1.1 Early Translations

A first question one might ask is how early xin was used as a Christian term. The first dictionaries that attempted to settle the vocabulary provide insight into its initial appearance. One of the first texts informing us about the choice of words to translate a concept such as “faith” is the Portuguese-Chinese Dictionary, possibly composed between 1583 and 1588, and attributed to Michele Ruggieri S.J. 羅明堅 (1543–1607) and Matteo Ricci S.J. 利瑪竇 (1552–1610) (though their specific role is uncertain). Moreover, (anonymous) Chinese collaborators clearly had their hand in the compilation. This Dictionary shows that the Chinese word for the corresponding Portuguese word was settled very early.³

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However, this does not mean that in the reverse translation xin was always/ only translated as “faith” or “belief.” For instance, in a document offered to Pope Gregory XIV (who was only pope for a short time: December 5, 1590−October 16, 1591), Ruggieri wrote the characters of the five cardinal virtues (仁，儀 [sic], 禮，知 [sic], 信), which he translates as amor seu caritas, gratitudo, humanitas, prudentia, veritas.⁴ Xin is here translated as “truth.”

1.2 Chinese Primary Sources with xin 信 in the Title

Another initial question one might ask about the sources is whether some books are specifically devoted to xin, for instance by having xin in the title (which is of course not the only proof). Almost none of the c.1050 Chinese works feature xin 信 in the title.⁵ In fact, only two printed works do so, and both are compiled by Chinese Christians. Michael Yang Tingyun’s (Migezi) 楊廷筠 (彌格子) (1562–1627; jinshi 1592) Daiyi pian 代疑篇 (Treatise on Replacing Doubt) (1621) was originally entitled Zhengxin pian 徵信篇 or Zhengxin lun 徵信論 (Treatise on Proving Belief).⁶ About 25 years later, Han Lin 韓霖 (1601–1644; juren 1621) and Matthew Zhang Geng (Madou) 張賡 (瑪竇) (c.1570– 1646/47; juren 1597) wrote Shengjiao xinzheng 聖教信證 (Proofs for Belief of the Holy Teaching) (different editions between 1647 and 1685). As will be shown below, these texts are important for the reception history of the notion of xin.

One can also refer to another printed work by a missionary: Diego de Pantoja S.J.’s 龐迪我 (1571–1618) Pangzi yiquan 龎子遺詮 (The Inherited Explanation by Master Pang) (between 1610 and 1617). It contains an explanation of the Creed and is therefore sometimes mentioned under the varied title Xing-bo-lu 性薄錄 (= Symbolum), and even Pangzi xinjing yiquan 龎子信經遺詮 (The Inherited Explanation of the Creed by Master Pang), although this title may have been added to a much later reprint.

The manuscripts dealing with xin include two texts by Joseph Henry-Marie de Prémare S.J. 馬若瑟 (1666–1736): Ru jiao xin 儒交信 (Scholars Exchange about Belief) (between 1700 and 1720) and Xinjing zhijie 信經直解 (Direct Explanation of the Creed) (1700–1720).⁷ There is also an anonymous manuscript Xinjing jieshi 信經解釋 (Explanation of the Creed) (probably early eighteenth century). The author discusses the Creed (Twelve Articles) with his friend Shen during his stay in Beijing.⁸ Since these manuscript texts date from a much later period than Late Ming−Early Qing (some partly deal with a Figurist interpretation), they will not be discussed here.

As the titles reveal, the number of works specifically devoted to xin is very limited, and in the case of the manuscripts their spread is as well quite restricted. Of course, this does not mean that faith was not the topic or contents of other works. A short history of the Creed in the early seventeenth century catechetical texts may illustrate what is understood by xin and the evolution of texts explicitly dealing with xin.

2.1 The Creed in Catechetical Texts

Before discussing the Creed’s presence in catechetical texts, it is useful to point at the difference between natural and supernatural theology, which was part of the background of the missionaries’ theological formation in Europe. Natural and supernatural theology differ from each other by the principles on which they are based. Natural theology may be defined as “the knowledge that humans can have of the existence and nature of God by means of reason,” whereas supernatural (or dogmatic) theology is founded on revelation and on principles accepted by faith. In line with the scholastic approach developed by Thomas Aquinas, with a strong emphasis on dialectical reasoning as a method of learning, natural theology also constituted an important part of the Jesuits’ theological formation. Natural theology’s principal object is divided into three groups of questions: 1) the existence of God, 2) the nature of God and knowledge of God’s attributes, and 3) divine providence (e.g., creation) and the solution of the problem of evil. When Europeans came into contact with peoples in the Americas and in Asia, the question of faith and human ability to arrive at a knowledge of God by natural reason no longer constituted an “academic” question, but became a real issue in presenting Catholic Christianity to people outside of Europe.⁹

The distinction between supernatural and natural theology influenced the division between two major genres of catechetical texts in which xin may appear more prominently: the Doctrina Christiana (based on revelation) and the Catechismus (based on natural theology; not to be confused with the modern “catechism”).¹⁰ Catechetical texts constitute a genre that has quite different forms and these also changed over time. For the sake of clarity, the two main forms will be exposed here (by using the Latin expression), though the distinction is not always strict (as will also appear from the Chinese examples). The Doctrina Christiana includes the most important prayers (the Lord’s Prayer, the Hail Mary, and the sign of the cross), the ten commandments, the Creed, a list of the seven sacraments, the fourteen works of mercy (material and spiritual), the eight beatitudes, the seven capital sins and the seven opposing virtues, and usually other short items, which vary from edition to edition, such as lists of the five senses of the body, the three faculties of the soul, the three theological virtues, and (since 1619) the four precepts of the Church. They deal with revealed truths and the most important mysteries of the faith (as expressed in the Creed) and were intended for literate catechumens, those who prepared themselves for baptism. It was a prescriptive and ritualistic text. The booklet was handed down to a catechumen at the altar during a ceremony, called shou jing 受經, “to receive the canonical texts” (i.e., prayers, creed, and commandments). It concluded a period of earlier instruction, which dealt with certain fundamental theological notions.

The second genre of catechetical works, called Catechismus in the seventeenth century, was primarily based on natural theology and discussed topics such as: 1) the eternal God created the universe, 2) the righteous God remunerates good and evil, 3) the human soul is destined to eternal happiness or unhappiness, 4) Christianity is the sole true religion, i.e., the true way of venerating God, and sometimes at the end, 5) God became incarnate in the person of Jesus and died for all humans. It was meant for people who were hardly acquainted with Christian teachings. It tried to explain these fundamental notions through argumentation and to convince people of their truth according to the principles of natural reason. Such a catechism was often apologetic in nature and was written in the form of a dialogue. It was much more substantive than prescriptive and much more intellectual and philosophical in approach. A Catechismus normally does not include the text of the Creed. One may notice that the content, style, and audience of the Catechismus and the Doctrina Christiana differ quite strongly from each other. In terms of translation, the Doctrina Christiana often attempts to literally translate essential texts of concepts (e.g., Our Father), whereas a Catechismus is usually not a direct translation but written in (apologetic) dialogue with the local culture. However, both works relate matters of belief, yet in different ways.

2.2 Creed in Chinese

A chronological overview of the wide variety of Chinese Christian works in which xin as Christian faith and belief appears, illustrates well how the missionaries presented the Creed in the early stages of their mission. Together with the Our Father, Hail Mary, and Decalogue, the Creed was among the first texts to be translated into Chinese. They were printed as early as 1584.¹¹ This original version of the Creed has not been preserved, but one can find a reflection of some of its formulation in one of the earliest texts on Christian doctrine: Michele Ruggieri’s 羅明堅 (Xinbian Xizhu guo) Tianzhu shilu (新編西竺國) 天主實錄 ((Newly Composed) Solid Record of the Master of Heaven (from the West)) (1584).¹² This work, written in dialogue (或問。。。答曰), falls under the category of a Catechismus, while still containing a more explicit chapter “Explaining the Divine Matters that Humans Should Sincerely Believe” (jieshi ren dang chengxin tianzhu shishi 觧釋人當誠信天主事實).¹³ The explanation included in this chapter consists of eleven articles (shiyi tiao 十一條), which cover some but not all the articles of the Apostles’ Creed or the Nicene Creed. The articles on God (1−4) and Jesus (口 + 熱所) (5−11) are more extended, while the articles on the Holy Spirit or the Church are not included. Moreover, the text is not composed as a series of articles to be memorized by heart, but is compiled as a dialogue in a question-answer form, which sometimes contains several further questions for one article. The term xin 信 is consistently used for the doctrinal matters one should believe.¹⁴

The next printed work that introduced Christian doctrine is Matteo Ricci’s 利瑪竇 Tianzhu shiyi 天主實義 (The Solid Meaning of the Master of Heaven) (1603). It is one of the most important works, since it became the foundation for the introduction of the basic Christian teachings, even far beyond the seventeenth century. Even more than Tianzhu shilu, it is a typical Catechismus, which uses the rational Thomistic argumentation of natural theology to approach Chinese literati, by proving the existence of God, the soul, reward and punishment in heaven and hell, and human nature, or by refuting reincarnation. Only the end of the book’s last chapter gives a short and not very specific mention of Jesus Christ. There is no mention or even a short summary of the text of the Creed.

Xin 信 is not the major topic in Tianzhu shiyi. Still, it is used for three categories of necessity of belief. First, there are a number of matters that the reader should believe (e.g., that the Master of Heaven is supreme and that there is genuinely none beside him (51)).¹⁵ Next, there are things that others believe but that the reader should not believe: e.g., Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017– 1073) believes the idea that the principle (li 理) is the source of things (86); scholars believe in the theory of “all things are one body” (wanwu yiti 萬物一體) (245, 255); Buddhists believe in reincarnation (261, 281), and in the Pure Land (262). Finally, there are matters that other people who do not believe should better believe (the ru 儒 do not believe that there is a heaven and hell in the world to come as the Buddhist do [129]). The book’s overarching aim, however, is “to prove that [the universal teaching of the Master of Heaven] is the true teaching” (zheng qi wei zhenjiao 徵其為真教). In order to do so, the Western scholar sets out the principles (li 理) upon which he bases himself (22). Though there are a number of things that some people have not seen and therefore tend not to believe (9), “the wise man will have no need to delay belief in something until he has seen it with his physical eyes” (智者不必以肉眼所見之事方信其有) (380). The Western scholar time and again tries to prove the solidity of his sayings (zheng qi shi 徵其實): “There are numerous reasons (li 理), which, when understood, will dispel all doubts (yi 疑)” (140). The Chinese scholar also asks for further proofs: “The things in heaven and earth are most numerous and most complex, and I believe (xin 信) that there is one who exercises supreme authority over them. But how can one prove (zheng 徵) that he is in fact the creator of all things?” (32) Further in the treatise, the Western scholar provides several solid reasons or principles (shi li 寔理) to prove (zheng 證) that the human soul is not extinguished with the death of the body (163).

Although scholars use reasoning and Christian argumentation or scripture in providing proofs, they are not the only references. Proofs, or the lack of proofs, can also be found in the Chinese texts. It is one important characteristic of the Tianzhu shiyi that Ricci considered that the knowledge that Chinese can have of the existence and nature of God by means of reason is to be found in Chinese classics, which he repeatedly quotes. This is not only true for the existence of God, but also other topics: “In ancient times, during the spring and autumn period, people believed that the human soul was not destroyed” (185); or “when one investigates these classical texts, one finds that the sages of ancient times already believed that after death there assuredly was a place of joy reserved for the good. But you definitely cannot discover any proof (zheng 徵) to hell in the canonical texts.” (392)

The discussion about heaven and hell is a nice illustration of the approach that combines proofs and belief. After understanding the reward in heaven and punishment in hell, the Chinese scholar still raises a question of former worthies, asking why one must believe in heaven and hell. In the eyes of the Western scholar, “anyone who does not believe in the principle of heaven and hell is definitely not a superior person” (fu xin tiantang diyu zhi li, jue fei junzi 弗信天堂地獄之理，決非君子). The Chinese scholar asks “Why?,” to which the Western scholar replies: “Let me ask you, Sir: Can a person who does not believe in the existence of the High Lord be accounted a superior person, yes or no?” (bu xin you shangdi, qi junzi ren yu? Fou yu? 不信有上帝，其君子人歟？否歟？). The Chinese scholar answers: “No. The Book of Odes states: ‘This King Wen, watchfully and reverently, with entire intelligence served the High Lord.’ How can anyone who refuses to believe in the existence of the High Lord be called a superior man?” (否。《詩》曰: 「維此文王，小心翼翼， 昭事上帝。」孰謂君子而弗信上帝者?) (402–406). Through rational argumentation supported by classical references, these conversations intend to show that it is reasonable to believe in core issues of the teaching of the Master of Heaven.

An explicit version of the Creed is not present in the first two texts that belong to the genre of Catechismus, Tianzhu shilu and Tianzhu shiyi. The Creed, however, is present in the Chinese versions of the Doctrina Christiana, a genre of text aimed at Christians, neophytes, and catechumens. In the oldest preserved Chinese Doctrina Christiana by Ricci and his companions,¹⁶ Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要 (Essentials of the Teaching of the Master of Heaven) (1605) or the slightly later versions¹⁷ sometimes entitled Shengjing yuelu 聖經約錄 (Summary Record of the Holy Text),¹⁸ the Creed is entitled Shier ya-bo-si-duo-luo xing-bo-lu 十二亞玻斯多羅性薄錄 (The Symbol of the Twelve Apostles (Symbolum Apostolorum)). The Creed is explained as follows:

Symbolum is in translation “composed in common.” When the Apostles were not yet dispersed, they in common composed and recorded twelve essential matters about the Master of Heaven, so that all followers of the holy teaching would know and sincerely believe them.

性薄錄。譯言共具也。葢宗徒未散時。共具紀錄天主事情十二 要端。俾凡從聖教者。知而誠信之。

Subsequent to this explanation, the twelve articles follow, each introduced by wo xin 我信, as a translation for the performative use of credo in. This Doctrina Christiana also contains three theological virtues (xiang tianzhu you sande 向天主有三德): faith, hope, and love, in which the first xin functions as a noun (virtue): “First, belief: to believe in the Master of Heaven” (yi xin, xin tianzhu 一信。信天主).¹⁹

One may notice in this text on the one hand the preferential use of transliterations, even for terms such as Apostles or Symbolum, and on the other hand that xin 信 seems settled as term for “believe” or “faith” in its different meanings.

One finds the same expression in various works from the 1610s that discuss the Creed. Alfonso Vagnone S.J.’s 王豐肅 (1568–1640) Jiaoyao jielüe 教要解略 (Explanatory Summary of the Essentials of the Teaching) (1615) is a direct explanation of Tianzhu jiaoyao (Shengjing yuelu) (to which he may have contributed) and contains the same vocabulary for the Creed: 十二亞玻斯多羅性薄錄解略.²⁰ The explanation of the Xing-bo-lu 性薄錄 (Symbolum) is exactly the same as in the above-mentioned work. It is followed by an explanation of xin 信:

Faith is the door to the holy teaching, the root of all goodness. Therefore, the holy scripture says that a person who wants to convert to the Master of Heaven necessarily has to start from faith. The facts and principles of the Master of Heaven surpass all principles; they are extremely profound and extremely subtle. Even if one is most intelligent and most clear-minded, what one knows is still limited, and one is not capable of thoroughly investigating its essence. Therefore, everyone who wants to enter the teaching cannot but take the correct transmission of the Master of Heaven as substantial evidence and honestly believe in it.

信者。聖教之門。眾善之根。故聖經言人欲歸依　天主者。必須從信入也。天主事理。超越眾理之上。極其玄深。極其微渺。人即至聰至明。而所知有限。不能窮究其精【。】故凡入教者不得不以天主之正傳為其實據而篤信焉。

And in the commentary at the beginning of the first article one finds the following explanation:

我信全能者。

I believe in [God] the [Father] almighty.

信者。絕無疑惑而決意傾慕之也。

To believe is to be without any doubt and to admire it with determination.

It must be noticed that the formulation of the terms included in these works changed little over the time and the wording was already settled relatively early.²¹ Yet it can also be observed that the title of the Creed is given in transliteration (the equivalent of Symbolum). The term Xinjing 信經 is not yet used as its title (at the beginning of the Creed), though the term appears in three notes elsewhere in the text when referring to the Creed.²² The use of jing in combination with xin can be compared to other titles such as Tianzhujing 天主經 (Our Father) or Shenghaojing 聖號經 (Sign of the Cross). It appears to be an effort to attribute to these texts a status in the Chinese textual tradition, underscoring not only the classical but also the sustainable and unchangeable character.

Another early work is Diego de Pantoja S.J.’s 龐迪我 (1571–1618) Pangzi yiquan 龎子遺詮 (Annotations Left Behind by Master Pang). It is in fact an explanation of the Creed. In this work, the author again refers to the Creed as the Apostles’ Symbolum, a transliteration which he also uses as subtitle to the treatise.²³

Symbolum is in translation “composed together.” When the apostles were about to disperse in all directions to spread the teaching, they first put the twelve most important issues concerning the Master of Heaven in scripture. Everyone who follows the teaching with a true heart should sincerely believe [in them]. Therefore, the one chapter of the Symbolum is divided into twelve sections, with each section corresponding to one Apostle.

性薄錄譯言共具也、亞玻斯多羅將散四方敷教、先以天主最要者十二端掇於經中、凡真心從教者所當誠信、故性薄錄一章、分十二節、每節應一亞玻斯多羅。²⁴

This is the first time an author mentions that the creed is put into scripture or text (jing 經). In addition, in his explanation of “I believe” (quan wo xin 詮我信), de Pantoja points out that belief is born from considering a matter true and solid (zhen shi 真實) without having seen it. This link between believing and not-seeing is one of the core explanations to be found in the missionaries’ texts. De Pantoja uses various illustrations to explain the different aspects of this link, including believing what sages wrote in the classics (without having seen these events of ancient times) or believing that one’s parents are indeed one’s parents (without remembering that one has seen it).²⁵ Quoting St. Augustin, he also compares belief to the foundation of a house (ji zhi 基址) for the theological virtues, which is completed with the sacraments as tools.²⁶

Still another work from the same time period is João da Rocha S.J.’s 羅儒望 (1565–1623) Tianzhu shengjiao qimeng 天主聖教啓蒙 (Instruction for Children about the Holy Teaching of the Master of Heaven) (1619), which he adapted from Marcos Jorge S.J.’s (1524–1571) Doutrina Christa ordenada a maneira de Dialogo para ensinar os meninos (1561, 1566). The latter was a very popular book, written in question-answer style, and aimed at children. This style is different from the previous dialogues, because here the teacher raises the question and the student gives the correct answer, a pedagogical method to facilitate memorization. It was translated in several languages, including Japanese. The text includes an explanation of the “Twelve Articles of the Creed” (entitled shengxin shi’er jie 聖信十二節)²⁷ and the “Fourteen Articles” (entitled xinde shisi tiao 信德十四條).²⁸ The latter refers to the fourteen articles of faith (according to Thomas Aquinas),²⁹ dividing them into seven articles concerning the divinity and seven articles concerning the humanity of Jesus Christ. In these expressions, the word xin refers to both the act of believing (fides qua creditur) and to what is believed (fides quae creditur).

In this work, the transliterations for Symbolum or “Apostle” are not used, although many other transliterations are. The translation is quite literal.³⁰

師 聖信十二節。是那一個做的。

學 是十二宗徒序列的。

師 他們序列聖信十二節。為甚麽。

學 要我們誠信的緊要事情。

師 聖信是甚麽。

學 是　天主賜與我們亞尼瑪的恩。即能佑人。使他堅心定意。實實信阨格勒西亞説的。真是　天主顯示的事情。

師 我們該信的。是甚麽事情。

學 凡是聖阨格勒西亞。教我們信的。和那聖信十二節的事情。都是第一等極該信的。所以眾基利斯當。該皢得誦念他。

M.: Which one made the twelve articles of the Holy Creed?

D.: The twelve apostles arranged them.

M.: Why did they arrange the twelve articles of the Holy Creed?

D.: As the essential matters that we should sincerely believe.

M.: What is the Holy Creed?

D.: It is a favor that God put in our soul (anima 亞尼瑪), it is to enable that humans would with a firm heart and determinate intension solidly believe what the Church (ecclesia 阨格勒西亞) tells [us] to be the matters truly revealed by God.

M.: And what are the matters we should believe?

D.: In general, what the Holy Church (ecclesia) proposes to us to believe, and the matters of the twelve articles of this Holy Creed are all the primary [things] we should believe. Therefore, all Christians (ji-li-si dang 基利斯當) should understand and recite them.

M.: Quem fez o Credo?

D.: Os Apostolos

M.: Pera que?

D.: Pera nos informar na Fè

M.: Que cousa he Fè ?

D.: He hum dô[m] de Deos na alma. Cô[mo] o qual cremos firme, & catholicamente tudo o que Deos nos tê[m] revelado, segundo a santa Madre Igreja nos lo insina.

M.: E que he o que somos obrigados a crer ?

D.: Tudo o que a Igreja Catholica nos propõe pera crer de Fè, especialmente os Artigos da Fè que se contem no Credo, o qual todo Chistão he obrigado a saber.³¹

This explanation clearly states the ecclesiastical dimension of what Christians need to believe.

It is unclear when the name for Creed as Xinjing 信經 was settled. Occasionally, Christians refer to it with that term (see below under Yang Tingyun). One finds the term as a title in various later versions of Tianzhu jiaoyao 天主教要, possibly associated with Francisco Furtado S.J. 傅汎際 (1589–1653) and dating from the 1640s.³²

The Creed is called in the original language “Symbolum”; in translation this is “composed together.” When Jesus was on earth, he chose twelve apostles, and sent them in all directions to spread the teaching. Before the apostles dispersed, they in common recorded the twelve most important matters concerning the Master of Heaven, so that all the followers of the holy teaching would know and sincerely believe in them.

信經原文曰性薄羅。譯言共具也。盖耶穌在世。擇十二宗徒。使之走四方布教。宗徒未散時。公同具錄天主事情十二要端。俾凡從聖教者。知而誠信之。

Another contemporary example of its use is Tianzhu shengjiao rumen wenda 天主聖教入門問答 (Questions and Answers for Entering the Holy Teaching of the Master of Heaven) (1642) by Juan García O.P. 施若翰 (c.1605–1665), a Doctrina Christiana in question-answer style.³³

The term seems to have become fully accepted in the Early Qing period. An example is Ferdinand Verbiest S.J.’s 南懷仁 (1623–1688) Jiaoyao xulun 教要序論 (Introductory Discussion of the Essentials of the Teaching) (1670):³⁴

Creed

(…) Therefore what the Master of Heaven says is all true and solid, without error and without cheating. We all should completely believe it, and belief will have merit, no belief sin.

信經

(…) 葢天主所言皆真實。無差訛。無欺誑。吾人皆宜切信，信有功， 不信有罪。

This overview of the ways in which the concepts of Christian belief and faith were presented by missionaries to the Chinese shows that not only the vocabulary was settled early, but also that these notions were presented in a relatively consistent way. Missionaries, in interaction with Chinese scholars, early on opted for the word xin. This choice facilitated the process of reception but also made it more complex. Their common choices laid the foundation for Chinese terms and concepts that are still used by the Chinese Christian communities today.

3.1 Multilayered Meaning of What Is Not Believed

One may begin the reception history with the Daiyi pian 代疑篇 (Treatise on Replacing Doubt) by Yang Tingyun 楊廷筠 (Michael (Migezi 彌格子)) (1562–1627; jinshi 1592). It was published in 1621 after the effects of the Nanjing incident (1616–1617) faded. This incident had caused the exile of several missionaries and the gathering of others in Yang Tingyun’s house in Hangzhou. In the years after the incident, missionaries kept a low profile and no new books were printed. With Daiyi pian, Yang Tingyun took the lead in restarting publications. As mentioned earlier, the work’s original title was Zhengxin pian 徵信篇 or Zhengxin lun 徵信論 (Treatise on Proving Belief). The antonyms “doubt” (in “replacing doubt”) and “belief” (in “proving belief”) represent the work’s content well. The whole book is constructed as a dialogue. In the introductory general discussion (Daiyi pian zonglun 代疑篇總論), Yang Tingyun explains how an important Confucian literatus (da ru 大儒) approached the retired scholar Michael (Mi-ge jushi 彌格居士), which is the Christian name of Yang himself, with a number of doubts about ideas brought by the Western scholars or literati (xishi 西士 or xiru 西儒). In 24 points, this literatus expresses that he does not yet believe. In the general discussion, Yang Tingyun lists these points (concluding every time with “… is what I do not yet believe,” weixin ye 未信也). These 24 topics are next discussed in the 24 chapters of Daiyi pian, each chapter starting with (“Answering the item of …,” Da … tiao 答。。。條).

The topics that the literatus does not yet believe and to which Yang provides answers give a good impression of xin’s wide variety of meanings, in the sense of what is (not) believed:³⁵

1. 造化萬物一歸主者之作用

The creation of all things completely goes back to the effort of a Master.

2. 生死賞罰，惟係一主，百神不得叅其權

Life and death, rewards and punishment, solely belong to one Master, and the hundred deities do not get to share his power.

3. 有天堂，有地獄，更無人畜鬼趣輪迴

There is a heaven and a hell, and there is no reincarnation as human, animal, or ghost.

4. 物性不同人性，人性不同天主性

The nature of things is different from human nature, and human nature is different from the nature of the Master of Heaven.

5. 戒殺放生，釋氏上善，西教不斷腥味，何云持齋

To forbid killing and to release living animals is the highest good for the Buddhists; but if the Western teaching does not cut off the taste of meat and fish, how can they say that they observe fasting.

6. 佛由西來，歐邏巴旣在極西，必所親歷，獨昌言無佛

Buddhism came from the west and Europe is in the far west, [so the missionaries] must have personally passed through it; how do they proclaim that there was no Buddha.

7. 旣説人性以上，所言報應反渉粗迹

When talking about what is above human nature, what has been said about retribution is coarse and superficial.

8. 西國義理書籍，有萬部之多，若非重復，恐多偽造

There are more than ten thousand books about Western righteousness and principles, but if they are not repetitious then I am afraid many are forged.

9. 地四靣皆人 [ 所] 居，天有多層，重重皆可測量

The earth is in all directions inhabited by humans, and heaven consists of many layers, which all can be surveyed and measured one by one.

10. 九萬里程途，渉海三年始到

[The Western scholars] only arrived after a travel of ninety thousand li, which lasted three years.

11. 從來衣食資給本邦，不受此中供養

So far, their clothing and food have been provided by their home country and they do not receive the supplies from here.

12. 人倫有五，止守朋友一倫，盡廢其四

There are five human relationships, so if one only observes the relationship among friends, one entirely rejects the other four.

13. 禮惟天子祭天，今日日行彌撒禮，非僭即瀆

Concerning rituals, only the Son of Heaven offers to Heaven; now [these Western scholars] daily perform the ritual of mass: if this is not [considered] overstepping one’s authority, then it is a show of disrespect.

14. 謂窘難益德，遠於人情

Saying that hardships and difficulties can increase virtue is remote from human feelings.

15. 疑西教者籍籍，果盡無稽，可置勿問³⁶

Since the matters of the Western learning to be doubted are so numerous, it can be [considered] totally unfounded and can be put aside without [further] questioning.

16. 天主有形有聲

The Master of Heaven has a form and a voice.

17. 天主有三位一體，降生係第二位費略

The Master of Heaven has three persons in one body and the one who descended and was born is the second Filius.

18. 降孕為人，生於瑪利亞之童身

He descended and was born from the virgin body of Mary.

19. 被釘而死，因以十字架為敎

Since he died after being nailed, they take the cross as teaching.

20. 耶穌疑至人神人，未必是天

Concerning Jesus, one doubts that he is a perfect person or a divine person; he is not necessarily the [Master of] Heaven.

21. 耶穌為公教，聖神相通功

Jesus made the universal teaching and the mutual communication of merit among saints and divine persons.

22. 遵其教者罪過得消除

The sins of those who obey their teaching can be dispelled.

23. 命終時解罪，獲大利益

The absolution of sins at the moment of death brings great benefit.

24. 十字架威力甚大，萬魔當之，立見消隕

The power of the cross is very great, so that ten thousand demons who oppose it will be immediately destroyed.

At the end of his list, the Confucian literatus states that he does not want to be too narrow-minded or conservative, but what literati value is the fathoming of principles (qiongli 窮理) and a believing (or trustful) mind-and-heart (xinxin 信心). Therefore, if the words become reasonable (cheng li 成理) and not absurd or with strained interpretation, they will be believed and borne out by evidence (xin er you zheng 信而有徵).³⁷

Yang Tingyun himself does not explicitly discuss the notion of xin in this work, but the whole selection of topics already shows the term’s multilayered meaning in relation to what is or is not believed (fides quae creditur). One can divide the topics into at least three categories, which partially correspond to what was earlier mentioned about the different types of catechisms and the corresponding theologies. The first series includes topics such as the creation of the world by one God, life and death, rewards and punishment, heaven and hell, human nature, reincarnation, and fasting (nos. 1−7). These correspond to the topics (of natural theology) that were discussed in a Catechismus such as Tianzhu shiyi and that can be accepted through rational reasoning. Next are topics related to the missionaries: their travels, lifestyle, finances, and chastity (nos. 8−15).³⁸ Noteworthy herein is the topic of the Eucharist, which could be a threat to the imperial authority (no. 13). Also noteworthy is the topic of their books: an entire library of new books had just arrived in Macao in 1619 (no. 8). This second series of topics is more related to specific events, practices, or habits, and not directly to belief systems. Finally, there is a whole series of topics (nos. 16−24, which are all discussed in the xia juan 下卷) that can be related to the Christian faith in the strict sense of the word (revealed theology) and that correspond to the Creed as included in a Doctrina Christiana such as Tianzhu jiaoyao. In his “General Discussion,” Yang Tingyun makes explicit reference to the Creed’s twelve articles (Xijing shier xin 西經十二信),³⁹ and again explicitly quotes the Creed in the main text: Xingbolu zhi shier xin 性薄錄之十二信 (in the chapter on human nature)⁴⁰ and as Xinjing 信經 (in the chapter on the Trinity), which is so far the first reference to this term found.⁴¹ The expression shier xin 十二信 is noteworthy because xin here functions as a countable noun (and not as a mass noun), while still referring to what should be believed. The division between topics of belief belonging to what is called natural theology and what is called revealed theology, by arranging the latter in xia juan, is not an arbitrary choice. At the beginning of this xia juan, Yang Tingyun adopts the distinction between xingjiao 性教 (“natural teaching”) and enjiao 恩教 (“teaching by grace”).⁴² Xingjiao corresponds to the period of the three dynasties and is explained by the concept of liangzhi 良知, the innate capacity to know as mentioned in Mencius and developed by Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472–1529) and others; enjiao corresponds to God’s personal revelation in becoming man in Jesus Christ.

3.2 Belief Explained in the Light of Classical Texts

If Yang Tingyun hardly discussed the notion of xin, other scholars did so more extensively. One way of receiving the concept was to explain it on the basis of Chinese classical texts. The advantage of Yang Tingyun’s Daiyi pian is its accompaniment by prefaces by two important Christian scholars, Philippe Wang Zheng 王徵 (1571–1644; jinshi 1622) and Leo Li Zhizao 李之藻 (Liang’an zi 涼庵子) (1571–1630; jinshi 1598), discussing xin. Wang Zheng and possibly Li Zhizao as well, wrote their prefaces when the work still carried the provisional title of Zhengxin pian 徵信篇 or Zhengxin lun 徵信論 (Treatise on Proving Belief). Wang Zheng begins his preface⁴³ with a quotation of the Lunyu in which xin takes an essential place:

孔子曰: 「人而無信，不知其可也。」

The Master said: “To be a human without xin, I do not know how one can get on.”⁴⁴

Xin’s meaning in this sentence is variously interpreted in translation as being trustworthy or truthfulness, while Wang Zheng uses it as introduction to the topic of belief. He explains the quotation as follows:

Every time [Confucius] says “I do not know,” these are always words of deeply rejecting it, it is not just that one would not be able to do it. This is because when the principles of matters appear before you, one can reach them through belief, and only then is there approval in one’s mind-and-heart, and when one follows the approval in the mind-and-heart, only then is one able to attend to it in person. [For instance] when one believes that one can eat one’s fill with beans and grain, one will surely eat them; when one believes that one can warm oneself with cloth and silk, one will surely wear them as clothes; when one believes that water and fire are difficult to cross, and that the poisonous violet and kudzu flowers may harm one’s life, one will surely avoid them. The accomplishment of no matter has ever not started from following belief.

凡言不知，皆深絕之之辭，非止不可行而已。蓋事理見前， 由信得及，然後有心肯，由心肯從，然後能身赴。信菽粟可飽，自必食；信布帛可溫，自必衣；信水火難蹈，堇葛傷生，自必避。萬事成立， 未有不從信始。

With the sequence belief (xin 信), mind-and-heart (xin 心), and body (shen 身), this explanation links belief to practice, as is clearly illustrated by examples such as eating and clothing. Wang Zheng next applies these principles to Western Learning, explicitly quoting the three theological virtues and the Creed from the Tianzhu jiaoyao:

Therefore, among the three virtues oriented towards the Master of Heaven in Western Learning, belief is the first. The twelve apostles each expressed what they believed and made the Symbolum, and sincerely valued it.

故西學向天主三德，信為之首。十二宗徒各表所信，為性薄錄，誠重之矣。

By using the metaphors of root and foundation, which also appear in the earlier mentioned texts of presentation, and by adopting a reference to another classical text, the Liji 禮記, Wang Zheng develops the theme of the importance of xin. This, Wang argues, is also why Michael Yang Tingyun wrote his treatise.

For a tree to flourish, it relies for its life on its roots; and for a room to become lofty and bright, one has to start construction with its foundation. When the root is pulled away or the foundation is destroyed, even if there is a gardener or carpenter, they will not be successful. Therefore, it is said [in the Book of Rites]: “Although teachers do not belong to the five degrees of mourning, if the five degrees cannot get [a teacher], they cannot be upheld.”⁴⁵ Belief does not belong to the five constant relations,⁴⁶ but if they cannot get [belief], they cannot be realized. Regarding the case of a scholar aspiring to be a saint and to be [with] heaven,⁴⁷ in order to settle down and establish his life, it has never been that he did not start from following belief. This is why Western literati candidly lead the way and first opened the gate of belief and Master Michael inherited their ideas and composed a Treatise Proving Belief in 24 chapters; there is taste in these words.

木之發榮，托命在根；室之嵬煥，造端在基。根拔而基壞，雖有場師、大匠不能成功。故曰: 師無當於五服，五服不得，則不親；信無當於五常，五常不得，則不舉。學者欲希聖希天為安身立命之事，未有不從信入。此西儒惓惓接引，首闢信門，而彌格子承其意，作《徵信論》二十有四篇；有味乎言之矣。

Wang Zheng next praises Yang for his work, stating that “literati are good at doubting and Michael good at arguing” (ruzhe shan yi, Mige shan bian 儒者善疑，彌格善辨), and that his work has wiped out many of the questions that ordinary people felt unresolved. He continues by referring to the topic of believing without having seen, that was earlier mentioned in the Tianzhu shiyi. While this topic is explicitly attributed to the Western scholars, Wang Zheng gives other examples from the Chinese classics:

However, the Western scholars have a saying that for the believer it is the heart-and-mind that is truly passionate, it does not need to see in order to see and does not need to hear in order to hear; if one waits for seeing and hearing and only then believes, then the belief is still very shallow. If one believes that in eastern Lu there is Confucius, but [still] without having seen the saint, one denies that he can be a saint, then when one has seen Confucius, belief still will be useless. If one believes that in Chang‘an there is the Son of Heaven, why should one necessarily in person go to the court. When one has met the most revered and respected, one does not need not to talk about belief. This is the explanation of the word xin by western countries.

抑西士又言，信者心之真嗜，非必見見，非必聞聞，待見待聞而後 信，其信猶淺淺者。信東魯有尼父，未見聖如弗克聖；既見尼 父，信亦無所用矣。信長安有天子，豈必身至闕廷？既與至尊接，信又不必言矣。此西國「信」字之詮解。

In this paragraph, Wang Zheng applies believing without seeing to something that one can possibly see, while the concept can also be applied to something that one cannot or no longer see (such as creation, or the life of Jesus). To conclude, Wang Zheng elaborates the topic of “dead” and “living” belief by referring again explicitly and implicitly to Lunyu:

And they also state that there is dead belief and living belief. For those with living belief, conduct and explanation happen uniformly and understanding and enjoyment happen at the same time. Confucius said: “With belief he completes it.”⁴⁸ The principle of well-done from the beginning till end, Qidiao’s answer, and the smiling at Wucheng⁴⁹ sufficiently match this. Dead belief on the contrary is just a floating longing, its intention is not ardent, its energy not focused, its investigation surely will be withered herein. Regarding the aspiration “to become a saint and heaven,” how can it then be attained? I dare and wrote down what I heard, in order to complement what was not complete by Master Michael; I do not know whether it matches or not. That is the preface.

而又云: 有死信，有活信。活信者行解齊到，知與樂好一時都有。 孔云: 「信以成之」。成始成終之理，漆雕之吾斯，武城之莞爾，足以當之。 死信則浮慕而已，衷不熱，力不注，究必中槁焉。於以希聖希天， 奚繇至哉？敢並述所聞，以足彌格子之未備，不知有當否。是為序。

The quotation from the Lunyu to explain “living belief” again links belief to practice and also to emotions. This paragraph confirms how Wang Zheng, in explaining the concept of xin, combines explanations that are often associated with a Christian or Confucian tradition, and refers to the textual tradition of both traditions. One may assume that xin in the quotations from Lunyu foremost has the anthropological meaning of trustworthiness, to which Wang Zheng gives the new interpretation of belief. Yet this belief is always related to concrete practice.

3.3 The Relationship between Belief and Doubt

There were other ways of receiving and discussing the notion of xin. While Wang Zheng focuses his preface on belief, Li Zhizao focuses his⁵⁰ on its antonym doubt, or better on the relationship between belief xin 信 and doubt yi 疑, a theme that was present in the two variant titles of Yang Tingyun’s work. Li Zhizao also begins his preface with a quotation referring to a classical text, the Zhongyong 中庸:

聖人之道，無疑鬼神，斯不惑後聖。

In the way of the sages, one has no doubts even before the spirits, and one has no misgivings even if later sages arise.⁵¹

This sentence is part of a much larger paragraph, which starts with a statement of Confucius about the rituals of Xia, Yin, and Zhou. This text’s author argues that the sovereigns who keep them in mind will have few errors under their government. Yet he continues as follows: “However excellent may have been the regulations of those of former times, they cannot be attested. Not being attested, they cannot be believed, and not being believed, the people would not follow them” (上焉者雖善無徵，無徵不信，不信民弗從).⁵² This sentence explains why Li Zhizao may have chosen the quote, since the passage refers to zheng 徵 and xin 信, which were part of the original title of Yang Tingyun’s work. The Zhongyong passage continues explaining that the sovereign’s way is rooted in himself, with attestation by the people, examination of his conduct by mirroring it with the ancient sovereigns, and confrontation with heaven and earth.

He presents himself with [his institutions and regulations] before spiritual beings, and no doubts about them arise. He is prepared to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages after, and has no misgivings. His presenting himself [with his institutions] before spiritual beings, without any doubts arising about them, shows that he knows Heaven. His being prepared, without any misgivings, to wait for the rise of a sage a hundred ages after, shows that he knows men.

質諸鬼神而無疑，百世以俟聖人而不惑。質諸鬼神而無疑，知天也；百世以俟聖人而不惑，知人也。⁵³

This background shows that Li Zhizao’s quotation needs to be understood in the connotation that his quotation had for scholars who knew these texts by heart.

Li Zhizao explains the quote by stressing the importance of a believing mind-and-heart and by putting doubt into perspective. For the latter he does so by also quoting Shiji 史記:

If a believing mind-and-heart is not reached, then “doubt about matters will not lead to fame and doubt about action will not lead to success.”⁵⁴ I have not yet heard about sharing with him the way and enter.

若信心不及，則「疑事無名，疑行無功。」未聞與道有入。

Yet Li Zhizao does not attribute any strong negative connotation to doubt in itself, and Michael Yang Tingyun is an example of someone who practices doubt:

Yet Master Michael is hurriedly hoping that people doubt and is worried that people do not doubt, and he replaces the doubt that he expresses for them. What is the basis for what he says? Henceforth, when the way is within reach to people, it is still not in its utmost reaches.⁵⁵ It is not that the sage is at peace in not knowing and not being able, and that he leaves aside what can be known and can be realized. It is only that he daily works hard in order to seek knowledge until he reaches the end of knowledge; therefore, he does not dare to relax one breath.

而彌格子急急望人疑，又恐人不疑，而代為之疑。遵何說哉？盖道之近人者，非其至也。非聖人安於不知不能，而遺其可知可能。惟日孳孳以求知，至知終；故一息不敢少懈也。

In Li Zhizao’s eyes, Yang Tingyun’s doubt is part of a process that is aimed at knowledge. Further in his preface, Li Zhizao maintains the positive role of doubting, but considers belief as the end:

Therefore to hope that people search to doubt and search to debate it, and in common doubt and in common debate, how would one not be in a hurry about it! It starts with having doubt and ends with settling belief. Once there is this one belief, one does not doubt again.

以此望人求疑求辨，共疑共辨，安得不急急哉！始乎有疑，終乎定信。自是一信之後，不復再疑。

This preface adds a new dimension to the concept of xin: Li Zhizao views it not just as an opposition between doubt and firm belief, but rather as a process or method of which doubt is an essential part.

These prefaces refer to the relationship between belief and doubt/non- belief, a relationship that appears not only in the structure of Yang Tingyun’s work, i.e., a dialogue between someone who expresses his non-belief (or not-yet-belief) and a master who expresses his belief, but also in the alternative titles, between “proving belief” and “replacing doubt.” One may point out that the relationship between both terms belongs to an issue about xin in the Neo-Confucian anthropology. Xin belongs to the five cardinal virtues (wu chang 五常: ren 仁, yi 義, li 禮, zhi 智, xin 信) but not to the four sprouts (si duan 四端: ren 仁, yi 義, li 禮, zhi 智, with each a corresponding “passion”: compassion, shame, deference, and discerning right and wrong). In a discussion between Cheng Yi 程颐 (1033–1107) and Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200), the question is raised why xin is not included in the four sprouts and why it does not have a corresponding passion. As Angus Graham explains, Cheng Yi argues that there is no passion corresponding to xin because as long as we have a principle inside us there is no belief in it; it is only when we doubt one alternative that we come to believe in the other. In the same way, in the opinion of Cheng Yi, as long as I take it for granted that I am facing East there is no consciousness of believing that “that is East”; it is only when doubt arises that I come to disbelieve it and to believe that “that is West”: “It is only because there is disbelief that there is the word ‘belief’” (wei you bu xin, gu you ‘xin’ zi 為有 不信，故有「信」字).⁵⁶ This background explains the value scholars such as Li Zhizao, Wang Zheng, or Yang Tingyun give to doubt or disbelief.

3.4 Belief as a Foundation

Another way in which Chinese Christian scholars explain xin is the use of metaphors. As mentioned earlier, xin is one of the key issues in Daiyi pian, but the meaning or use of xin itself is not a topic in that work. In Yang Tingyun’s Daiyi xubian 代疑續篇 (Sequel to the Treatise on Replacing Doubt) (1635), however, one chapter is more explicitly related to xin. The chapter is entitled Ding ji 定基 (Establishing a Foundation).⁵⁷ In it, the author develops for xin the metaphor of a house foundation (alongside the metaphor of plant roots), similarly to Wang Zheng’s preface but more extensively. His major point is that “the foundation of the heavenly studies needs to be sought in belief” (tianxue zhi ji, qiu duan yu xin 天學之基，求端於信). Just as in Wang Zheng’s preface, Yang refers to the Lunyu quotation (“To be a human without xin, I do not know how one can get on”), the theological virtues, which put xin as the foundation, and the twelve articles in the Apostles’ Creed to illustrate this.

This being the case, why is belief so important? Because the way of humans is close by and easy to see, is apparent and obvious, therefore one need not to worry about not believing. Only in their relationship to the way of the Master of Heaven are humans spontaneously unable to believe; it is not easy to believe but one cannot but believe. Therefore the teaching of the western teachers earnestly puts belief first.

若是乎信之為重者何？蓋人道近而易見，顯而著明，不患不信。惟人於天主之道，自不能信，不易信，而又不可不信也。故西師之教，諄諄以信為先。

Thus, Yang here primarily interprets xin not as an anthropological attitude of trust between humans, but as the belief of humans in heavenly matters. In the following paragraphs, he answers three questions: why humans are unable to believe, why it is not easy to believe, and why one cannot but believe. In his answer to the first question, Yang Tingyun explains that topics such as the great Lord becoming human, suffering, and then returning to heaven were never transmitted before and therefore cannot be adopted all of a sudden. For the third topic, he insists that one cannot but believe in order to realize the way, even combining it with another reference to Confucius, namely his statement that “When I hear the way in the morning, in the evening I would be able to die” (孔子曰: 「朝聞道，夕死可矣」). Especially noteworthy is that in his answer to the second question, Yang Tingyun introduces the notion of grace (e-la-ji-ya 額辣濟亞):

But how can human effort realize this [solid belief]; therefore the High Lord necessarily adds his favor and help, this is what the classics call “grace.” With each fraction of illumination, one progresses a fraction of insight; first it is because of love for belief that one obtains grace, and subsequently it is through grace that one’s belief increases. Every time that I do obtain grace or I do not obtain it, I check it by having love for belief or not have love for belief. Therefore, the completeness of the love for belief of us humans entirely depends on the High Lord providing it. It is not something that we can achieve through our human limited effort; therefore, one says that it is not easy to believe.

然人力何能，必上主加之寵佑，經所稱「額辣濟亞」者。得一分光照即進一分明悟，始因信愛而獲寵，繼因寵而增信。凡我之獲寵與不獲寵，驗於我之信愛與不信愛而已。蓋吾人信愛之全，悉繇上主畀之，非吾人之微力所能致也，故曰不易信也。

With this explanation, Yang shows how belief is not simply acquired interiorly by one’s own effort, but also imparted exteriorly by divine grace. The fact that grace is also mentioned in transliteration shows how this idea is strongly inspired by the Christian tradition. In the final paragraphs of this chapter, Yang Tingyun returns to the theme that “belief is only a matter of making a foundation; by following one’s belief, the quintessence progresses in its efforts, and multiplies the layers” (然信僅作基之事，循其信而精進其功，複多階級). He explains that in order to enter the teaching, belief is also the foundation:

By using this good merit, one accomplishes this virtue of belief; again by relying on the power of this belief, one accomplishes this good amount, and then belief will not be an empty belief but the foundation will never be destroyed, and reaching higher levels will by itself be a necessity.

用此善功，滿此信德，複藉此信力，完此善量，則信不為空虛之信，而基永無壞，上達自可必矣！

Yang Tingyun also explains the progressive development of belief, which develops accompanied by rituals, i.e., the sacraments:

For those entering the Teaching of Heaven, if one does not yet believe, one seeks belief, and if one already believes, one seeks deeper belief. One can only get baptized once the foundation is established, and subsequently one will be delivered from sin; in the next step one receives the holy communion, deeper step by step, more refined step by step, one cannot but be fully single-heartedly devoted.

入天學者，未信求信，已信求深信。築基已就，則始而領洗，繼而解罪，進而領聖體，一節深一節，一步細一步，不可不專心致志。

In the concluding sentences, Yang asks the question of the Yijing 易經: “What about xin?” (《易》鼎象所詰，「信如何也。」).⁵⁸ He answers:

Once the virtue of xin is lost, all the virtues are gone. When the foundation of a construction is not stable, the walls will collapse. When a house is inclining, who will really use it? It is already collapsing and it will be too late for regret.

信德一失，諸德俱喪。築基不堅，而牆垣頹倒。棟宇欹傾，誰實使之？及已顛壓，悔無及矣。

3.5 Belief as a Root

As already apparent from previous quotations, scholars also used the root of a plant or a tree as a metaphor for belief. This metaphor is developed in one of the conversations between Giulio Aleni 艾儒略 (1582–1649) and the Christians of Quanzhou in 1637, as recorded in Li Jiubiao’s 李九標 (?–1646?) Kouduo richao 口鐸日抄 (Diary of Oral Admonitions) (1630–1640), a work published a few years later than Daiyi xubian. This work is an extensive record of missionaries’ conversations with converts and interested literati in Fujian selected from the ten-year period of March 13, 1630, to July 4, 1640. Discussing a wide variety of topics, this account gives a unique insight into Christianity as a living religion in early seventeenth-century China. Xin is the topic of a conversation that took place in Quanzhou 泉州, on Thursday, February 21, 1637.⁵⁹

On the twenty-seventh [of the first month] all the friends had gathered. The master told them: “I have long been without instruction. [No doubt] you have made good progress in the work of self-cultivation, but you must not allow yourselves to become arrogant. Compare it with a tree: Once planted it will grow steadily from day to day, without requiring constant attention. But why are some trees unable to grow? Surely because their roots are shallow. If you want to know how deeply a tree is rooted, just look whether its foliage is withering or rich, for what it is within is bound to be manifested without, and by looking at the outside you can check what is inside. My dear Sirs, for years you have accepted the teaching, and you are aware of your own progress. In order to gauge the intensity of your motivation, you just have to discover how deeply your belief is rooted.”

廿有七日，諸友畢會。先生謂衆曰: 「違教多時。諸子薰脩精進，毋容贅矣。譬之木焉、栽植不嘗見，亦日加長矣。然有不能加長者曷？必根淺也。夫欲知其根之淺深，視其葉之衰茂。蓋誠中形外，繇外可以證內者，必然之理也。吾子奉教有年，工夫自知循進。然于用功疎切，亦足覘信根之若何耳。」

The metaphor underscores how the outer manifestation is deeply rooted inside. The conversation continues on the theme of belief:

[Yan] Erxuan (= Yan Weisheng 顏維聖) said: “You speak of ‘having accepted the teaching,’ so we are not without belief; and you speak of ‘many years,’ so our belief is not superficial.”

The master said: “But there are different kinds of belief. What people nowadays call ‘belief’ is not real belief, it only deserves to be called ‘not doubting.’ If I tell them that the doctrine is like this, they will not doubt, and if I tell them that it is like that, they will not doubt either. But real belief is something quite different. Why? Suppose a man is travelling at night, and someone warns him, saying: ‘At your left there is a high mountain and at your right there is a deep ravine; if you fall into it you are lost.’ That man will be mortally afraid, and he will not dare to doubt. But once the morning has dawned he sees everything clearly with his own eyes, and then he will have great belief. It is the same with our belief in the Lord. At first we do not [dare to] doubt, but in the end we have great belief. However, without the Lord’s grace it is not easy for us to be enlightened by the virtue of belief.”

爾宣曰: 「既云奉教，匪有不信。又云有年，信匪不切矣。」

先生曰: 「信亦有不同。蓋今人所謂信，非可言信也、僅可謂不疑耳。語之教旨如此而不疑，語之教旨如彼而不疑。至論眞信、 則有異焉。何也？人有夜行者或告之曰: 左係高山，右係深陵， 一墮不可復救。其人懼甚，不敢疑也。迨東方已燦，豁然目睹，則大信矣。吾人之信　主也亦然，始之不疑，終之大信。及具信德之光，非深獲主恩，正未易易也。」

This text is interesting because it does not oppose “doubt” to “belief,” but distinguishes “not doubting” from “true belief” or “great belief.” The latter is a virtue, which is not only the result of one’s own effort but also of the Lord’s grace.

So far, we have seen different ways of convincing the other of belief: rational methods, instructive ways (as in catechetical texts), and the use of metaphors. Narrative methods, with the reference to Biblical passages, are rather exceptional, though not entirely absent. One finds an example right at the beginning of Kouduo richao, in an encounter between Aleni and Li Jiubiao:⁶⁰

After a while I [= Liu Jiubiao] told him [= Aleni] how I contracted a disease last year and how I had prayed to the Great Lord for protection; at first I [appeared to] receive it, but finally I did not. The master said: “Anciently when Jesus was explaining the Way in the mountains, the apostles returned earlier, sailing the sea. Suddenly a typhoon started raging, and their ship was about to sink. Then Jesus, walking on the sea, came to their rescue. Peter, one of the apostles, saw him from afar. He said: ‘My Lord, I am going to accompany you!’ Jesus said: ‘Come!’ Peter jumped into the water, and his feet did not sink into it. But as after some time he became aware of the boiling and billowing waves, he suddenly started doubting, and at once he sank. But Jesus grasped his hand and raised him, saying: ‘How shallow is your belief!’ By this he meant to say that if you have great belief you will not sink, but even the slightest doubt will make you drown. What you, dear Sir, have experienced could well have been of the same kind!”

有頃，余述客歲致病之繇，與籲祈 大主，始蒙祐而終不然之故。先生曰: 「昔 耶穌講道山中，宗徒航海先歸。忽颶風大作，船將沉， 耶穌涉海往救之。宗徒伯鐸祿者，望見曰: 吾 主乎, 吾將往從焉！ 耶穌曰: 來！伯鐸祿遂躍入水中，其足不沉。徐見波濤噴湧，心忽生疑，遂溺。 耶穌挈其手拯之。曰: 子何信之淺哉？是之謂大 信不沉、少疑即溺。吾子得無類是乎？」

In this story, the insistence on “great belief” without the slightest doubt relates to the confidence one has in a person and in the Great Lord’s protection. In some exceptional cases, this also relates to doctrine. This appears in a work by Li Jiubiao’s brother, Li Jiugong’s 李九功 (?–1681) Shen si lu 慎思錄 (A Record of Meditations) (1682). Zürcher points out that one of the most striking features of Li Jiugong’s Christian worldview was the emphasis he laid on belief (xin), the unquestioning acceptance of the divine message. In this, he markedly differs from most other Christian literati writers. Some of his statements are quite radical, such as:

The utmost principle of the Teaching of Heaven relies only on the direct transmission by the creator. We naturally should put belief first and understanding (ming) last; we must not do the reverse, for belief is the guide of understanding, and understanding is the reward of belief. Putting belief first is like opening a dark room and letting the light of heaven come in. If one puts understanding first, there will only be the light of a glow-worm in the room; with the door firmly closed the whole day, through which way could the light of heaven enter? This is the difference between humility and arrogance, and between being aware and being lost. How could one not warn against it?

天教至理。惟恃造物主真傳。自宜先信後明。不必先明後信也。盖信為明之引。而明為信之報。先信者。譬如暗室漸啟。天光從而入焉。若必先明。則如室中僅存螢火。而永晝長扄。天光何由得入。此謙與傲之異情。即悟與迷之異效也。可不警哉？⁶¹

3.6 Long Travel as Reliable Proof for Belief

What makes the act of believing reliable? The second important work with xin in the title, Shengjiao xinzheng 聖教信證 (Proofs for Belief of the Holy Teaching) (1647–1685), adds an extra dimension to the discussion about belief by Chinese Christians. It is a relatively short text preceded by a preface and followed by Yesuhui xilai zhuwei xiansheng xingshi 耶穌會西來諸位先生姓氏, which is a list of Jesuit missionaries, each with a short biography and a list of their publications. The text is not primarily about the content of belief (fides quae creditur), but about what makes the act of believing (fides qua creditur) reliable. What are the reliable proofs for this teaching coming from the West? Han Lin 韓霖 already exposes this theme in the preface:⁶²

There were fellow students asking me: “The teaching of the Master of Heaven originally arrived from foreign countries and distant areas, and Chinese scholars who understand principles believe and follow them, what do you have to say about it?” I answered: “Because it arrived from far and distant places, this makes it precisely a major proof that it can be believed, and one should devote one’s efforts to strife for clarity for their reason [to do so], only this reason will make one believe and follow them. Henceforth, when the literati from the far West came from a distance of 90,000 li, with no other plan than to spread the teaching, then there must be a correct and deep reason residing in them, and this can be investigated. The more I investigated, the more clearly I saw its truth and solidity, therefore I could not but believe and follow them.”

有同學友問於余曰: 「天主教原從外國遠方傳來，諸公中華明理之士，輒信從之，何說耶？」余曰: 「因從遠方傳來，正以此為大可信之據，當務求明於理，惟此理為應信從耳。葢大西諸儒，來自九萬里而遙，並無别圖，特為傳教，必有至正至深之理寓其中，為可察焉。余愈加詳察，愈明見其真實，故不得不信且從之。」

In short, the reason to believe is not in the first place a rational argumentation about the content, but the fact that missionaries have travelled a long distance to announce it. The beginning of the main text⁶³ develops this theme by differentiating between interior and exterior reasons to believe:

The one who does not believe when it is appropriate to believe is an obstinate person, and the one who believes when it is not appropriate to do so is a fool. The teaching of the Master of Heaven is most true and solid. It is appropriate to believe and follow it. There are two reliable proofs for it, one exterior and one interior.

宜信而不信者。固執人也。不宜信而信者。愚人也。夫天主教為至真實。宜信宜從。其確據有二。一在外。一在內。

The interior proofs refer to the content of belief as recorded in the Christian texts. Notwithstanding the difficulties, this content can be believed because the topics these texts contain “all belong to a reliable discourse which is in complete accord with the right principles” (在內者。則本教著述各端。俱屬極合正理之確論). The exterior proofs, on the contrary, refer to results that can be observed, “they can easily be seen in the efforts, behavior, tracks, and vestiges of this teaching” (其在外之確據。以本教之功行踪跡。目所易見者). Shengjiao xinzheng primarily develops the exterior proofs as manifested in the fact that the missionaries travelled to China, produced books, lived, died, and were buried there (which are to a certain extent similar to the series of questions on the missionaries in Yang Tingyun’s Daiyi pian). These exterior proofs appear in the first three sections of the Shengjiao xinzheng, also constructed in a type of dialogue. The reasoning is rather straightforward: 1) There is no greater proof that something can be believed than when people risk their lives in order to testify their words (世人肯冐死以証其言。則可信之據。莫大 於此). The Western scholars from the Society of Jesus who left their country and endured many hardships in their travels are an example of it. 2) It is not a matter of one or two persons, or one time or one place. They spread all over the world, and even to China, not only now but also in the Tang period, as manifested by the Nestorian stele in Shaanxi. 3) The words of a few hundred or thousand ordinary persons are not as believable as the principles and discourse of one illuminated wise person. The Western scholars not only studied books and obtained degrees, but also published a number of books, in which they treat different studies related to the investigation of things, fathoming of principles, human nature, and the calendar (gewu qiongli xingming lifa deng xue 格物窮理性命曆法等學). The Master of Heaven’s teaching is a great way that complements Confucianism and cuts Buddhism short (bu Ru jue Fo zhi dadao 補儒絕佛之大道). This explanation shows the intimate link between Shengjiao xinsheng and the list Yesuhui xilai zhuwei xiansheng xingshi. The list of these missionaries, with a description of their life and publications, serves as illustration of the statement that their teaching can be believed because they came from afar.

The content and the transmission are ultimately related, but also explain why belief is related to something transmitted to others without one having seen it with one’s own eyes. This is true for the past, but also for present events. In addition, some classical arguments are used, in line with the three standards, models, or norms (fa 法, yi 義/儀 or biao 表) for deciding a dispute. These standards, adopted by many traditional scholars from the Mohists, mark an argument as convincing when the events related to it have been recorded in ancient texts, when they can be verified in the common people’s experience because many believe them, and when they have brought about order and regulations:

Someone asked: “Concerning the Master of Heaven incarnating and performing miracles, one not only obtains it through transmitted hearsay. How can one know whether it is true or false?” I answered: “Every time there are true proofs that can be believed but one firmly does not want to believe, then the human relationships also will get altered. Just like the father who gave life to me, on what basis can I know [that it is him]. Nothing more than simply his fostering and nurturing the family household is a proof that one can believe it. Again, in the whole universe those who have never seen the sovereign of this country are numerous. But that a country has a sovereign on top, there have never been those who did not know it. Also nothing more than simply because he takes care of the order and regulations, this is a proof that one can believe it. And again, in ancient times there were the matters of Yao, Shun, and others, who has ever seen them? But because they have been transmitted in records and documents, they also are not without a proof and can be believed. If one necessarily needs to have seen it before one can believe it, then it will not be the same for a different generation. Even if the Master of Heaven would incarnate today, and even for all the people from all the cities, towns, villages, and minor villages from all the countries in the whole world, and nobody would not have seen him, he still would not be seen by later generations, and again it would not be a sufficient proof to believe it. But since he was seen with physical eyes, this is something to rely on. Now that in all provinces in China one has opened tombs for the Western scholars and burns incense in various churches, cultivates and spreads the teaching, this can help as a proof.”

或問: 「所謂天主降生。行諸奇跡。不過得之傳聞而已。真偽何由知乎。」答曰: 「凡有可信之真據。而堅不肯信。則倫常亦將有變。如生我之父。我何由得知。不過因撫育家室。據而信之。又普天之下。未見國君者甚眾。然國有君上。未有不知者。亦不過因臨御規模。據而信之。又上古堯舜等事。誰人目擊。因載籍相傳。亦無有不據而信之者。倘必以目見為可信。則世代不同。天主即降生於今日。縱使天下各國都邑鄉鄙之人。莫不既覩且覯。究竟于後世未見者。復不足以為可信之據矣。但既以肉目所見。方為有憑。今中國各直省。後開諸西士之墳墓并現在各堂焚修傳教者。可援証也。」

The text then continues with the example of Francis Xavier, the first missionary to arrive in the Ming dynasty, and also the first name mentioned in the list Yesuhui xilai zhuwei xiansheng xingshi. Symbolically, this arrival was the start of an interaction that resulted in xin as a Christian concept in China.