Yousra Abourabi’s book on Morocco’s African diplomacy analyses the Kingdom’s policy towards the continent it belongs to. Belonging to a regional group is a geographical fact without necessarily being a fact of identity. At the same time as it is located in Africa, Morocco belongs to another grouping not defined solely by geography: North Africa and the Middle East. There is nothing to unite North Africa with the far west of Asia other than that the states in this area (except Lebanon) recognise themselves as Arabic-speaking and Muslim. For many, these two proclaimed characteristics generate a specific identity that is strongly distinct from the African identity. Morocco claims both, and inscribes them in its 2011 constitution. Its most active diplomacy since the accession to the throne of Mohammed VI has revolved around the African continent. There are several reasons for this (relative) refocusing. The first is geography: Morocco’s borders are African, and the Middle East is far away; its problems are not those of the Kingdom. The second is the possibility of exercising regional leadership: this can be done only in Africa. The third, which stems from the first two, is that the continent, starting with West Africa, represents an important economic market for Morocco. The fourth, which is not over-determining, concerns the southern provinces and the defence of the Moroccan position.
Perhaps we could also proceed in the opposite direction and, rather than listing the good reasons why Morocco is primarily interested in the African continent, list the good reasons why Africa, by itself and for itself, arouses interest: it is, unquestionably, the emerging continent, a continent full of promise where positions are not fixed, an intellectually stimulating continent. Of course, there are dramatic counterparts: political instability, conflicts that are difficult to resolve, violence and the pitfalls of development. However, these counterparts are not enough to thwart the promise of emergence. Morocco has good African—not only Moroccan—reasons to turn resolutely towards Africa.
The great merit of this book is that it describes the origin and development of this reorientation. Yousra Abourabi does so with a sure hand, based on a confident mastery of the tools of her discipline (international relations), the use of numerous documentary sources and a thorough investigation, involving the different actors of this policy. It is not, of course, a question of knowing the secret history. This is beyond the reach of researchers. All the events of diplomacy have hidden histories, but what the literature shows is that public data can support the whole explanation. Secrecy is never about specific modalities. It follows that this book allows us to understand, in a clear and substantiated way, why and how Morocco has ‘rediscovered’ itself as African. It does so by taking a measured stance towards its leading actor, describing the hazards, inadequacies and mistakes of an otherwise winning policy while avoiding over-criticism or over-praise, neither of which ever does justice to a phenomenon.
As is often the case, the description of a state’s international policy is an effective tool for analysing its domestic policy and, in particular, the logic of its institutions. Indeed, foreign policy is built on the basis of national interests (an assumption which is often more reasonable than pretending to conduct it based on altruistic motives, which are never fully enacted) and depends on the political functioning of the country. As a result, the monarchy appears to be the main actor in an African diplomacy punctuated by royal trips to the continent, whose relevance is not questioned. Political institutions and actors follow, as do economic actors and civil society. Generally speaking, in Morocco the choice of significant orientations is the responsibility of the monarchy and leads to a broad consensus. This facilitates things and can encourage rapid progress. Morocco’s return to the African Union was undoubtedly carried out with great skill, accompanied by the launch of a new migration policy that involved large-scale regularisation of illegal migrants, many of whom were from sub-Saharan Africa. In implementing this, Morocco brought its internal policy into line with its foreign policy: being an African state implied not treating migrants from the continent as Europe does, regularising them where Europe essentially intends to deny them access to its soil. Such a policy could not fail to resonate well in Africa. Joining the ranks of the states of a continent implies establishing symmetrical and supportive relations. Europe does not need this, since it is redeeming (or hoping to redeem) its attitude to and treatment of migrants with development aid. This compensation, however, appears increasingly uncertain, and the obsession with migration increasingly counterproductive both internally and externally. Morocco escapes this constraint because a proportion of its political choices are independent of the outcome of elections, which is not the case on the European continent. There, the fight against immigration is a direct result of the electoral fears of political parties as they compete with extreme right-wingers who are becoming commonplace. Paradoxically, Morocco has an open migration policy supporting its foreign policy rather than one discrediting it, because electoral fears are limited. For a country to have a domestic policy in line with its foreign policy is a rare luxury. As the author shows, Morocco can, moreover, converge several policies to support its African inscription: religious, cultural, environmental and security.
This comparative advantage also has its drawbacks and disadvantages. So far, the ECOWAS accession process has been unsuccessful. Conceived as a follow-up to African Union membership, it quickly became bogged down in procrastination and concern and no longer seems to be supported by the top of the state. It is not certain that Morocco is ready to regionalise its security by accepting the principle of a single identity card for the area (which should normally result from membership of ECOWAS) or to give up the dirham to join a single currency. On the part of the other states, it is evident that the economic power of the Kingdom worries the economic circles of some member countries. If the accession process were to be relaunched, it could only be done by the sovereign. The effort would have to be commensurate with efforts made to join the AU, or even greater, if one considers that the economic and political stakes (especially in light of the instability of parts of the zone) are much higher. Morocco’s diplomatic progress on the continent thus seems to be linked to the convergence of several public policies and the sovereign’s commitment. Only at this level of commitment can a policy bear fruit.
Professor Abourabi’s book is of interest in many ways. It teaches us about the construction of a regional public policy. It provides us with a complete overview of the functioning of public policies in Morocco and their relationship with political institutions. It reminds us, quite rightly, that foreign policy is doubly dependent on the interior and the exterior, even if the dependence on the interior is much less significant than in Europe. Last but not least, it allows us to familiarise ourselves with the continent’s teeming diplomatic life. This beautiful book by a specialist in international relations and a talented Africanist provides us with a fascinating account—conducted in the most perfect academic form—of successful diplomatic engagement. Beyond this, it reminds us that policy success is borne out of the convergence of policies and the matching of actors to momentum. It also requires conviction and foresight.
Jean-Noël Ferrié
Director of Research, CNRS, Les Afriques dans le Monde, France