue Ocean Church in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Her academic background is multi-disciplinary. Apart from studying Mandarin and Amdo Tibetan languages at the university level, she also studied history and theology. Swan is a co-author (with co-pastor Ken Wilson) of the book Solus Jesus: A Theology of Resistance.73 Her and Wilson’s perspective, as given in this book, is relevant because it challenges a Reformed doctrine many take for granted. They argue that five hundred years ago, the Protestant Reformation claimed the Bible as the authoritative guide for Christian living and proclaimed, “Sola Scriptura! Only Scripture”! However, they point out that as the church continues to grow in its contextual relevance, the church is shifting back to where it should be: in Jesus, thus, Solus Jesus! This is based on John 1: 14, “The Word became flesh and made his dwelling among us. We have seen his glory, the glory of the one and only Son, who came from the Father, full of grace and truth” (NIV).

This position seems to affirm Karl Barth’s position on Jesus Christ as the living Word to whom the words of the Bible witnesses.74 Considering this, they sum up their contribution to the discussion of social justice and the gospel as follows:

Our task—whether facing issues of LGBTQ+ inclusion, or care for this beautiful, fragile earth, or systemic racism or militarism—is not simply to marshal biblical texts to ‘prove’ this or that position. Rather, our task is to position ourselves as humble and curious followers of Jesus and to discern the way, the truth, and the life in him.75

Their approach does not offer a concrete answer to polarized issues that influence church and society. However, their choice to assume a humble and curious position in response to such issues helps them to avoid being “pushers” of polarization.

4 Evaluation: Imagining Re-forming the Conversation as a Calling for the Church in Times of Polarization

Having brought the preceding three perspectives into conversation with the Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, let us finally and briefly imagine how the suggestion of re-forming the conversation in our tradition that was introduced above can be applied to what has emerged from this case study so far. To achieve this, I will draw a few key insights from my ongoing empirical research conducted in Malawi, which includes a focus on belief and social engagement.76

4.1 Tcheni pa Kalanka

Two interview respondents from my ongoing study in Malawi related how their social justice activism and their Reformed theological orientation are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they find ways to integrate both as much as possible without distorting either of them. A typical contextual model for this approach is the tcheni pa kalanka ethos. Although this ethos is formally held by only the Nkhoma Synod of the Church of Central Africa Presbyterian (CCAP, Malawi), its interpretation is emulated by many across the Malawian Reformed landscape including the two respondents/informants.

Transliterated, tcheni pa kalanka means, “the bicycle chain must remain on the sprocket”77 and it means that: just as a properly working bicycle’s chain must remain fixed in place while it moves forward, so should a Synod maintain strong roots in the Word of God.78 In other words, it must, for example, engage in social praxis with the knowledge that Reformed theology has the capacity to be transformative, liberating and life-giving. In practice, this means a Synod should be willing to contribute to the conversation with transformative and liberating hermeneutics as a counterargument to the position of those who argue that scripture has nothing to do with social justice (such as the Statement). By doing so, they can potentially dissuade the latter from affirming elements of a status quo that affirms destructive, life-denying injustices. Applying the tcheni pa kalanka ethos must always seek to embrace dialogue using the palaver hut model. Particularly concerning polarized issues, taking on either the offensive or defensive position inhibits an honest, power symmetric dialogue. Rather, effort should go into each side testing their position against the scrutiny of the opposing view with the hope that each party gains a more informed understanding of the issue concerned and then, ideally, finds common ground on how to address it.79

How this ethos can be applied will differ from context to context. However, when applied to the informants’ comments above, the ethos can describe their openness to take on board new ideas, methods and expertise that they do not have themselves without compromising their doctrinal beliefs. More importantly, it is an openness to engage with others with a twofold intention: to build more positive and prophetic social relevance and to deepen faith through critical self-reflection. As Hewitt warns: “The death of the reformed identity is therefore assured when it ends up with unquestioning certitude about issues of life and faith without being open to honest and critical engagement of the text and context.”80 One of the informants, a Presbyterian minister81 (not from the CCAP), explained that he is both a minister and the director of the development office of a non-profit organization. In integrating his pastoral and development vocation, he follows the example of Jesus’ holistic ministry as described in Luke 4: 18–19 which says, “I have been anointed to preach the good news, to heal the broken-hearted to give sight to the blind.” He explains that:

In as much as we are preaching from the pulpit, there are also practical issues that need to be addressed in our communities. I have developed the constitution for the development arm of the non-governmental organization I work for so that we can take on the issues of economy, health and other social issues as one way of equipping the church, especially my church, to empower our communities.

And on the partnership between the church and relevant experts, he noted:

A partnership can be in different areas of expertise and from different perspectives such as formal partnerships with experts in the health sector. Also, why not have an expert speak during a church function? For instance, why not have someone who is knowledgeable about a topic pertinent to the community come in and speak to us? For example, there are many congregants who do not have access to information about diseases like cancer or mental illness and it becomes a problem as they try to manage them.

In sum, he highlights that, in order to serve communities holistically, the church must be open to receiving input from professionals with relevant knowledge on issues it seeks to address. This contrasts with the Statement that undermines bodies of knowledge which it deems secular. John MacArthur believes, for example, that:

… by definition psychology the study of the soul is a secular, godless, unbiblical approach to analyzing humanity [and] designing solutions to their problems. But the truth is, man in his fallen condition cannot really make a completely clear and accurate assessment of the human condition.

In my view, this approach is harmful because it ignores practical, tested solutions that are in many cases beneficial to human beings. Rather, tcheni pa kalanka, in its openness to incorporating the efforts of other professions, seems to be a more helpful ethos for faith communities because it pursues solutions to people’s real-life problems without having to compromise on matters of orthodoxy.82 Affirming this, a Baptist executive in a world mission organization83 concluded that:

In an ideal situation, the church should be able to seamlessly complement the efforts of professionals in different disciplines. Their training has value. Our clergy and the laity should be able to walk alongside professionals because their input can positively transform our communities at so many levels.

5 Conclusion

Using the case study of the Reformed Evangelical Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, this chapter has suggested that one of the callings for the church in these times of polarization is to re-form our conversation. After all, Reformed theological identity is rooted in the task of taking the task of listening and reflecting seriously.84 Thus, this paper has suggested how (a) the concept of the Palaver Hut, (b) the tcheni pa kalanka ethos, and (c) the contributions of knowledge, ideas and experience from those that are marginalized in discussions can be tools that potentially re-form how we converse, what we converse about and why we should be open to conversation. We can all benefit from understanding the perspective of an opposing view, even when we do not agree with it. In this regard, examples like Rachel Evans’ rhetoric on abortion offer “better”/re-forming dialogue by challenging us to ask and address deeper questions about root causes of issues we find contentious; and thereby our actions will (hopefully) better reflect the love and wisdom of God and biblical standards of righteousness and social justice statements. This can and will ultimately defuse polarization in our spheres of influence as Christians, whose divine imperative it is to love, according to 1 John 4:7–8, “Dear friends, let us love one another, for love comes from God. Everyone who loves has been born of God and knows God.”85

Bibliography

1

“Digital media refers to audio, video, and image content that has been encoded. Encoding content involves converting audio and video input into digital media formats. Typically, this includes social networking sites, website advertisements, blogs, vlogs, and podcasts.” Megha Shah, “Traditional Media vs. New Media: Which is Beneficial,” Tech Funnel, https://www.techfunnel.com/martech/traditional-media-vs-new-media-beneficial/.

2

See, for example, Gabriel Weimann, New Terrorism and New Media (Washington: Commons Lab of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2014), http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/newterrorism-and-new-media.

3

See for example the congregation under discussion in this paper, Grace Community Church’s explanation: Grace Community Church, “Frequently Asked Questions about Baptism,” https://www.gracechurch.org/membership/posts/859 (accessed February 12, 2019).

4

See for example: Grace Community Church, “What we Teach,”, https://www.gracechurch.org/about/distinctives/what-we-teach (accessed February 12, 2019).

5

TULIP typically refers to: total depravity (based on Genesis 3), unconditional election (predestination), limited atonement (not all will be saved), irresistible grace, and perseverance of the saints (sanctification).

6

Pieter Vos, “Introduction,” 3.

7

Vos, “Introduction,” 4–5.

8

Vos, “Introduction,” 1.

9

Vos, “Introduction,” 7–9.

10

Bart Brandsma, Polarisatie: Inzicht in de Dynamiek van Wij-Zij Denken. Schoonrewoerd: BB in Media, 2016, translated as Polarisation: Understanding the Dynamics of Us versus Them. See also: https://www.polarisatie.nl.

11

Brandsma, Polarisation, inside of front cover.

12

“Traditional media refers to mediums that are part of our culture for over half a century. These forms include television, radio, print advertisements, and billboards.” Shah, “Traditional Media vs. New Media.”

13

Maria Arango-Kure, Marcel Garz and Armin Rott, “Bad News Sells: The Demand for News Magazines and the Tone of Their Covers.” Journal of Media Economics 27:4 (2014), 199–214, https://doi.org/10.1080/08997764.2014.963230.

14

“Missio Dei and the Mission of the Church,” Wycliffe Global Alliance, https://www.wycliffe.net/more-about-what-we-do/papers-and-articles/missio-dei-and-the-mission-of-the-church.

15

Vos, “Introduction,” 10.

16

Vos, “Introduction,” 10.

17

See Matthew Levendusky, The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).

18

See Yvonna S. Lincoln and Gaile S. Cannella, “Qualitative Research, Power, and the Radical Right,” Qualitative Inquiry 10:2 (2004), 175–201, https://doi.org/10.1177/1077800403262373.

19

Lincoln and Cannella, “Qualitative Research, Power, and the Radical Right.”

20

See for example Daniel K. Williams, God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 12–13.

21

Najeeb G. Awad, “Should We Dispense with Sola Scriptura? Scripture, Tradition and Postmodern Theology,” Dialog 47:1 (2008), 64–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6385.2008.00368.x.

22

See also Anna Case-Winters, “Sola Scriptura: Then and Now,” Reformed World 66:1 (2016), 2–23, http://wcrc.ch/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/ReformedWorld66-1.pdf.

23

See Emily Swanand Ken Wilson, Solus Jesus: A Theology of Resistance (Canton: Front Edge Publishing, 2018).

24

Johanna W.H. van Wijk-Bos, Reformed and Feminist: A Challenge to the Church (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), 32.

25

On the partisan gridlock in US politics, see, for example, Kenneth S. Lowande and Sidney M. Milkis, “‘We Can’t Wait’: Barack Obama, Partisan Polarization and the Administrative Presidency,” The Forum 12:1 (2014), 3–27, doi:10.1515/for-2014-0022.

26

Jan Paulsson, The Idea of Arbitration, Clarendon Law Series (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 7.

27

Pachamama, “What is Social Justice,” https://www.pachamama.org/social-justice/what-is-social-justice (accessed April 16, 2019).

28

See for example Kundai Chirindo, “Bantu Sociolinguistics in Wangari Maathai’s Peacebuilding Rhetoric,” Women’s Studies in Communication 39:4 (2016), 442–459.

29

Loosely translated, Ubuntu philosophy is practiced by in most parts of the African continent. It is “at the base of the African philosophy of life and belief systems in which the peoples’ daily-lived experiences are reflected.” It is used by many “on a daily basis to settle disputes and conflicts at different levels on the continent and is therefore central to the idea of reconciliation” (Dani W. Nabudere, Ubuntu Philosophy: Memory and Reconciliation (Austin: Texas Scholar Works, 2005), 1).

30

Steve de Gruchy, “An Olive Agenda: First thoughts on a metaphorical theology of development,” Johannesburg Anglican Eco-Spiritual Initiative 2010, http://jaei.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/De-Gruchy-An-Olive-Agenda.pdf (accessed March 12, 2019).

31

Southern Baptist Convention Voices (SBCVoices), “Why I Cannot and Will Not Sign the ‘Social Justice and the Gospel Statement’ (by Ryan Burton King),” https://sbcvoices.com/why-i-cannot-and-will-not-sign-the-social-justice-and-the-gospel-statement-by-ryan-burton-king/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

32

John MacArthur, Voddie Baucham, Phil Johnson, James White, Tom Ascol, Josh Buice, Justin Peters, Tom Buck, Jeremy Vuolo, Darrell Harrison, Michael O’Fallon, Anthony Mathenia, Craig Mitchell. See The Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, “Initial Signers,” https://statementonsocialjustice.com/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

33

As of April 30, 2019.

34

Grace Community Church, “John MacArthur,” https://www.gracechurch.org/Leader/MacArthur/John (accessed February 12, 2019).

35

See for example Mark Wingfield, “MacArthur says Trump called to Support his Defiance of COVID Orders.” Baptist News Global, https://baptistnews.com/article/macarthur-says-trump-called-to-support-his-defiance-of-covid-orders/#.X42RP9Azbcc (accessed February 12, 2019).

36

TMU President Dr. John MacArthur,” https://www.masters.edu/about/president (accessed March 12, 2019).

37

“John MacArthur,” https://www.tms.edu/bio/johnmacarthur/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

38

Grace to You, Broadcasts, https://www.gty.org/broadcasts/radio (accessed March 12, 2019).

39

Heather Clark, “Not ‘a Central Part’ of the Mission? Why Statement on ‘Social Justice’ Is Stirring Debate Over Church’s Role in Justice, Mercy,” Christian News Network 2018, https://christiannews.net/2018/09/26/a-central-part-of-the-mission-statement-opposing-social-justice-stirs-debate-over-role-of-the-church-in-social-issues/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

40

See, for example, J.D. Greear, “Social Justice (A Gospel Issue?), Christians in the Two-party System, & A Powerful Senate Speech on Sexual Assault,” https://jdgreear.com/blog/social-justice-gospel-issue-christians-two-party-system-powerful-senate-speech-sexual-assault/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

41

Beth Moore, “A Letter to My Brothers,” https://blog.lproof.org/2018/05/a-letter-to-my-brothers.html (accessed March 12, 2019).

42

“General Sessions,” https://revoice.us/events/revoice18/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

43

The Gospel Coalition, “MLK50: Gospel Reflection from the Mountain Top,” https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/conference/mlk50/ (accessed March 12, 2019).

44

The Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, “For the Sake of Christ and His Church,” https://statementonsocialjustice.com (accessed March 20, 2019).

45

This format is similar to another Evangelical statement, the “Nashville Statement,” https://cbmw.org/nashville-statement/ (accessed March 20, 2019).

46

World Alliance of Reformed Churches, “The Accra Confession Covenanting for Justice in the Economy and the Earth,” https://www.presbyterianmission.org/wp-content/uploads/accra-confession1.pdf (accessed March 20, 2019).

47

World Communion of Reformed Churches, “Association of the World Communion of Reformed Churches with the Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification,” http://wcrc.ch/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/WCRC-Association-to-JDDJ-EN.pdf (accessed March 20, 2019).

48

The Statement on Social Justice and the Gospel, “Introduction,” 2019.

49

With the relative newness of the Statement and limited academic publications that respond to it, the paper has relied heavily on the 21-page, in-depth news piece published by Christian News Network titled “Not ‘A Central Part’ of the Mission? Why Statement on ‘’Social Justice’ is Stirring Debate over Church’s Role in Justice, Mercy” in which some of the writers of the statement were invited to respond to questions; and readers active in missions and outreach gave their opinions and/or posed questions. See Steve de Gruchy, “An Olive Agenda.”

50

The Dutch Reformed Mission Church (DRMC), “The Belhar Confession,” https://www.rca.org/belhar-confession (accessed May 1, 2019).

51

Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerken.

52

Dunbar T. Moodie, “Confessing Remorse about the Evils of Apartheid: The Dutch Reformed Church in the Nineteen-Eighties,” paper presented at the WITS Institute for Social and Economic Research (WISER) conference, Witwatersrand, October 29, 2018, https://wiser.wits.ac.za/system/files/seminar/Moodie2018.pdf (accessed May 1, 2019).

54

Merriam Webster Dictionary.

56

Roderick Hewitt, “The Reformed Identity and Mission from the Margins,” Stellenbosch Theological Journal 3:2 (2017), 99–122, 99.

57

Spurgeon is quoted as saying: “I have been amused with what Wilberforce said the day after they passed the Act of Emancipation. He merrily said to a friend when it was all done, ‘Is there not something else we can abolish?’ That was said playfully, but it shows the spirit of the church of God. She lives in conflict and victory; her mission is to destroy everything that is bad in the land.” Charles Spurgeon, “The Best War Cry,” Sermon delivered on March 4th, 1883, https://www.spurgeongems.org/vols28-30/chs1709.pdf (accessed May 1, 2019).

58

Brian K. Pennington, Was Hinduism Invented? Britons, Indians, and the Colonial Construction of Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 42.

59

This initialism is an umbrella term for people who identify as Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans (transgender, trans woman, trans man), Queer, Intersex and all other sexualities that are not cisgender and heterosexual.

61

Her pragmatism is not limited to the progressive/conservative binary, she tackles a wide range of moral and social justice topics that span the spectrum of progressive and conservative discourse(s). See, for example, her response to John Piper on patriarchy, Rachel Held Evans, “Patriarchy Doesn’t ‘Protect’ Women: A Response to John Piper,” https://rachelheldevans.com/blog/why-progressive-christians-should-care-about-abortion-gosnell (accessed May 1, 2019).

62

US Baptist missionary in Indonesia with Heartcry Missionary Society. His biography is available on http://www.heartcrymissionary.com/trevor-johnson (accessed May 1, 2019).

64

Rasool Berry, “An Open Letter to John MacArthur About Social Justice,” https://rberryblog.wordpress.com/2018/09/07/an-open-letter-to-john-macarthur-about-social-justice/ (accessed May 1, 2019).

65

Bridge Church New York City, “Leadership,” https://bridgechurchnyc.com/leadership/ (accessed May 1, 2019).

66

Berry, “Open Letter.”

67

Rachel Held Evans tweeted: “Seeing lots of white Evangelicals writing (critically or skeptically) about “social justice” without even acknowledging, much less drawing from, the deep well of African American theology/biblical studies on this matter and how it has fueled Civil Rights movements past & present” (@rachelheldevans, August 18, 2018).

68

John MacArthur, “Social Injustice and the Gospel,” https://www.gty.org/library/blog/B180813 (accessed May 1, 2019).

69

John M. Perkins, Dream with Me: Race, Love, and the Struggle We Must Win (Grand Rapids: Baker Publishing Group, 2017).

71

Rachel Held Evans “Why Progressive Christians Should Care About Abortion,” https://rachelheldevans.com/blog/why-progressive-christians-should-care-about-abortion-gosnell (accessed May 1, 2019).

72

See Rachel Held Evans, A Year of Biblical Womanhood (Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 2012).

73

Emily Swan and Ken Wilson, Solus Jesus: A Theology of Resistance (Canton: Front Edge Publishing, 2018).

74

See Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics I/1 The Doctrine of the Word of God, Part 1. Translated by G.W. Bromiley (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2004). Also Karl Barth, Dogmatics in Outline, transl. by G.T. Thomson (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 2004), 66.

75

Swan and Wilson, Solus Jesus, xv.

76

Thandi Soko-de Jong, “Jesus as Healer Beliefs: From Experiences of Treatable but Incurable Health Conditions” (forthcoming).

77

Chatha Msangaambe, “Laity Empowerment with Regard to the Missional Task of the CCAP in Malawi,” (Doctoral thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 2011), 107.

78

Phoebe F. Chifungo, “Women in the CCAP Nkhoma Synod: A Practical Theological Study of their Leadership Roles” (PhD diss., University of Stellenbosch, 2014), 2.

79

Hewitt, “Reformed Identity and Mission from Margins,” 122.

80

Hewitt, “Reformed Identity and Mission from Margins,” 122.

81

Name withheld. Interview I conducted in Blantyre, Malawi, February 8, 2018.

82

For an affirmation of this approach, see for example: World Council of Churches, “Together Towards Life: Mission and Evangelism in Changing Landscapes,” Geneva, September 5, 2012, https://www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/documents/commissions/mission-and-evangelism/together-towards-life-mission-and-evangelism-in-changing-landscapes, 19–21 (accessed May 1, 2019).

83

Name withheld. Interview I conducted in Blantyre, Malawi, August 23, 2018.

84

Hewitt, “Reformed Identity and Mission from Margins,” 122.

85

NIV.

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