Chapter 10 Protestant Schools and Hospitals in the Context of Religious Polarization in Yogyakarta

In: The Calling of the Church in Times of Polarization
Author:
Jozef Mepibozef Nelsun Hehanussa
Search for other papers by Jozef Mepibozef Nelsun Hehanussa in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
Open Access

1 Introduction

The work of missions in Indonesia, especially in Yogyakarta, has come not only in the form of preaching the Gospel and establishing Christian communities, but also through social works that benefit the lives of all the people. The two most prominent kinds of mission works are education and health care. Even after the churches in Indonesia became independent from the colonial mission boards, the work of missionaries in the fields of health care and education continued. The two oldest Protestant churches in Yogyakarta that continue the work of this mission are the Javanese Christian Church and the Indonesian Christian Church. However, the educational and medical work of this mission is no longer centered on efforts to Christianize people who have not received Christ, but rather perceived as an effort by the Church to build a better society. Therefore, schools and hospitals serve people from all religious backgrounds with a tacit promise not to engage in any kind of proselytization. However, the rise of intolerant groups is posing a challenge to the work of Christian hospitals and schools, because these groups are now demanding Muslims not to go to Christian schools or hospitals. This situation has an impact on the development of hospitals as well as Christian schools. One of the obvious impacts is that many Christian schools in Yogyakarta have closed due to a shortage of students.

This chapter aims to examine the presence of mission work through education, health care and development during and after the era of mission institutions. Against the backdrop of an historical overview, it will focus on the challenges to the development of Christian schools and hospitals in Yogyakarta due to the polarization of religion in society in the region, as representative of trends in Indonesia. First, I will describe how Christianity has been present in Yogyakarta through mission work in the field of education and health care. Secondly, I will point out how mission work in education and health care deal with the religious polarization that is occurring in contemporary Indonesian society.

2 Religious Encounters in the Land of Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat

Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, better known as Yogyakarta, is the name of the area under the rule of Hamengku Buwono Sultanate. Before becoming an autonomous sultanate, Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat was part of the ancient Hindu Mataram Kingdom (bhūmi Mataram or Hindu Mataram) during the 8th to 10th centuries and later part of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom from the 17th century until colonization by the Dutch. The ancient Mataram Kingdom was established by King Sanjaya, who received the title of Rakai Mataram Sang Ratu Sanjaya. Therefore, the name Mataram originally came from this title. Raja Sanjaya was a member of the Syailendra Dynasty (Wangsa) that ruled Medang (Mataram).1 In the 10th century, Mataram kingdom’s power center shifted to East Java. The center shifted to several places, such as Yogyakarta, Kedu, Jombang, and Madiun.2 According to Indonesian archaeologist Boechari, the rulers of the Syailendra Dynasty, from Dapunta Selendra to Rakai Mataram Ratu Sanjaya, were devotees of Shiva,3 which is why there are more Hindu temples than Buddhist temples in Yogyakarta.4 The Syailendra family, starting from Rakai Panangkaran and Rakai Panaraban, later converted to Mahayana Buddhism. However, some royal families retained Hinduism and others became Mahayana Buddhists. Even so, there were power struggles not for religious reasons, but for personal gain.

Despite religious displacement within the royal family or even in ruling dynasties, religious polarization was never as profound a it is today. Boechari mentions in his writings that the two religions coexisted peacefully until the time of Majapahit Kingdom. They did not seek to dispel the beliefs of the ancestors of the local people. Even if a Maharaja ruler adhered to a particular religion, in the royal structure there were always two religious leaders, one in charge of Hinduism and the other in charge of Buddhism. Hindus and Buddhists coexisted peacefully. According to Boechari, this reflected the public’s respect for their leader.5

Following the Mataram kingdom’s shift to East Java, the region was not under any ruler until 1558 when it was handed over to Ki Ageng Pamanahan, a Muslim, who was subject to the Islamic Kingdom of Demak.6 Islam was then being spread across Java, including Yogyakarta, more under the influence of the Islamic figures called Walisongo or nine saints.7 Even as an Islamic region, Yogyakarta did not necessarily eliminate the existence of Hinduism and Buddhism which had been the local religions for centuries.

At the time of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom under the government of Sultan Agung (1613–1646), Islam became the religion of the people in the region, including Yogyakarta. The Sultan attempted to consolidate his power using the Islamic tradition, although he continued to practice Kejawen (traditional Javanese beliefs) through mystical relations with the Queen of the South Sea.8 Nevertheless, his Islamic teachings and practices even developed with his mystical relationship with Sunan Bayat or Sunan Tembayat, another Islamic saint who was not one of Walisongo and whose grave is located at Tembayat in what is now Klaten adjacent to Yogyakarta.9 In 1633, Sultan Agung even made a pilgrimage to Tembayat and afterwards practiced Islamic mysticism and encouraged the influence of Sunan Bayat on the rulers of the Mataram Islamic kingdom. The influence of Islam was also demonstrated by Sultan Agung in a literary work entitled Usulbiyah which describes the Prophet Muhammad as a prophet crowned with the Majapahit golden crown. It became a symbol of the strong unity between Islam and Java, especially the Islamic Mataram Kingdom. Sultan Agung’s devotion to Islam was followed by his successors. The royals were urged to live obediently in accordance with Islamic teachings, but the palace continued to preserve the teachings of pre-Islamic literature.

Religious encounters in this era are far from any form of religious polarization. Although Islam became the official religion of the kingdom, other religions or beliefs were tolerated. For example, when Sultan Agung renovated Sunan Bayat’s tomb, there was no change in the Hindu influence on the architectural style of the tomb. Therefore, we can find Hindu-style monuments around Sunan Bayat cemetery enshrining devout Muslims. The gates at Tembayat and several other cemeteries were built in the style of Hindu architecture.10 This resembles the Hindu influence during the previous Mataram Kingdom period. Historian Merle Calvin Ricklefs called this the “Mystic Synthesis,” a reconciliation between Javanese and Islamic identity, beliefs, and styles.11 On the one hand, Javanese people follow Islamic teachings, such as the five pillars and Islamic rituals. Being Javanese as well as Muslim forms their unique identity. On the other hand, Javanese people accept the reality of local Javanese spiritual forces such as Ratu Kidul, the goddess of the Southern Ocean, and the spirit of Mount Lawu (the god of wind). This synthesis is revealed in “The Gift Addressed to the Spirit of the Prophet” (al-Tuhfa al-mursala ila ruh al-Nabi), an important Sufi work at the time written in the palace of Yogyakarta, which was originally from Muhammad ibn Fadli’llah al-Burhanpuri (1545–1620). Such synthesis models were used by important Islamic figures, including the Walisongo, to spread Islam throughout Java.12 Synthesis between Islamic teachings, especially Sufi thought, and Javanese culture and mysticism allowed their teachings to be easily accepted by Javanese people.

This model of religious life encouraged Javanese people at the time to be able to accept and respect differences in religion and belief, i.e., people could respect others without defying their religious beliefs. It has been noted that there was no tension between the Javanese and the Chinese who for centuries lived among the Javanese and maintained their belief as Confucians. Hatred of other faiths and certain ethnic groups, such as the Chinese, did not occur in Javanese society in the early period of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom. It even has been noted that the Chinese fought alongside the Javanese against the Dutch East Indies Company or VOC (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) in the 18th century.13 Although religion played a role in the formation of community identity, it did not cause religious polarization or stir hatred towards other religions or certain ethnic groups.

3 Spreading Christian Faith and Polarization in the Christian Mission

When it comes to Christianity, until the middle of the 19th century there was no attempt to spread the gospel to the people in the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat area. There were, however, meetings between Christians and adherents of other religions, such as Muslims. The encounter between Christianity and Islam in the Sultan’s territory began with the arrival of the VOC in Java. Article 36 of the Confessio Belgica, the Dutch Confession of Faith, required not only the establishment of a church but also that the government participate in spreading the gospel, resulting in the first Protestant missions in what is now Indonesia. Fulfilling the obligation of article 36 of the Confession of Faith, the VOC tried to provide appropriate church services for European Christians in its territory during its trade activities in Indonesia. Wherever they set up settlements, a church was established. Therefore, the existence of Christianity under VOC rule could not be separated from the influence of companies in an area.14

In the same way, the company’s authority could not be separated from the influence of Islam in the area. When the VOC came to Java, Islam had an effective influence in society, especially in the area of the Islamic Mataram Kingdom. The influence of Islam was manifest in the identity of the people who combined Java with Islam: ‘being Javanese means being Muslim.’ Nevertheless, Javanese people remained open to other beliefs. This is evidenced by encounters and mixes between local beliefs and Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam. Because Javanese culture and religion were integrated into the soul of Javanese society and because Javanese culture and religion could be appreciated and recognized by Muslims, Islam was also accepted. This resulted in various approaches and understandings of Islamic teachings, as Clifford Geertz explained. Geertz argued that the Javanese with five main occupations, namely farmer, petty trader, independent artisan, manual laborer, and white-collar clerk, teacher or administrator, could also be grouped according to worldview—according to religious beliefs, ethical preferences, and political ideologies. He argued that this produced three main types of cultures that reflect the moral organization of Javanese culture and shape their behavior in all areas of life, namely abangan, santri and priyayi.15 Compared to Islam, the Christian mission failed to embrace Javanese culture and religion for fear of syncretism. The idea of syncretism showed more of a Western perspective in the missionary era, in so far as the missionaries judged other values contained in the local context, especially in local beliefs, as inferior to those contained in Christian doctrine. They forced people to adhere to ‘true doctrine’ from a Western perspective.

For the VOC, Java was very important in relation to its economic interests. Therefore, they made Java a province with its own governor that was different from the central government in Batavia. Due to its significant position, the company was very careful in granting permission to Christian pastors to spread the gospel in the region. In the Dutch view, the Christian mission would not fit into Javanese society because Java was synonymous with Islam. Prince Diponegoro’s attack on the Dutch in 1825 led them to increasingly believe that the Javanese and their religion, Islam, should not be disturbed.16 The consequences would affect the stability of the Dutch colonial government. For this reason, evangelism efforts could not be carried out without the permission of the Dutch company or government.

It is clear that although companies officially had responsibility for spreading the gospel, they ignored this responsibility. They were more interested in trading. The authority, influence, and monopoly of VOC business over Java was increased. Therefore, they constantly tried to control two kingdoms, Surakarta and Yogyakarta. The politics of such business created negative Javanese thinking towards the company and people began to identify Christianity with the company. Because of such thinking, Javanese people were not very open to Christianity. It is not surprising that many resisted the VOC and made efforts to expel it from Java.17 Yet, the company’s influence grew dominant and forced the Sultan of Surakarta and Yogyakarta to divide his kingdom into four powers. Even now, Surakarta Palace is divided into the thrones of Pakubuwono and Mangkunegaran, while in Yogyakarta Hamengkubuwono must share its power with Pakualaman.

The companies did, in fact, provide Christian ministry for its own European employees. Therefore, they sent many pastors and supported them financially just to maintain the Christian faith of their employees. The ministers were not allowed to spread the gospel among the Javanese. The company and then the Dutch government worried that the spread of the gospel in Java would stir up hatred among Javanese, especially Muslims, and potentially disrupt the stability of the current government. Wolterbeek says that during the 18th and 19th centuries Dutch Christians made no attempt to preach the gospel to the Javanese. Therefore, the Dutch did not express a deep commitment to article 36 of the Dutch Confession of Faith. Nevertheless, laypeople took more initiative to introduce Christianity and preach the gospel among those around them.18 In Central Java and Yogyakarta, famous local people such as Christine Petronella Philips-Stevens, Reksodiwongso or Abisai, Tarub, and Kyai Shadrach did attempt to do missionary work. They introduced Christianity initially in the area around Purworejo and from there Christianity spread to Yogyakarta.

Starting from Bagelen in Purworejo, through the efforts of Kyai Sadrach and his students, Protestant Christianity began to spread to Yogyakarta, especially to the Pakualaman areas of Stamps, Temon, and Selong.19 The people who received the gospel were baptized in Bagelen by Jacob Wilhelm. After Mas Suryahasmara Natataroena from Pakualaman was baptized on May 30, 1887, his house became a gathering place for people in Yogyakarta to listen to the gospel.20 This continued until Petronella Hospital was established in 1900 and provided a place of worship for them. On August 13, 1889, several people were secretly baptized by Jacob Wilhelm. A little over a year later, on January 21, 1891, the Dutch government allowed Christian ministers to spread the gospel in the sultanate publicly. Until 1919, Christians and churches in Yogyakarta and throughout Java were under the responsibility of the church authorities in the classis of Amsterdam.21 The Yogyakarta Church was responsible for churches in Purworejo, Kebumen, Gombong, and Banyumas through its services. All church-related needs, including church diaconia or service to the poor, were ultimately the responsibility of the classis of Amsterdam.

The Dutch view of the local community and how they understood Javanese people with their identity, culture, religion, and community, had an impact on the spread of Christianity in Java. One important issue until the end of the 19th century related to whether it was necessary to change identity when becoming a Christian: a newly baptized person would be given a new name, usually taken from the bible. Radin Abas after being baptized was named Sadrach, after the character in the Old Testament Book of Daniel. Since then, he has been known as Kyai Sadrach, using the ancient Hindu title preceding the biblical one, now generally used by Islamic teachers in Java. After being baptized, Reksodiwongso was named Abishai, following the name of King David’s nephew in 2 Samuel. Natataroena was named Yozef, after Jacob’s son in Genesis.

The Dutch also expected anyone who had been baptized to give up his or her own tradition. They could no longer dress like Javanese and were forbidden to watch shadow puppet theater or listen to gamelan. Men could not have long hair. All these things were considered incompatible with Christian teachings and lifestyles, although this was not actually Christian but rather a Western (Dutch) perspective. Missionaries also regarded circumcision as a non-Christian tradition and forbade Christians from being circumcised. Jacob Wilhelm, for example, once protested against Natataroena who circumcised his son despite being baptized as a Christian.22 A person who practiced circumcision was considered to be in violation of God’s law and in danger of being punished by God. The change of identity required from the Christian mission led to polarization in society and made it difficult for Javanese people to be accepted by their own communities after becoming Christians. People tended to think that becoming Christian meant becoming Western. That is why a lay missionary in East Java, Coenrad Laurens Coolen, forbade his disciples from being baptized. Coolen himself was of European descent from his Russian father. However, he did appreciate the Javanese culture he was taught by his Javanese mother who was a noblewoman of the Mataram Kingdom.

The decision of the Synod of Dordrecht (1618) about the baptism of children born to Dutch fathers and indigenous mothers, especially non-Christians,23 contributed to polarization in society. It was decided that these children should not be baptized until they themselves learned and accepted Christian teachings and professed their own faith. Some members of the synod meeting actually opposed the decision. They argued that these children should be considered part of a Christian family because their father was Dutch or because they could be adopted and baptized as another Christian child. However, the majority of the synod rejected this position and adopted a view which distinguishes between children born to mixed couples and those with two Dutch parents. In their perspective, only children born from families with two “civilized and humane” Christian parents could be baptized. Yet, in the mission field, some pastors baptized children adopted by Christian families. In their perspective, this was in line with biblical teachings.24

Another impact of the 1618 Dordrecht was the separation between the Sacrament of Baptism and the Sacrament of the Eucharist or the Lord’s Supper. Dutch missionaries in Indonesia allowed people from other religions to be baptized and participate in Christian services. However, they were not permitted to receive Holy Communion. These (new) Christians were considered not yet fully Christian and were therefore forbidden to take part in the Lord’s Supper. Therefore, Christianity itself gave rise to different classes of Christians in society. The decision was in fact contrary to Christian theology. Indonesian Church historian Soleiman has argued that the Dutch Reformed Church sacrificed its own theology.25 The reason for this was a need to develop a social order that was in line with their Western concept of civilization. This situation caused the number of church members to continue to grow, as being Christian was no longer hampered by doctrines that restricted people from receiving the sacrament. In 1648 and 1736 the separation of the sacraments was discontinued, based on recommendations from the Faculty of Theology of Leiden University. Nevertheless, separation remained. Therefore, the separation of the sacraments in Indonesian churches up to this day must be understood as a legacy of the thinking of the Dutch Reformed Church of the 17th and 18th centuries.

4 Christian Schools and Hospital in the Context of Religious Polarization

The spread of the gospel through schools and hospitals was a solution to overcome the difficulties of preaching the gospel among Javanese people. Therefore, it is clear that the establishment of schools and hospitals, including in Yogyakarta, was not solely aimed at providing education and better health care to the community. Initially, it was a form of evangelism as well. Bethesda Hospital and the BOPKRI School, now well known, were part of the missionary work in the past. Although Christianity came later to Yogyakarta, compared to Purworejo or Semarang, Yogyakarta became one of the important mission centers, including education and health care. For Catholics, the transfer of the mission center from Muntilan to Yogyakarta contributed to the significance of the city as a cultural capital in Central Java. Meanwhile, Yogyakarta became important to Protestant churches because it was home to Christian schools, hospitals, and theological seminaries (Keuchenius School). Keuchenius was founded in 1906 and became today’s Duta Wacana Christian University in 1985. Schools and hospitals will continue to be essential to the missionary work of Protestant churches in the future.

Following the advice of the Reverend Lion Cachet, Nederlandse Gereformeerde Zendingsvereniging (NGZV; Dutch Reformed Mission Association) sent Dr. J.G. Scheurer in 1893 to work in the medical field. After moving from Purworejo to Solo and returning to Purworejo for various purposes, Dr. Scheurer moved to Yogyakarta on March 17, 1897. He settled in the Bintaran area near the Sultan’s Palace, but lived among ordinary people. Scheurer made one part of his bamboo house into a health clinic.26 On one part of the clinic wall, he hung an inscription in Javanese script that read: “Gusti Jesus punika Juru Wilujeng ingkang sedjatos” (The Lord Jesus is the True Savior). Scheurer read the text to his patients before starting his service. He was known for helping people without expecting a penny from them, and was called “dokter tulung” (volunteer doctor). His services even caught the attention of Sultan Hamengku Buwono VII and his court.

In 1899, Sultan Hamengku Buwono VII loaned 28,400 m2 of the Sultan’s land to Zending der Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederland (ZGKN; Dutch Reformed Churches Mission) to establish a hospital. To express his sincere support to ZGKN to build the hospital, the Sultan sent a letter to Patih Raden Adipati Danoeredjo. In his letter, he explained that hospitals should also provide free services to 100 people. Reverend Van Coeverden Andriani provided financial support for the construction of the hospital. Therefore, the hospital was named Petronella Hospital, after his wife. The hospital officially opened on March 1, 1900. This health service extended to the areas around Yogyakarta through the establishment of supporting hospitals such as Wates and Candisewu. Petronella Hospital was also able to educate indigenous nurses to support the hospital.

Christian schools, as well as hospitals, make a significant contribution to evangelism. Their important role was confirmed in the 52nd article of Prataning Pasamuwan (Church Commandments). Earnest efforts were made to use Christian schools as a means of evangelism. By 1938, more than 100 schools were established and managed by zending or Christian missions, with Dutch, local and Chinese teachers.27 The Javanese Christian Church (GKJ) continued to show its sincere commitment to serving the community through schools and health clinics. The Synod Assemblies I, IV and XI expressly stated that the primary purpose of Christian education was to spread the gospel message. To ensure they were run effectively, Christian school foundations were responsible for managing and organizing the Christian schools. In its function, the school still went hand in hand with the church as a partner in carrying out church services and testifying to the community. Therefore, although the Christian school was managed by the Christian school management, it remained closely related to the church. This inseparable relationship was confirmed in the 1969 Synod XI Session. Thus, institutionally the school was not directly related to the church, but functionally the Christian school was a means of church service and testimony. Therefore, Christian schools remained the responsibility of the church. Later, the Javanese church decided that the church should not be directly responsible for schools. Local relations with Christian schools were managed by the Education Foundation of the Indonesian Christian Education Agency or BOPKRI.

The Christian School and Petronella Hospital (now Bethesda Hospital) were established at a time when education and health care were the primary needs of Indonesians, but very few institutions focused specifically on those needs. This has changed. Nowadays, schools and hospitals serve all citizens regardless of their social or religious status. Many prominent people have been educated in Christian schools or have received medical care from Petronella Hospital. In addition, Christian schools such as BOPKRI High School and Bethesda Hospital provide high-quality services. Muslims in Yogyakarta are the majority and many of their children attend Christian schools. They visit Christian hospitals such as Petronella Hospital to get medical treatment as well. Sultan Hamengkubuwono’s royal family received medical treatment from the hospital as well. It is part of the historical relationship between the sultanate family of Yogyakarta and Petronella Hospital. At the time, the Sultan’s family sent some of their children to Christian schools. For example, Gusti Kanjeng Ratu Mangkubumi, the first daughter and possible successor of Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono X, attended BOPKRI High School 1, which is one of the Christian schools founded by the church’s mission.

5 Rise of Intolerance

Today the situation has become more polarized. There are many schools and hospitals established based on a particular religion. Some schools were established not only for certain religious people but specifically for members of certain sects. Therefore, the challenges experienced by schools and hospitals are increasingly complex, especially when education and health care are associated with religious issues. The supposed threat of Christianization through Christian schools and hospitals has also caused many people to choose not to have their children receive education at these schools or receive medical care from Christian hospitals.

Religious polarization has increased in Indonesian society especially since the emergence of Islamic fundamentalist groups, since the fall of the New Order regime. Such groups, such as Hizbut Tahrir, feel that they must build and strengthen their Islamic identity.28 The rise of religious radical groups has sparked polarization in society and poses challenges to Christian schools and hospitals to show support and respect for religious differences. For example, the Yogyakarta Islamic Community Forum (FUI), a radical Islamist group, has introduced an anti-Christian school movement.29 The reason for the establishment of the movement, called G-30-S, is based on the assumption that the faith of many Muslims attending Christian schools has decreased. The influence of anti-Christian groups such as FUI has had a crucial impact on Muslims’ views on Christian schools. They have pushed Muslim families not to send their children to Christian schools like BOPKRI because they are supposed to not be open to all religions. They warned that their children would become apostates if they attended Christian schools. The results of a Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University (UIN) study in Jakarta on the spread of intolerance in schools demonstrate, for example, that teachers play a leading role in encouraging intolerant attitudes among students.30 This shows the urgency of the issue of religious polarization in schools.

The social obligation for Muslim women and girls to wear a headscarf or hijab and Muslim-style clothing, even in school, has become a form of political identity creation that also reinforces religious polarization. My colleague told me that his children had trouble playing with their Muslim cousins. The teacher reminded them not to play or connect with people of different religions. This type of polarization even occurs in public schools whose rules should not be based on a particular religion.

Ustad Isa Anshori, a young Muhammadiyah figure, considers any form of Christianization through Christian schools as an activity that Muhammadiyah must oppose.31 According to him, Muhammadiyah should address this by applying the same method that Christians do. In fact, Muhammadiyah adopted the Christian da’wah model by establishing many schools, hospitals, health centers, and orphanages. They apply this method to draw parents’ attention to their children’s belief in the Islamic faith. They argue that many Muslim parents tend to ignore their children’s faith education by sending them to Christian schools. The chairman of the BOPKRI Purnawan Herdiyanto Foundation said there is a strong Islamist movement that discourages Muslim students from entering Christian schools. The emergence of the movement had a significant impact on the decline in the number of students in Christian schools, especially in BOPKRI schools.32 Many BOPKRI schools have been closed because there were no more students. The quality of unstandardized schools and low teacher pay standards are another reason for the closure of some BOPKRI schools.

The emergence of the issue of Christianization cannot be discussed without being critical of the model or approach of religious teaching in Christian schools and hospitals. Some Christians, both in schools and in hospitals, still view themselves from the perspective of the old Christian mission. They feel a responsibility to introduce others to Christianity and make them believe in Christ or convert them to Christianity. Therefore, their religious teachings are still focused on Christian teachings. The majority of BOPKRI schools, for example, still adhere to the conventional religious teaching model. In this model, the teachers teach all students about Christianity. They ignore the religious differences of students.

In 1999, the Minister of Education and Minister of Religion issued a decree on the obligation of schools to introduce religious education according to the religion of students. This regulation was affirmed in 2000 through the Decree of the Director General of Education. The decision heightened tensions among private schools other than Islamic schools. The government even prepared sanctions for schools that did not apply the rules. Schools that do not apply the rule will be closed. Under these rules, 150 students of SMK BOPKRI, STM BOPKRI III Kulonprogo decided to leave school. They felt that the school did not want to apply the rule.33 However, the Department of Education in Yogyakarta took advantage of the situation and did not encourage schools to solve the problem. Instead, they set up a new school to accommodate those students. Since then, banners have often been hung near Christian schools to remind Muslims that they should refrain from attending Christian schools. It is prohibited by Islamic law, according to the intolerant group that hung the banner. Currently, some BOPKRI schools have developed other religious education models that put more emphasis on teaching diverse and universal religious values to all students.

The issue of intolerance is also at stake in the medical world. The emergence and influence of religiously intolerant groups is found among doctors who do not want to serve patients due to religious differences. The emergence of Sharia enforcement efforts in Indonesia sparked discussion in the community about the possibility of the emergence of government regulations that will regulate health treatment according to one’s religion. The public is concerned that due to this regulation, among other things, certain religious people will only be willing to be treated by a doctor of the same faith. So far these kinds of conversations have only been rumors. Nevertheless, in Indonesia there is the ability to establish “sharia hospitals.” Secretary of the Fatwa Commission of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) Asrorun Niam Sholeh has said that Sharia hospitals are needed for the peace of mind of the people in carrying out worship by providing services in accordance with Islamic provisions.34

Such issues have arisen since governments, especially the House of Representatives, drafted regulations for governing religious life. In fact, internal affairs of religion should not be regulated by the government. According to Reverend Fendi Susanto, pastor of Bethesda Hospital, the hospital does not discriminate against patients simply because of differences in religious identity. Nevertheless, Bethesda Hospital is suspected of Christianizing through daily pastoral visits. Some Muslims are offended by the fact that the pastor visits and prays for Muslim patients. They regard such visits as part of Christianization even though it is routine and part of the spiritual and pastoral care provided to patients served by the hospital. Reverend Fendi Susanto said that during the visit the pastor will pray for a Muslim or any other religious convert only if the patient asks the pastor to do so. In terms of spiritual and pastoral care, the hospital applies other policies to its employees and medical staff. All staff and medical personnel, regardless of their religion, are required to follow the spiritual care offered by the pastoral section of Bethesda Hospital. Reverend Fendi stressed that it was part of the council’s decision to consider Bethesda hospital as a Christian hospital. Nevertheless, Bethesda Hospital consistently allows employees of various religions, especially Islam, to carry out their religious obligations. For example, Bethesda Hospital provides prayer rooms for employees, nurses, and patients’ families.35

6 Closing Remarks

Churches today are called to respond wisely to religious polarization. They cannot resolve this situation simply by asserting their position or carrying out church services. In predominantly Christian areas, such as Manokwari-Papua, polarization occurred due to a draft regulation that made Manokwari “a Christian city” (March 2007).36 This would not be possible in Yogyakarta. What is more, strengthening one’s own position doesn’t solve the problem of religious polarization. The Church needs to be more open to embracing others to show the Church’s respect for difference.

Polarization in hospitals may not be as complex as in schools, but religious polarization sometimes occurs in hospitals as well. In Indonesia, religious polarization currently spreads through education and medical work. Schools and hospitals should be exempt from any polarizing motives, especially religious polarization. Therefore, the church’s mission through education and health care can no longer be developed in ways or methods that produce uncomfortable feelings of Christianization in others. That is, schools and hospitals should not become media of evangelization for Christians to increase the number of Christians. It would be more meaningful if schools and hospitals focused more on social services than trying to covert people to Christianity. Therefore, Christian ministry through education and health care should show appreciation for differences by promoting humanitarian values that must be upheld by all human beings. Introducing and upholding humanitarian values is not only in line with Christian values and the teachings of Christ, but also a way for Christians to promote and encourage people to live peacefully and appreciate differences. In their schools and hospitals, Christians must commit to combating religious polarization, as it only undermines human relationships and values. This spirit needs to be nurtured and this can be started by Christians in Yogyakarta. Thus, Christians in Yogyakarta must support and strengthen Yogyakarta’s reputation as a city of tolerance.

Bibliography

  • Algra, A. De Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederlands-Indië, Indonesië (1877–1961) (The Reformed Chrches in Dutch East Indies). Franeker: Wever, 1967.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Anshori, Isa. “Respon Muhamdiyah Terhadap Sekolah Kristen” (Muhammadiyah’s Response to Christian Schools). Accessed July 3, 2019. http://pkuulilalbab-uika.blogspot.com/2013/04/respon-muhamdiyah-terhadap-sekolah.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Aritonang, Jan Sihar and Karel Steenbrink. Eds. A History of Christianity in Indonesia. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008.

  • Boechari. Melacak Sejarah Kuno Indonesia lewat Prasasti (Tracing ancient Indonesian history through inscriptions). Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2018.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Crouch, Melissa. Law and Religion in Indonesia: Conflict and the Courts in West Java. London: Routledge, 2013.

  • Daradjadi. Geger Pacinan 1740–1743: Persekutuan Tionghoa-Jawa Melawan VOC (Chinese-Javanese Alliance against VOC). Jakarta: PT Kompas Media Nusantara, 2013.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Darmaningtyas. Pendidikan Rusak-Rusakan. Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2005.

  • Doorn-Harder, Nelly van, and Kees de Jong. “The Pilgrimage to Tembayat: Tradition and Revival in Islamic Mysticism in Contemporary Indonesia.” In The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought, ed. Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi‘, 49192. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2006.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Fachriansyah, Rizki. “Religious Intolerance Thriving among School Teachers: Survey.” The Jakarta Post, October 2018. https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/10/18/religious-intolerance-thriving-among-school-teachers-survey.html.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Geertz, Clifford. The Religion of Java. Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1976.

  • Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, “Mothers to Bombers: The Evolution of Indonesian Women Extremists.” Institute for Policiy Analysis of Conflict, January 31, 2017.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Nashichuddin, Ach. “Sufism in Java: The Meeting Point between Sufism and Javanese Mysticism.” Harakah 8:1 (2006): 4351.

  • Perda Injil Manokwari, Antara Sejarah Kekristenan Dan ‘Nuansa Intoleransi’” (The Manokwari Gospel Regulation, Between the History of Christianity and ‘Natural Intolerance’), January 10, 2019, sec. Indonesia, https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/indonesia-46813787.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Purnomo, Hadi and M. Suprihadi Sastrosupono. Gereja-Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ): Benih yang Tumbuh dan Bberkembang di Tanah Jawa (Javanese Christian Churches (GKJ): Seeds That Grow and Grow in the Land of Java). Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen, 1988.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ricklefs, Merle Calvin. A History of Modern Indonesia Since C. 1300. Hampshire: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1993.

  • Ricklefs, Merle Calvin. Islamisation and Its Opponents in Java: A Political, Social, Cultural and Religious History, C. 1930 to the Present. Singapore: NUS Press, 2012.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Ricklefs, Merle Calvin. Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries. Norwalk: EastBridge, 2006.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Soekotjo, Sigit Heru and Agoes Widhartono. Menjadi Garam dan Terang Kehidupan: 100 Tahun GKJ Gondokusuman (Becoming Salt and Light of Life: 100 Years of GKJ Gondokusuman). Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen & GKJ Gondokusuman, 2013.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Soleiman, Yusak. Pangumbaran Ing Bang Wetan: The Dutch Reformed Church in Late Eighteenth Century Java—an Eastern Adventure. Jakarta: Sekolah Tinggi Teologi Jakarta & BPK Gunung Mulia, 2012.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Subkhan, Imam. Hiruk Pikuk Wacana Pluralisme Di Yogya (The Hustle and Bustle of Pluralism Discourse in Yogyakarta). Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2007.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Widiyani, Rosmha. “Viral Rumah Sakit Syariah, Apa Bedanya dengan RS Biasa?” (Sharia Hospital Viral, What’s the Difference with Ordinary Hospital?), detikHealth. Accessed October 20, 2020. https://health.detik.com/berita-detikhealth/d-4583924/viral-rumah-sakit-syariah-apa-bedanya-dengan-rs-biasa.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Wolterbeek, J.D. Babad Zending di Pulau Jawa (Chronicle of the Mission on the Island of Java). Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen (Angotta IKAPI), 1995.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
1

There was no Wangsa Sanjaya. The ruler of the dynasty received the title of Maharaja. The territory of maharaja consisted of regions that were autonomously controlled by a Rakai. Each Rakai had his own genealogy as the ruler of the region. There is no ancient inscription that mentions the name of Wangsa Sanjaya since Sanjaya was not a Maharaja but a Rakai. Rakai Pangkaran, who constructed the Kalasan temple, was a Maharaja of Wangsa Syailendra. He was given the title Sri Maharaja Tejahpurnapana Panangkaran, Permata Wangsa Syailendra because he was descendant of Dapunta Selendra. See Boechari, Melacak Sejarah Kuno Indonesia lewat Prasasti (Tracing ancient Indonesian history through inscriptions) (Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2018), 198–99.

2

There are several reasons for its move. One is the big eruption of the volcano Mt. Merapi in Central Java.

3

Boechari, Melacak Sejarah Kuno Indonesia lewat Prasasti, 200–202.

4

Buddha temples much found in Kedu, around Prambanan, Boyolali and Sragen.

5

Boechari, Melacak Sejarah Kuno Indonesia lewat Prasasti, 202, 234.

6

The influence of Islam over Demak just took place in the middle of the fifteenth century.

7

They are Sunan Gresik, Sunan Ampel, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Kudus, Sunan Giri, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan Muria, and Sunan Gunung Jati.

8

Merle Calvin Ricklefs, Islamisation and Its Opponents in Java: A Political, Social, Cultural and Religious History, C. 1930 to the Present (Singapore: NUS Press, 2012), 4–6.

9

See Nelly Van Doorn-Harder and Kees de Jong, “The Pilgrimage to Tembayat: Tradition and Revival in Islamic Mysticism in Contemporary Indonesia,” in The Blackwell Companion to Contemporary Islamic Thought, ed. Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi‘ (Malden: Blackwell Publishing, 2006), 491–92; Merle Calvin Ricklefs, Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries (Norwalk: EastBridge, 2006), 39–40.

10

Van Doorn-Harder and de Jong, “The Pilgrimage to Tembayat,” 492.

11

Ricklefs, Islamisation and Its Opponents in Java, 7.

12

Ach Nashichuddin, “Sufism in Java: The Meeting Point between Sufism and Javanese Mysticism,” Harakah 8:1 (2006), 43–51, 46–48.

13

See Daradjadi, Geger Pacinan 1740–1743: Persekutuan Tionghoa-Jawa Melawan VOC (Chinese-Javanese Alliance against VOC) (Jakarta: PT Kompas Media Nusantara, 2013).

14

See Yusak Soleiman, Pangumbaran Ing Bang Wetan: The Dutch Reformed Church in Late Eighteenth Century Java—an Eastern Adventure (Jakarta: Sekolah Tinggi Teologi Jakarta & BPK Gunung Mulia, 2012), 59.

15

See Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Java (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1976), 4–5. Abangan are a group of Muslims who do not strictly practice the teachings or rules that have been prescribed in Islam. Santri are Muslims who adhere to the Islamic religion in pesantren (Islamic boarding schools). They have adherence to rituals such as prayer and fasting, and little attention to animism and mysticism. Priyayi is often understood to be more related to social status. Some priyayi practice Islam like santri while others practice religion in a syncretistic way such as abangan.

16

J.D. Wolterbeek, Babad Zending di Pulau Jawa (Chronicle of the Mission on the Island of Java) (Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen (Angotta IKAPI), 1995), 7.

17

See Merle Calvin Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia Since C. 1300 (Hampshire: The Macmillan Press Ltd, 1993), 81–83.

18

See Hadi Purnomo and M. Suprihadi Sastrosupono, Gereja-Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ): Benih yang Tumbuh dan Bberkembang di Tanah Jawa (Javanese Christian Churches (GKJ): Seeds That Grow and Grow in the Land of Java) (Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen, 1988), 15–16.

19

Sigit Heru Soekotjo and Agoes Widhartono, Menjadi Garam dan Terang Kehidupan: 100 Tahun GKJ Gondokusuman (Becoming Salt and Light of Life: 100 Years of GKJ Gondokusuman) (Yogyakarta: Taman Pustaka Kristen & GKJ Gondokusuman, 2013), 11–15.

20

Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2008), 674.

21

A. Algra, De Gereformeerde Kerken in Nederlands-Indië, Indonesië (1877–1961) (The Reformed Chrches in Dutch East Indies) (Franeker: Wever, 1967), 101.

22

Aritonang and Steenbrink, A History of Christianity in Indonesia, 674.

23

Soleiman, Pangumbaran Ing Bang Wetan, 39–40.

24

Soleiman, Pangumbaran Ing Bang Wetan, 40.

25

Soleiman, Pangumbaran Ing Bang Wetan, 46.

26

Soekotjo and Widhartono, Menjadi garam dan terang kehidupan, 21–26.

27

Purnomo and Sastrosupono, Gereja-Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ), 110–11.

28

See Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict, “Mothers to Bombers: The Evolution of Indonesian Women Extremists” (Institute for Policiy Analysis of Conflict, January 31, 2017).

29

See Imam Subkhan, Hiruk Pikuk Wacana Pluralisme Di Yogya (The Hustle and Bustle of Pluralism Discourse in Yogyakarta) (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2007), 110–13.

30

Rizki Fachriansyah, “Religious Intolerance Thriving among School Teachers: Survey,” The Jakarta Post, October 2018, https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2018/10/18/religious-intolerance-thriving-among-school-teachers-survey.html.

31

Isa Anshori, “Respon Muhamdiyah Terhadap Sekolah Kristen” (Muhammadiyah’s Response to Christian Schools), (accessed July 3, 2019), http://pkuulilalbab-uika.blogspot.com/2013/04/respon-muhamdiyah-terhadap-sekolah.html.

32

Interview with Purnawan Herdiyanto, Friday, June 28, 2019.

33

Darmaningtyas, Pendidikan Rusak-Rusakan (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2005), 63–64.

34

Rosmha Widiyani, “Viral Rumah Sakit Syariah, Apa Bedanya dengan RS Biasa?” (Sharia Hospital Viral, What’s the Difference with Ordinary Hospital?), detikHealth, (accessed October 20, 2020), https://health.detik.com/berita-detikhealth/d-4583924/viral-rumah-sakit-syariah-apa-bedanya-dengan-rs-biasa.

35

Interview with Rev. Fendi Susanto, Tuesday, July 2, 2019.

36

“Perda Injil Manokwari, Antara Sejarah Kekristenan Dan ‘Nuansa Intoleransi’” (The Manokwari Gospel Regulation, Between the History of Christianity and ‘Natural Intolerance’), January 10, 2019, sec. Indonesia, https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/indonesia-46813787. Melissa Crouch, Law and Religion in Indonesia: Conflict and the Courts in West Java (London: Routledge, 2013), 56.

  • Collapse
  • Expand

Metrics

All Time Past 365 days Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 41 0 0
Full Text Views 155 86 2
PDF Views & Downloads 115 37 2