Chapter 8 Convinced by Amazement—Creating Buddhist xin (Belief/Trust) in the Biographies of Thaumaturge Monks (T. 2064)

In: From Trustworthiness to Secular Beliefs
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Esther-Maria Guggenmos
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1 Introduction

Although underrepresented in Western academic writing due to a philosophically and “rationally” oriented relecture of the Buddhist traditions, miracle tales form a prominent part of Buddhist literature, especially in terms of demonstrating the convincing power of Buddhism.1 Buddhist belief is often described as being induced by miraculous happenings. Tales about Buddha’s life are full of miraculous occurrences, such as his ability to walk directly after birth with flowering lotus blossoms opening under his feet.2 In expounding his teachings, the sūtras stress the Buddha’s performance of his supernatural powers to attract the attention of his audience and convert them to Buddhism, despite their limited wisdom.3 In Chinese Buddhism, miracle tales continue the tradition of narrations of the strange (zhiguai 志怪 literature). Stories centering on the miraculous power of Bodhisattva Guanyin 觀音, Avalokiteśvara, feature prominently in early miracle tale collections.4 “The collection and dissemination of miracle stories have remained one of the most effective ways to inspire and sustain people’s faith in this savior”—thus Yü summarizes the role of Guanyin in Chinese Buddhist miracle tales.5 Even today on the mainland, she reports that belief in the (healing) miraculous intervention of Guanyin forms a stark topos in the narrations of believers.6 Sincere (cheng ) belief in Guanyin’s rescuing power evokes the bodhisattva’s response, which can transform the disastrous outlook of the petitioner and inspire deep, grateful astonishment for improved fortunes. In the major collections of Chinese Buddhist biographies, miracle-working monks make up a separate one among ten different categories.7 Miracles also occur in the remaining categories of Buddhist biographical collections, especially when Buddhist objects of veneration such as relics or texts must prove their authenticity and display their power.

In this chapter, I exemplify the role that miracles play in the creation of Chinese Buddhist belief by analyzing the narrative flow in the Biographies of Thaumaturge Monks (Shenseng zhuan 神僧傳, T. 2064; hereafter: SSZ).8 In 1417 CE, the third emperor of the Ming dynasty, Zhu Di 朱棣 (1360–1424, r. 1403–1424), assembled these biographies by selecting passages from 208 biographical entries from the large corpus of Buddhist and secular biographical writings. The emperor based his selections on whether he considered that the passages convincingly demonstrated the power and efficacy of Buddhism. He directly addresses his motivation in the preface to his work: He was creating this compilation in order to present in a single volume the reasons why the Buddhist monks selected were considered shen —equipped with divine powers and, in consequence, capable of performing miracles.9 This would contribute to the convincing power of Buddhism: “By letting all people know what is ‘divine’ (shen) about these ‘divine monks,’” the emperor states in his preface, “I can provide proof.” What is proven here is obviously the divine, spiritually advanced stage of the monks and, in conjunction, the efficacy and power of Buddhism. The emperor continues: “I have set these words at the begin- ning of this book to make its overall sense recognizable” (使人皆知神僧之所以為神者有可徵矣。用書此於編首。概見其大意云爾, 948b11). How do the biographical narrations address the convincing power of Buddhism? The moments in the narrations that express the emerging trust in Buddhism shall be my focus in the following pages. When exploring the semantic aspects of selected passages in the biographies, “belief”/“trust” (xin ) unfolds as conveyed through the moment of “amazement” (mostly recognizable as yi , the “different,” “strange”), to which the public might react with “fright” or “fear” (jing , ju ).

Before exploring the text in greater depth, let us briefly contextualize the compiler’s intention, as mentioned above. Zhu Di, known as the Yongle 永樂 Emperor, continued his father’s heritage as third emperor of the Ming dynasty and is well-known for his costly projects, such as establishing the Forbidden City in Peking, initiating the sea expeditions under General Zheng He 鄭和 (1371–1433), and assembling the extant literature of his time in the Yongle dadian 永樂大典 (Yongle canon). He followed neo-Confucian interests in reshaping the education of candidates for officialdom. As the Prince of Yan, he was responsible for settling conflicts with the Mongols and continued these politics in his later years as emperor. In his youth, he decided to rebel against Emperor Jianwen 建文 (r. 1398–1402) upon the advice of the Buddhist monk and physiognomist Daoyan 道衍 (1335–1418) and the famous physiognomist Yuan Gong 袁珙 (d. 1410). Daoyan also accompanied the emperor in his later years. Concerned about legitimizing his rule, divination played a central role for Zhu Di. In the SSZ, predictions prevail as Buddhism unfolds as a counseling source for the ruler. Zhu Di demonstrated an interest in Tibetan Buddhism through ordering the printing of Tibetan Buddhist canonical writings in the Yongle Canon. He invited the Fifth Karmapa, who held a fasting ceremony in honor of the dynasty’s founder, Zhu Di’s father, Emperor Taizu 太祖 (r. 1368–1398), and his wife. Although ruling families often distanced themselves from Buddhism after Empress Wu Zetian 武則天 (625–705 CE) instrumentalized it for the legitimation of her reign, Zhu Di held a generally positive attitude toward Chinese Buddhism, as did his father. In 1402 CE, he sent the monk Zhiguang 智光 on a pilgrimage to Nepal. He ordered the Muslim Zheng He to bring a relic of the Buddha from Sri Lanka. Still, his interest should also be considered as inspired by pragmatic and strategic considerations. Personally, Zhu Di was strongly oriented toward Daoist practices, but also favored Tibetan Buddhism. The compilation of the SSZ, with its concentration on the miraculous effect and power of Buddhist teaching, is in line with his passion for immortality recipes, relics, and esoteric practices. In 1417, when the SSZ was compiled, the Forbidden City was almost completed, Tibetan rulers had been visiting or repeatedly invited. Unfortunately, we know little about how the SSZ was received by its contemporaries and later readers.10 The preface alone provides us with a brief insight into the intentions that led to the compilation of this biographical collection, which often draws a very unfamiliar portrait of eminent monks as miracle workers, who are better known in the Buddhological collective memory as translators, pilgrims, or patriarchs. The SSZ as a collection is unique and precious as it provides condensed hagiographies that focus on thaumaturgical activities. This directs our attention to what might motivate a Buddhist self-identification and how faith was spread beyond the great translations and seminal missionary achievements: Miraculous activities of monks obviously induced fascination. And these activities can be found from the earliest biographies onwards that narrate the advent of Buddhism in China in the first and second century CE.

In the following, I will briefly confirm the usage of xin in the SSZ and continue with the semantic focus on turning points in selected biographical narrations by analyzing how the “strange” and “amazing” that might cause “fright” and “fear” is narrated. This sheds light on the role of miracles in inspiring Buddhist belief in the intended readership.

2 Xin as “Trust in Buddhism”

A lexicographical search through the SSZ for the term xin verifies what was stated in the introduction to this edited volume: In the SSZ, xin first of all signifies belief in the sense of trust.11 This might be perceived as more “secular,” as in the case of the verification of the prediction that the Han dynasty calendar will, one day, be corrected (“Thus the word of Luoxia Hong has been confirmed,” 則洛下閎之言信矣, biography of Yixing 一行, around 700 CE; T. 2064. L: 995c23). It is often “religious” in nature, as in the case of a general who does not accept that a stūpa is radiating light, whereupon the stūpa emits light and the general shows his respectful trust (虛誕不經所未能信。由是敬信, biography of Kang Senghui 康僧會, third century CE; 950a13–15). Trustful belief can be intense, as in the case of an official close to Yixing, who was a sincere believer in the Buddhadharma (寬深信佛法師事普寂禪師, biography of Yixing; 996a26). Believers are referred to through nominalizations of xin (信者, biography of Falan 法蘭, first century CE; 948c24; 歸信, biography of Moteng 摩騰, first century CE; 948c3). Belief and trust versus doubt (yi ) form a contrast in the case of the monk Wanhui 萬迴 (around 700 CE), whose parents are “torn between belief/trust and doubt” upon his sudden use of language (父母且信 且疑, biography of Wanhui; 993c6). In the case of the monk Weiying 惟瑛 (ninth century CE), the trust of an aspiring candidate for officialdom in Weiying’s prediction is a consequence of his having experienced the monk’s far-reaching knowledge (賓虞深信之, biography of Weiying; 1006c1). In this case, Weiying’s testing transforms disbelief into deep trust. Trustful belief is created in the run of the narration, which raises a question regarding how the biographies function as narrations.

3 Narrative Turns: Facing the Unexpected

According to the narratologist Matías Martínez, narrations are defined as fol- lowing a chronological order of concrete states or events and/or causally connected central elements that can be framed as schemes of action.12 Narrations are characterized by their eventfulness, tellability, and experientiality.13 Eventfulness is recognized by points in the narration that diverge from the reader’s expectations. When reading the biographies of the SSZ, a repeated narrative marker catches the eye: The reader’s expected astonishment is marked through the public’s amazement. Witnessing the divine (shen) powers of the monks, the audience is “amazed” and recognizes the event’s strange and extraordinary quality. Semantically, these phrases are often marked by the word “yi ,” the “strange” or “other” that causes “surprise” (jing ) or even “fear” (ju ) among the audience. Experiencing the unexpected convinces them of the strength of Buddhism and illustrates its “divine” (shen ) power.14 People recognize as “different” a monk who is qualified as “shen” (疑為矯異, biography of Kang Senghui; 949b27) and a “strange” facial expression causes respect (而神氣瓌異見者悚然, same biography; 950a16). Words like yi mark divergences from people’s expectations, but what is it that surprises them?

In my analysis, I identified three fields of monks’ agency by which people are amazed: 1) karmic insight; 2) a detailed understanding of concrete conditions, here of personal success; and 3) other moments of astonishment and surprise such as unusual methods of bodily control. These fields reveal a deeper underlying knowledge that enables the monks to act by being in control of their own and others’ life course.

3.1 Karmic Duties

An Shigao (安世高, second century CE) is commonly known as one of the first translators of Buddhist texts who conducted seminal work regarding the initial establishment of Buddhism in China. In contrast, the SSZ introduces us to the dense network of miracle tales surrounding this famous figure. The bits and pieces of these stories do not necessarily link well and leave blanks in the narration the logic of which has to be reconstructed by the reader’s imagination. While this first leaves the reader with a puzzling reading experience, a search for semantic markers in the narration proves revealing: The whole narration is less concerned with relating An Shigao’s biography than fascinated by how he is able to act in accordance with his own karmic burden. The witness to his actions transforms into a sincere proselyte of the Buddhist dharma, spreading insights into the mechanisms of the law of cause and effect.

In the SSZ, An Shigao is depicted as a Parthian prince with a promising childhood, who is knowledgeable about the interpretation of the sounds of birds and animals. On arriving in China in the second century, he stayed in the North for about twenty years, learned Chinese, and accomplished wonders. The biography then narrates a loosely framed story of his previous existence. Living as a monk in China, with an ugly, hot-tempered fellow monk, he is finally beheaded by a little boy due to bad karma. In his ensuing life as a Parthian prince, he travels south after serving at the court as a translator. Next to a lake, he meets this former fellow, who is now a god in the form of a huge python, and helps him to obtain a better rebirth. He travels to the place where he was beheaded in his previous life and the now-adult individual who beheaded him finances his travels to the North, where he is again killed. The boy of yore witnesses the mechanics of karma for the second time and spreads the Buddhist teaching from then onward.

The biography as it is narrated in the SSZ contains five instances of yi . In the first and second instance, it forms part of a compound, yishu 異術 and junyi zhi sheng 雋異之聲, referring to various magico-mantic arts and An Shigao’s extraordinary fame. In the fourth instance, it forms part of a direct speech by the temple god, who states that no one can help but fear his ugly, “strange” appearance. In the third and fifth instances, the semantic marker concludes an episode. In his former life, An Shigao willingly stretches out his neck to be beheaded. The little boy kills him: “Onlookers filled the streets and there was nobody who was not scared by his bizarre [behavior]” (觀者填陌莫不駭其奇異, 949a10). The biography concludes with An Shigao visiting the boy who killed him, now an adult, who finances his travel and witnesses An Shigao’s accidental death when he becomes involved in a brawl. Through this event, the individual witnesses for the second time the workings of karma and begins to study the Buddhist teaching. The story concludes: “Far and near one heard and knew it. There was nobody who was not full of admiration (tanyi 歎異) at that” (遠近聞知莫不歎異焉, 949b10).

The semantically close reading reveals that sentences expressing the audience’s admiration do not occur arbitrarily in this narration. The biography of An Shigao is actually centered around expressing the mechanics of karma through another person’s witnessing. This message is supported by the careful choice of language.

In the biographies, it is not only with regard to their own karma that monks take sudden actions: Another biography tells of an old man feeling scared by the “strange” behavior of the monk Fahui 法慧 (fourth century CE, 954b27 ff.). Fahui suddenly recognizes that the old man is about to die and aims to rescue him, probably to free him from his karmic burden. He enters a field and asks the man for his ox, which he denies. The monk then simply takes the ox, frightening the old man: “Fahui stepped forward and grabbed the nose of the ox. The old man was scared at his unusual [behavior] and finally gave it to him” (慧前自捉牛鼻。公懼其異。遂以施之. 954c1–2). Fahui walks alongside the ox and murmurs a mantra, taking seven steps back and forth, then giving the ox back to the old man, who dies a few days later. How far this interaction is beneficial to the old man remains a mystery and the story is full of allusions. The monk’s interaction with the intention of supposedly rescuing an old, dying man from his karmic burden remains unintelligible to the audience and results in him being scared by the monk’s “strange” (yi) behavior. The monk is obviously living according to an insight into karmic reality that remains hidden and frightening to the general public.

3.2 Mechanics of Success

The SSZ’s narrations include a large variety of passages in which monks give advice and foretell the future. Personal, social, political, and military topics are covered; rulers, examination candidates for officialdom, but also ordinary people are involved, and the monks might predict spontaneously or apply a huge, seemingly arbitrary, variety of divinatory methods in their counseling. One of these stories develops from the tension between the extraordinary (yi ) and astonishment and doubt (yi ), revealing a sophisticated knowledge that is untouched by karmic considerations. According to this knowledge, success in official examinations came to the candidate Zheng Fuli 鄭復禮.

The biography of the monk Hongdao 弘道 (around 800 CE) is taken from the Taiping guangji 太平廣記 (Extensive Records of the Taiping Era, 976–983), one of the four great books (Song si da shu 宋四大書) of the Northern Song (960–1126); this work contains a wealth of stories from various periods of Chinese history and forms a kind of encyclopedia of supernatural, but not exclusively Buddhist, events. Throughout the narration, the monk Hongdao plays a peripheral role. The passage is concerned with the official Zheng Fuli, who incessantly tries to pass higher official examinations to promote his career. Upon request, Hongdao hesitantly reveals the complicated conditions under which he will pass (including an examination officer in charge of the examinations in two subsequent years and surnames in certain positions on the list of successful examinees), plunging Zheng Fuli into astonishment and doubt. In the course of the story, the conditions hold true and the oscillation between the prophecy’s complexity and the amazed official’s testing of it, sitting the examinations each year regardless, make up the narrative structure.

At first, Hongdao is hesitant to reveal the conditions necessary for the official to pass the exam: “This matter is extraordinary, I cannot talk about it” (然其事頗異不可言也, 1005c10–11), he states, denying the request. Zheng Fuli continues to press him. Hongdao forbids him from passing the information on and outlines the conditions. Zheng Fuli looks at him in astonishment and is unable to accept them (鄭愕視不可喻, 1005c14–15). Hongdao begins by enumerating the four conditions and marking them as “special” (亦可以為異矣, 1005c16–17). Zheng Fuli is discouraged after hearing them: “Despite [this explanation], Zheng Fuli was full of doubt [yi ] about what [Hongdao] had said and felt depressed and without joy. He was sure that again there was no hope for him. He thanked him respectfully and departed” (鄭雖大疑其說 然鬱鬱不樂 以為無復望也 敬謝而退, 1005c20–21). After the conditions were unfulfilled the next time, Zheng Fuli doubts that he will pass (意甚疑之果不 中第, 1005c23). The following time, the situation seems favorable for Zheng Fuli, who secretly rejoices, and indeed passes the exams to the next higher level. Zheng is “respectfully astonished” for a long time (鄭奇歎且久, 1005c26). He participates numerous times in vain. Finally, the conditions are again fulfilled, and he is successful in the examinations. The women of the family begin wondering how this can be true (豈其然乎, 1006a6). Hongdao is no longer present at this time. The narration concludes with the emperor’s son-in-law passing the examinations just as the same four highly unlikely conditions are fulfilled. The narration stresses the reliability of Hongdao’s prediction (弘道所說無差焉, 1006a10).

The oscillation between amazement and doubt drives the plot of this narrative, and structures the biography. The story is less concerned with Hongdao as a person than with the astonishment that a highly sophisticated, fourfold conditioning holds true which, in itself, seems to lack any deeper rationale and also does not show any signs of Buddhist content, despite the fact that the counselor is a Buddhist monk. The compiler is obviously convinced by Buddhism’s strength regardless of the fact that the complex knowledge about examination success does not relate to Buddhism, but mastered to perfection by a Buddhist monk.

An Shigao and Fahui showed insights into the workings of cause and effect with regard to their own and others’ lives. While their minds were set on freeing themselves and others from unfavorable forms of rebirth and were finally concerned with enlightenment, Hongdao’s counseling has the direct aim of examination success. Hongdao has insights into its mechanics. The exam candidate is well prepared and whether he passes or not depends on a complex combination of conditions that are beyond his control. The monk reveals these conditions, which seem impossible to modify. The mechanics function independently of whether the candidate believes in or doubts them. Zheng Fuli, together with the reader, seems to take the role of an observer: He participates in the exams continuously and witnesses the repeated verification and reliability of the prediction. This process adds trust in Hongdao’s knowledge. As in the case of An Shigao, the reader is to become convinced while moving through the story. There is no single moment of conversion or insight; instead, a gradual process of growing trust is built up through the narration. The conviction of the existence of a hidden complex conditioning according to which the world works is created for the reader through Zheng Fuli’s lifelong and painful examination experience. The slowly growing conviction is caused by the knowledge of a Buddhist monk. The knowledge itself is in line with the generally shared Chinese cosmological assumption of correlation and an organic harmony, which Needham has characterized as a “correlative cosmology”: All beings are “part in a hierarchy of wholes forming a cosmic pattern, and what they obeyed were the internal dictates of their own natures.”15 Hongdao is able to understand his client’s situation as part of the dense network of conditions in which it is embedded. Whether things work out or not depends on a multitude of conditions, the interdependency of which is central to Chinese cosmological thinking.

3.3 Moments of Surprise

Yi’s position in the text does not always reveal the structure of the whole narration, as it does in the cases of An Shigao and Hongdao. Moments of surprise often shape single episodes, and it is in these passages that life seems less fated and sincerity in one’s concerns can lead to a change in situation, according to the principle of stimulus-response.

The impact of sincerity is most obvious when the emperor asks Kang Senghui (third century CE) to prove the power and authenticity of Buddhism. He does so by promising that his sincere and ritually framed petitioning will make a relic appear. To emphasize his sincerity, he is willing to be executed alongside his disciples if he should fail. As nothing happens until the last moment, the participants become afraid (莫不震懼, 949c12). Finally, the relic materializes suddenly. The emperor is full of respect and stands up in surprise, interpreting the materialization as an auspicious omen (權肅然驚 起曰,希有之瑞也, 949c15). This scene is a perfect illustration of the principle of stimulus-response, which is a characteristic of Chinese Buddhism and in line with the ancient Chinese and Confucian thinking that only sincerity can bring about change.16 “Sympathetic resonance,” also known as stimulus-response, is caused by sincerity and occurs among things that are related to each other: “Resonance is the mechanism through which categorically related but spatially distant phenomena interact,” Sharf comments. This resembles two strings of different instruments playing the same tune, the one beginning to emit sound as soon as the other vibrates—an image frequent in ancient Chinese literature, such as the Huainanzi, the Chuci, and the Lüshi chunqiu.17

Surprise is also the repeated reaction to monks who exercise control over the location of their own bodies: In the SSZ, monks are able to travel huge distances in an instant, which amazes people. The monk Fotiao 佛調 (fourth century CE) is able to be in two places simultaneously or to change his location without any recognizable traveling time lapse: While one person has seen him outside, another is certain that he has not left the temple. Fotiao laughs about this and people are left wondering (954a26). In another case, the monk Wanhui is obviously able to travel far to the border to visit his sibling, equip him with daily necessities, and return with detailed information the same day. His parents are astonished and his name, Wanhui, literally, abbreviating the story as “Ten thousand [miles and] returning,” is based on this feat (993c3). “Divine” monks are able to “beam” themselves to different places without being bound by average bodily travel speeds.18 Once dead, the corpses of divine monks might display specific qualities, especially when burnt. Their virtuous bodies behave differently, and sometimes do not burn at all, as in the case of Zhu Shiheng 朱士行 (third century CE). This astonishes people as well (眾咸 驚異, biography of Zhu Shiheng; 950b18). It is also a pleasant surprise to people (皆驚喜作禮, 954b16) when the monk Fotiao reappears on a rock, freed of all worries, after his death and has a conversation with those who knew him. His body had disappeared from his grave and Fotiao assures the public that he will always be with them.

Chinese Buddhist biographical writing employs sources that are part of a writing culture that is not primarily concerned with Buddhist philosophical rectification. Applying abhidharmic knowledge and Buddhist concepts in general can therefore easily lead to misinterpretations of the texts, as there is, as Kieschnick puts it, a “gap between the popular imagination and Buddhist technical literature.”19 Still, it is worth considering how far Buddhist concepts are put into practice in the biographies. For the case of bodily control, a larger systematization of the spiritual advancements of Buddhist practitioners is at hand: Followers of both Indian and Chinese Buddhism commonly accept that a practitioner’s spiritual progress develops together with six forms of supernatural competence (abhijñā, shentong 神通). Although these six forms differ slightly according to their traditions, in their first step they always address unlimited bodily possibilities: the transformation from one person into many, becoming invisible, being able to walk through walls, soil, water, air, or reach up to Brahmā’s heaven. The examples in the SSZ seem moderate in comparison. The practitioner’s advancement also includes insight into the past births of others to recognize their condition as a result of their deeds, and be informed about their destiny. This insight proves not only accurate regarding the karmic connections in his own life, but the logic lying behind it also provides a background for the vigorous divinatory activities of monks in the SSZ.

The monks apply various mantic arts with ease. No biography mentions any particular training. This is not specific to the SSZ: “Like medicine, divination was a separate discipline that monks mastered ‘on the side’.”20 Divination leads to astonishment: While traveling at night with Fotudeng 佛圖澄 (fl. fourth century CE), Dao’an 道安 (fourth century CE) uses the simple arrangement of a courtyard to decode the name of the landlord, whom he calls by his name without ever having heard of him—the person is certainly surprised about this knowledge, which belongs to the realm of a technique concerned with dissecting characters (chaizi 拆字; 主人驚出, 954c28). The emperor tests Fayuan 法願 (fifth century CE), who later became a monk, on his physiognomy skills. He tries to mislead Fayuan by changing the dress of people whose social standings vary widely. To the emperor’s surprise, Fayuan’s predictions are unaffected by their costumes (帝異之, 969c11).

While the physiognomical message is followed by a direct prediction without any counseling regarding how to avoid the harsh destiny connected to it, monks are also able to interfere with and prevent upcoming calamities, especially regarding the regulation of meteorological events. The emperor consults monks such as Vajrabodhi (Jin’gang Zhi 金剛智, around 700 CE) when regular methods of rainmaking fail. The monk erects an altar and performs rituals with which he evokes strong winds and pouring rainfall. “Afar and nearby people were caught in fear” (遠近驚駭, 996c22).

The realm of the court is one of prestigious ambivalence: Monks are heavily dependent upon the emperor’s grace. This may be why negative predictions concerning the ruler are generally encrypted. These encrypted messages can only be interpreted in the retrospective. They may seem favorable at first sight but are revealed as fatal afterwards: Yixing is asked about the future of the country and answers the astonished emperor (帝驚, 996a21) that the country will ultimately experience good fortune (ji )—which is the name of its last emperor and alludes to the dynasty’s downfall.

It is not only under these exposed circumstances that diviners of the future encrypt their messages. They can appear outwardly dull and make an unintelligible impression, like the monk Huaijun 懷濬 (late ninth century CE), resembling figures otherwise known throughout fangshi 方士 literature.21 His behavior in a village attracts the attention of the prefect, who tests him. Finally, the prefect is pleasantly surprised (yi ) by the monk’s wise poetry (州將異而釋之, 1009c7). Travelers who have to pass through the canyons of the Yangzi River on their business trips receive a few lines from him, which he does not explain further. In the retrospective, these lines often hold true. The narrator marks this behavior as strange: “Most of his strange actions were like this” (其他異跡多此類也, 1009c22).

The retrospective might evoke suspicion in the modern reader: Does the collective memory only preserve predictions which proved true? What do we know about the accuracy of a diviner, if we learn about his predictions only afterwards, through positive selection? Such questions reveal a pitfall, as they separate the miracle from its narrative and discursive background. Interdisciplinary studies on miracle tales state: “It is the act of telling which constructs the miracle as such. The miracle has an impact through its telling and interpreting. The effect of a miracle is closely related to the way in which it is understood.”22 Kieschnick, together with Keith Thomas, calls these miracles “retroactive stories” that provide a “sense of stability in the face of radical change,”23 legitimating an emperor’s reign through retrospective prophecy.

4 Convinced by Amazement

What is, finally, the convincing moment in the biographical narrations that inspires amazement and evokes trust in Buddhism?

In the selected passages, monks cause astonishment and even fear through behavior that reveals the utmost competence: They know their own life course according to the karmic laws of cause and effect. They are able to understand instant success on the complex, entire basis of its conditions of possibility. They can cause the appearance of Buddhist relics through pure sincerity according to the principle of stimulus-response; they predict the future spontaneously or by using various methods, apply divinatory techniques such as physiognomy and character dissection, ritually manipulate the weather and are in control of their bodies, from multilocalization to traveling beyond the limitations of time and space. Their dead bodies testify to their virtue by resisting cremation or reappearing after death.

“Divine” monks are paragons of competence and control. Through their “divine” power, they convincingly display the strength of Buddhism. That such an all-embracing competency causes amazement and attraction seems reasonable: Becoming Buddhist or receiving the help of “divine” Buddhists makes it possible to gain control over one’s life and future.

Amazement at the workings of karma, amazement at a hidden sophisticated knowledge according to which the world functions, which even without believing in it, proves true in the course of a whole life, and amazement at the supernatural, divinatory, miracle-working abilities of monks all show facets of what the emperor intended to do with the SSZ—to testify to the miraculous power of eminent Buddhist monks.

Still, these experts in no sense apply only knowledge specific to Buddhism. The picture presented here is certainly selective, due to the relatively narrow approach of considering only those passages that directly cause the amazement of the public. There may be other narrative devices channeling the reader’s attention and triggering his or her inner discourse in how far he or she wants to identify with role models and connected concepts of belief. In addition, the narrations cover several centuries and broad regions. The picture can only be inconsistent. What can be seen through it, however, is a perspective on what is perceived as amazing in the sense of “shen” and the sense of “shenseng,” translated variously as “divine,” “spirit,” “thaumaturge,” or “miracle-working” monks.24 What are these miracles about and how can one characterize the miraculous in these narrations?

Kieschnick and others have noted that the terms “miracle” as well as “supernatural” may not be appropriate for describing the Chinese understanding of the relevancy of these stories: According to Needham:

[I]t should be noted that for the characteristic and instinctive Chinese world view in all ages there could be nothing supernatural sensu stricto. Invisible principles, spirits, gods and demons, queer manifestations, were all just as much part of Nature as man himself, though rarely met with and hard to investigate.

The sinologist Étienne Lamotte was already avoiding the term “supernatural,” replacing it with “supernormal.”25 This avoids the view that miracles abolish the laws of nature, possibly even due to an intervening creator god. Miracle-working monks, as they are presented in the SSZ, form part of the “Chinese vision of organic unity”26 and are “actively participating in the workings of Nature,” as Kieschnick puts it, with reference to Erik Zürcher.27 “Nature,” in our case, includes the social sphere and might also comprise whatever is considered real according to the Buddhist realms of existence. The “divine” competence is revealed as the delicate sensitivity of the monks who interact with, perceive, and influence the world around them in all of its subtleties and on all of its levels. In their environment, their acts might be experienced as miracles. In any case, it is the discrepancy between the daily experience of the narrated audience (and with it the abilities of the intended average reader) and the highly developed capacity of the monks, which is narrated in the form of “amazement.” “Being amazed” up to being “fearful” is therefore the expression of gaining a glimpse of an otherwise concealed reality and insight into a deeper cosmic pattern, according to which life seems to unfold but is rarely understood. It is at this point in the narrations that “belief” (xin), understood as trust in the power of Buddhism, is instilled in the reader. Witnessing a) the pervasive workings of karma, b) the subtle complexity of cosmic connectivity, and c) a sincerity that combines with supernormal powers revealed in daily life, the imagined reader is amazed and finally convinced to trust in Buddhist teaching.

5 Comparisons

Looking at the Buddhism-related contributions in this volume, it becomes clear that as a living religion, Buddhism permeates Chinese and East Asian societies in all their aspects. Tam Wai Lun shows that there is a rich reflection on xin as a foundation and precondition for Buddhist practice in Buddhist philosophy. It implies in-depth commitment and is therefore seen as the basis of belief development often systematized as followed by understanding, cultivation, and attainment.28 Christoph Kleine makes clear that xin has to be understood as “faith” rather than “trustworthiness” in the context of Pure Land Buddhism. By stating this, he sees a parallel between the Christian notion of fides and the Buddhist notion of xin and witnesses a semantic change in the notion of xin through the influence of Buddhism in East Asia long before the Christian impact. Adam Yuet Chau’s contribution explains the prevalence of orthopraxy over orthodoxy in popular religious life of Shaanbei. In all contributions, there seems some kind of oscillation between more cognitive, philosophical notions of xin and practical or ritually oriented ones. My paper shows how hagiographic writings involve a structuring moment, in which miraculous happenings cause xin. Experiencing miracles, people become Buddhist believers. When approaching miracle tales, a contemporary reader might be restricted by mental concepts of life happening according to the laws of nature broken only by miracles. In a mental world that did not uphold this distinction, an event that goes beyond daily experience is told as leading to in-depth faith. It is worth paying attention to how this experience takes place on several levels, how it is witnessed, cognitively processed, and emotionally experienced. In such a world, one can be “convinced by amazement” irrespective of one’s social and religious background. Therefore, I would like to emphasize that any divide between orthopractic and orthodox notions is—in the sources I investigated—a dichotomy alien to the texts itself. The hagiographic writings hint at the emergence of belief as the result of a complex experience that comprises cognitive and emotional elements. And as a structuring device, we see how central these experiences are especially in the communities in which they are narrated. This finding supports what Adam Yuet Chau stresses: One should not just focus on understanding the experience told, and never forget that as narrated experiences they serve the important social function of bearing witness to the power of Buddhism.

Abbreviations

SSZ

Shenseng zhuan 神僧傳 [Biographies of Thaumaturge Monks]. 1960–1978 [1926–1932]. In Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 [Newly Arranged Great (Buddhist) Canon from the Taishō Era], edited by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭. Tōkyō: Taishō issaikyō kankokai, vol. 50, no. 2064, 948–1015.

Bibliography

  • Balabanova, Severina. 2014. “The Use of Miracles in Baochang’s 寶唱 Biqiuni zhuan比丘尼傳—Research on the Expression of Ganying感應.” Qinghua zhongwen xuebao 清華中文學報 11: 345436.

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  • Berger, Patricia. 2001. “Miracles in Nanjing: An Imperial Record of the Fifth Karmapa’s Visit to the Chinese Capital.” In Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese Buddhism, edited by Marsha Weidner. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 145169.

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  • Campany, Robert F. 2012. Signs from the Unseen Realm. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

  • DeWoskin, Kenneth Joel. 1983. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press.

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  • Faure, Bernard. 1994. The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

  • Fiordalis, David. 2014. “Buddhist Miracles.” In Oxford Bibliographies, https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195393521/obo-9780195393521-0116.xml (accessed 24 July 2018).

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  • Guggenmos, Esther-Maria. 2017. “I Believe in Buddhism and Travelling”—Denoting Oneself a Lay Buddhist in Contemporary Urban Taiwan. Würzburg: Ergon.

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  • Guggenmos, Esther-Maria, and Li Wei. 2019. Wahrsagende Mönche im chinesischen Buddhismus. Biographien aus dem Shenseng zhuan. Gossenberg: Ostasien Verlag.

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    • Export Citation
  • Kieschnick, John. 2004. “Miracles.” In Encyclopedia of Buddhism, edited by Robert Buswell. New York: Macmillan, 541544.

  • Kieschnick, John. 1997. The Eminent Monk. Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

  • Kleine, Christoph. 2010. “Geschichte und Geschichten im ostasiatischen Buddhismus: Hagiographie zwischen Historiographie und Erbauung.” In Geschichten und Geschichte: Historiographie und Hagiographie in der asiatischen Religionsgeschichte, edited by Peter Schalk et al. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 356.

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  • Korte, Anne-Marie, ed. 2001. Women and Miracle Stories: A Multidisciplinary Exploration. Leiden: Brill.

  • Legge, James. 1991. The Chinese Classics, vol. 1: Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, 3rd ed. Taipei: SMC.

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  • Martínez, Matías. 2011. “Erzählen.” In Handbuch Erzählliteratur, edited by Matías Martínez. Stuttgart: Metzler, 112.

  • Shang Chuan 商传. 1989. Yongle huangdi 永乐皇帝. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe.

  • Sharf, Robert. 2005. Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

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  • Shen, Weirong. 2011. “Tantric Buddhism in Ming China.” In Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, edited by Charles D. Orzech et al. Leiden: Brill, 550560.

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  • Shinohara, Koichi. 1994a. “Biographies of Eminent Monks in a Comparative Perspective: The Function of the Holy in Medieval Chinese Buddhism.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7: 477500.

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  • Tsai, Shih-shan Henry. 2001. Perpetual Happiness: The Ming Emperor Yongle. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

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  • , Chün-fang. 2001. Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara. New York: Columbia University Press.

  • , Chün-fang. 2007. “Eye on Religion: Miracles in the Chinese Buddhist Tradition.” Southern Medical Journal 100, no. 12: 12431245.

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1

For a first overview, see Kieschnick 2004. The miracle literature on South and Central Asian Buddhism is far better researched than the corresponding works in East Asia. Fiordalis 2014 provides a useful overview of South-Asian related works. For East Asia, the translations of Campany 2012 stand out, while Faure 1994 devotes two chapters to thaumaturgy and Kieschnick 1997 sees thaumaturgical competency as one of the three characteristics of eminent monks (gaoseng 高僧).

2

A good first impression of Sanskrit, Pāli, and Tibetan legendary material on the life of the Buddha is still Waldschmidt 1929. For a Chinese version of this work, see, for example, the Fo benxing ji jing 佛本行集經, T. 190.

3

See Zin 2006.

4

The corpus of miracle tale collections prior to the Sui dynasty (581–618) already contains a large portion of miracle tales that report the “responsive manifestations” (yingyan 應驗) of Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara, especially the Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji 繫觀世音應驗記 (More Records of Avalokiteśvara’s Responsive Manifestations) of sixty-nine narrations, compiled by Lu Gao 陸杲 in 501 CE, see Campany 2012, 3–5.

5

Yü 2007, 1244, based on Yü 2001.

6

This is in accordance with my own field research on lay Buddhism in contemporary Taiwan. In Guggenmos 2017, three of the nine presented lay Buddhist biographical narrations recollect an intimate relation with Bodhisattva Guanyin. See chaps. 7.2, 7.5, and 8.2, see also the reflection in 12.1.

7

In the Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) by Huijiao 慧皎, compiled around 530 CE, the third of ten categories is called shenyi 神異, wonder workers. In the following corpora, the Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 and the Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳, this category is named differently (gantong 感通) while still relating to wonder workers (on the difference in terminology see Guggenmos/Li 2019, 8–9). The latter biographies include monks witnessing miracles that occur through the power of Buddhist teaching or Buddhist objects such as relics, while the monks of the Gaoseng zhuan often perform miracles themselves. For an introduction to Buddhist biographical writing, see Kleine 2010 and Wright 1954. For the role of miracles in these narrations, see also Shinohara 1994a and 1994b.

8

Twenty-one of these biographies are translated, annotated, and reflected upon in Guggenmos/ Li 2019, which provides the first overview of Chinese Buddhist monks’ divinatory activities in their social context.

9

Shen is a vague term, translated here as “divine” or “thaumaturge.” It can be a noun in the broadest sense of a “god”: “In early China, as today, shen covers a semantic field ranging from abstract and ephemeral spiritual influences, to sages and enlightened human beings, to anthropomorphized deities and ancestors, or monsters and other ghostly denizens residing in mountains, lakes and forests” (Sterckx 2007, 23). As an adjective, it basically expresses the quality of such a god, his divine power.

10

The SSZ is scarcely mentioned in biographies on the Yongle emperor; see Tsai 2001, Shang 1989. The relation of the Yongle emperor to Tibetan Buddhism is well represented in Toh 2004, Berger 2001, and Shen 2011. For further details, see Guggenmos/Li 2019.

11

Here, as in the following, I focus on a synchronic reading of the text. A diachronic stratification would require a far deeper analysis and access to other textual sources, and exceed the scope of this article.

12

Martínez 2011, 11.

13

Martínez 2011, 6–8.

14

Naturally, yi also occurs under less suspicious circumstances, in expressions like “one day” (yiri 異日; biography of Fotiao 佛調, fourth century CE; 954b1), an ugly, “strange” temple god (形甚醜異, biography of An Shigao 安世高, second century CE; 949a29), or compounds such as being “estimated” (chongyi 寵異) by the emperor (武貴妃寵異 六宮; biography of Vajrabodhi 金剛智; 997a7), expressions like the “obscure arts” (yishu 異術, biography of An Shigao; 948c29), or referring to the ability to perform “spiritual wonders” (並有靈異, biography of Qi Yu 耆域, fl. fourth century CE; 950c6–7), etc.

15

Needham as quoted in Sharf 2005, 79. Correlative thinking is explained by Sharf 2005, 78–82.

16

“It is only he who is possessed of the most complete sincerity that can exist under heaven, who can transform” (唯天下至誠為能化). Zhongyong 23, Legge 1991, 417.

17

Sharf 2002, 83.

18

There are also monks like Qi Yu who can be simultaneously a guest in five hundred homes (950c29 ff.)—but this episode is not marked by the amazement of the public.

19

Kieschnick 1997, 71.

20

Kieschnick 1997, 79.

21

DeWoskin 1983.

22

Korte 2001, 13, as quoted in Balabanova 2014, 416.

23

Kieschnick 1997, 76.

24

Spirit-monk is the translation of Campany (2012, 55–56), when translating the Mingxiang ji 冥祥記, which developed in the context of early medieval Buddhist zhiguai literature.

25

Kieschnick 1997, 96.

26

Sharf 2005, 79.

27

Kieschnick 1997, 110.

28

Cf. Tam Wai Lun’s chapter in this volume.

Shenseng zhuan 神僧傳 [Biographies of Thaumaturge Monks]. 1960–1978 [1926–1932]. In Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 [Newly Arranged Great (Buddhist) Canon from the Taishō Era], edited by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭. Tōkyō: Taishō issaikyō kankokai, vol. 50, no. 2064, 948–1015.Close
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From Trustworthiness to Secular Beliefs

Changing Concepts of xin 信 from Traditional to Modern Chinese

Series:  Religion in Chinese Societies, Volume: 19
  • Balabanova, Severina. 2014. “The Use of Miracles in Baochang’s 寶唱 Biqiuni zhuan比丘尼傳—Research on the Expression of Ganying感應.” Qinghua zhongwen xuebao 清華中文學報 11: 345436.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Berger, Patricia. 2001. “Miracles in Nanjing: An Imperial Record of the Fifth Karmapa’s Visit to the Chinese Capital.” In Cultural Intersections in Later Chinese Buddhism, edited by Marsha Weidner. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 145169.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Campany, Robert F. 2012. Signs from the Unseen Realm. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

  • DeWoskin, Kenneth Joel. 1983. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Faure, Bernard. 1994. The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Critique of Chan/Zen Buddhism. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

  • Fiordalis, David. 2014. “Buddhist Miracles.” In Oxford Bibliographies, https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195393521/obo-9780195393521-0116.xml (accessed 24 July 2018).

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Guggenmos, Esther-Maria. 2017. “I Believe in Buddhism and Travelling”—Denoting Oneself a Lay Buddhist in Contemporary Urban Taiwan. Würzburg: Ergon.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Guggenmos, Esther-Maria, and Li Wei. 2019. Wahrsagende Mönche im chinesischen Buddhismus. Biographien aus dem Shenseng zhuan. Gossenberg: Ostasien Verlag.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Kieschnick, John. 2004. “Miracles.” In Encyclopedia of Buddhism, edited by Robert Buswell. New York: Macmillan, 541544.

  • Kieschnick, John. 1997. The Eminent Monk. Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

  • Kleine, Christoph. 2010. “Geschichte und Geschichten im ostasiatischen Buddhismus: Hagiographie zwischen Historiographie und Erbauung.” In Geschichten und Geschichte: Historiographie und Hagiographie in der asiatischen Religionsgeschichte, edited by Peter Schalk et al. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 356.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Korte, Anne-Marie, ed. 2001. Women and Miracle Stories: A Multidisciplinary Exploration. Leiden: Brill.

  • Legge, James. 1991. The Chinese Classics, vol. 1: Confucian Analects, The Great Learning, The Doctrine of the Mean, 3rd ed. Taipei: SMC.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Martínez, Matías. 2011. “Erzählen.” In Handbuch Erzählliteratur, edited by Matías Martínez. Stuttgart: Metzler, 112.

  • Shang Chuan 商传. 1989. Yongle huangdi 永乐皇帝. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe.

  • Sharf, Robert. 2005. Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Shen, Weirong. 2011. “Tantric Buddhism in Ming China.” In Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, edited by Charles D. Orzech et al. Leiden: Brill, 550560.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Shinohara, Koichi. 1994a. “Biographies of Eminent Monks in a Comparative Perspective: The Function of the Holy in Medieval Chinese Buddhism.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 7: 477500.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Shinohara, Koichi. 1994b. “Two Sources of Chinese Buddhist Biographies: Stupa Inscriptions and Miracle Stories.” In Monks and Magicians. Religious Biographies in Asia, edited by Phyllis Granoff and Koichi Shinohara. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 119228.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Sterckx, Roël. 2007. “Searching for Spirit: Shen and Sacrifice in Warring States and Han Philosophy and Ritual.” Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident 29: 2354.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Toh, Hoong Teik. 2004. “Tibetan Buddhism in Ming China.” PhD diss., Harvard University.

  • Tsai, Shih-shan Henry. 2001. Perpetual Happiness: The Ming Emperor Yongle. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

  • Waldschmidt, Ernst. 1929. Die Legende vom Leben des Buddha. Berlin: Volksverband der Bücherfreunde Wegweiser-Verlag.

  • Wright, Arthur. 1954. “Biography and Hagiography: Hui-chiao’s Lives of Eminent Monks.” In Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun-Kagaku-Kenkyusyo. Kyoto: Kyoto University, 383432.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • , Chün-fang. 2001. Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara. New York: Columbia University Press.

  • , Chün-fang. 2007. “Eye on Religion: Miracles in the Chinese Buddhist Tradition.” Southern Medical Journal 100, no. 12: 12431245.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Zin, Monika. 2006. Mitleid und Wunderkraft: Schwierige Bekehrungen und ihre Ikonographie im indischen Buddhismus. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation

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