Leopoldina Anderl applied for the job of office clerk at the affiliate of the Foncière insurance company in Pozsony/Bratislava/Pressburg just before the Great War. Her story is representative of female employees’ place in the
Gendered hierarchies and discrimination against women at work unfolded in the context of ongoing industrialization and capitalist modernization in the Habsburg Monarchy, which also resulted in similar patterns as those that had emerged in Western Europe in the nineteenth century.2 Systematic discrimination against women in the educational system in general and in vocational education in particular and the employment and wage discrimination practices of employers caused a functional differentiation and a gendered allocation of duties and roles in the bureau.3 Employers willingly profited from discrimination against women: women clerks, in their eyes, represented a cheap workforce that could carry out the multiplying administrative tasks in private companies. The significantly different and heavily disadvantageous position of women clerks in the labour market meant that women labour activists had aims that were distinct from those of male labour activists. Male clerks were mainly interested in securing their own economic and social position even at the price of excluding women from male-dominated labour unions. From the early 1910s on, male clerks’ attitudes changed when the number of women clerks grew too high to be ignored, and male-dominated associations began to integrate women clerks and their interests into their programs.
The structure of the chapter proceeds from a general introduction, to the social position of women clerks in the late Habsburg Monarchy, to an analysis of specific labour unions’ activities. The first part of the chapter, therefore, introduces the socio-economic status of women clerks in banking and identifies the causes of gender inequality and discrimination at work. The second part presents the different types of labour unions in banking that took up the specific issues of women clerks, including both male-dominated and women-only unions. The last section of the chapter analyzes how women clerks approached and coped with gender discrimination at work, in society, and in labour unions in particular. This section is based on select case studies (educational qualification, the gender pay-gap, marriage clauses, and old-age pensions) that are representative of the issues faced by women clerks and which demonstrate the particularities of bank clerk labour movements.
1 Women Bank Clerks after the Turn of the Century
The turn of the century was in many aspects a revolutionary period for office work, but it entailed a revolution for gender as well.4 Throughout much of the nineteenth century, the clerk was a man and the office a male universe. This began to change at the turn of the century with the increase of women employed by private bureaus, and by the 1930s, the clerk was essentially a woman.5 Women started to enter the offices of private companies in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the first women were employed as clerks at private railway companies, postal offices, and postal savings banks.6
By 1905, most banks began hiring women clerks, but the majority of women employees held lower-level positions as typewriters, telephone operators, correspondents, delivery assistants, or only performed “light” bookkeeping. The Länderbank in Vienna, for example, confirmed the growing number of women employees—by 1905 there were around fifty women clerks working at the bank—but claimed that women could not fill senior positions and were unable to carry out “independent” tasks.9 In both halves of the Habsburg Monarchy, the exponential growth of women clerks in the financial sector was a plain fact in the years before the Great War. The most important growth took place in Vienna: the proportion of women clerks increased from 4.4 percent (banking) and 2.1 percent (insurance) in 1890 to 19.2 percent and 20.3 percent, respectively, by 1910. This was remarkable growth, yet it was in line with the sectoral growth of women employees in Austria: in trade and transportation, the proportion of women clerks (Angestellte) was 7.8 percent in 1890 (8,405 persons), which increased to 21.8 percent (36,811 persons) by 1910.10 Budapest and Prague were less progressive in terms of the proportion of women clerks in the workforce: in Prague, the proportion of women clerks reached 10.2 percent (banking) and 11.4 percent (insurance) by 1910, while in Budapest, the proportion of women clerks was 12.5 percent (banking and insurance combined) in 1910.11
The mechanisms that maintained the social and gender-based division of labour were quite universal in Europe in the nineteenth century and would be targeted by women clerks in labour unions. Alice Salomon, the social reformer, women’s activist, and founder of social work as an academic discipline, suggested that the causes of the wage gap between men and women had to do with the low self-esteem of women, the fact that men were considered the sole breadwinner of the family, the inadequate education of women, and the shorter careers of women as compared to those of men.13 The historiography of women clerks clearly identified these factors in the long nineteenth century. Erna Appelt, for instance, has argued that the “feminization of poverty” in general was the result of educational differences, the gender-specific allocation of tasks in the bureau, and the exclusion of women from all positions having to do with power in general.14 Rosemarie Fehrer enumerated the disadvantages faced by women clerks in comparison to their male counterparts as follows: fewer educational qualifications, different professional duties and positions within firms, lower average ages, differences in lifestyle expectations, and the existence of a marriage barrier, which referred to the practice of dismissing women after marriage.15 These differences actively contributed to the
The salaries of women clerks were considerably lower than those of men. The statistics of the central pension institute in Vienna provide a general overview of the gender pay gap in 1909. The average annual pay was 956 krones for women clerks and 1,791 krones for male clerks. While 70.3 percent of female employees received less than 1,200 krones per year, only 21.4 percent of male clerks received a wage this low.20 The gender pay gap was the result of various factors: it was partly due to seniority and partly due to the generally higher educational qualifications of male clerks. Yet, data based on the salary books of the Živnostenská banka in Prague demonstrate that women were underpaid even when they held the same educational qualifications and seniority. For instance, among men, the starting salary of commercial high school graduates was 906 krones, while women were paid only 778 krones.21 The overall gender pay gap was, thus, also the result of gender discrimination on the part of employers in banking.
Women’s labour activism in banking had a twofold goal between 1900 and 1920. First, women advocated for better labour conditions and renumeration alongside male clerks. Besides fighting for gender equality at work and in labour unions, these women also embraced the general goals of male-dominated
2 Labour Unions of Bank Clerks: Male-Dominated Associations and Women’s Movements
In Cisleithania, the most influential bank clerk association was the Reich Association of Bank and Savings Bank Clerks (Reichsverein der Bank- und Sparkassenbeamten, hereafter the Reichsverein). Its precursor, the Club for Clerks at the Wiener Bank and Credit Institute (Klub der Beamten der Wiener Bank- und Credit-Institute, hereafter the Klub) was established as a casino in 1888; the premises of the Klub hosted a library to “cultivate” members and provide a place to read the daily press and play card games; of course, at this time, only male clerks could participate in the activities of the Кlub.22 The Klub was transformed into a labour union at the end of 1906, and the leaders proposed the organization of a Bankbeamtentag every year in order to have regular contact with bank management, to establish a savings banks for private clerks, and to fight for the regulation of old-age pensions and legally guaranteed service regulations.23 The Reichsverein was a politically neutral organization and was not at all radical: it was claimed that the association was so moderate that it was impossible to become more moderate.24 This openly proclaimed neutrality was extremely important for the bank clerk association as they had to navigate between competing ideologies. As part of the middle classes, they had to set themselves apart from socialist associations, but they also opposed “yellow” unionization in which employees and employers came together to form a labour union as in the case of bank clerks in Germany. Instead, the Reichsverein excluded employers from participating in their association. By doing so, they agreed with one of the core political principles of
The initial charter of the Reichsverein did not specify whether women clerks could become members or not, but women were not admitted to the association, and the question of women members was discussed relatively late, only in 1909, due to the numerical growth of women clerks in banking. At this point, the presence of women in the bureau was already considered detrimental because they were blamed for ruining the wages of male clerks.26 The Austrian Bank Clerk (Der Österreichische Bankbeamte), the official journal of the association, began publishing editorials about the issue. Otto Glöckel, a social democrat, was particularly candid about the problems faced by private clerks.27 The real issue for him was the arbitrariness of employers, which equally affected both women and men. He expressed pragmatism concerning the question of women clerks; they had two options: either join the existing association or establish women-only clerk associations, and from these two options, the former option was more desirable for labour unions in general. The Reichsverein decided to admit women into the association in 1910 in order to enhance the overall strength of the movement. By 1916, 14.8 percent of members were women,28 a number that appropriately reflected the proportion of women clerks in the entire banking sector (banks, savings banks, credit cooperatives), which was 12.6 percent according to the 1910 census.29 The Reichsverein also guaranteed gender equality in elections and in administrative matters. Women clerks paid the same membership dues and were entitled to all the support services of the association such as the resistance fund, legal aid, library services, and the consumer association.30
Women bank clerks could join the Association of Working Women (Vereinigung der arbeitenden Frauen, AWW), which was established in 1902 and had a division for private clerks and trade employees (Fachgruppe der Privatbeamtinnen und Handels-Angestellten). The AWW had three basic goals: to improve the general and professional education of women; to
Although both the Reichsverein and the AWW were active in the Czech lands, a similar women-only association, the Czech Woman Association of Production (Ženský výrobní spolek český), had been established in the Czech lands in 1871. The main activity of this association was to organize professional education for women: the most popular courses were language instruction and trade courses. The association also established an employment bureau to help women find appropriate jobs. Most influential in the association was Eliška Krásnohorská, who was responsible for the school’s prestigious reputation and became the editor of Woman Papers (Ženské listy).33 Krásnohorská also played a crucial role in the foundation of the Minerva Society, which helped establish the first girls’ gymnasium in the Habsburg Monarchy in 1890.34 The Czech Woman Association of Production established other services to help women employees, which were similar to the AWW. They created an employment agency that mediated between employees and employers and favored graduates of the commercial school funded by the Czech Woman Association of Production. The association organized a lecture series to further the education of all working women because the education of both men and women was considered the source of the nation’s strength.35
In Hungary, the main association of bank clerks was the National Association of Bank Clerks (Pénzintézeti Tisztviselők Országos Egylete, NABC); it was established in 1893 as a social club, and like the Reichsverein, it had a large library and supported the cultural life of its members. For fifteen years, “directors and ordinary clerks spent their free time playing cards and chess in the rooms of
The NABC realized the importance of women for the movement and invited them to join the association in 1912. However, in 1913, the association started to complain about women’s lack of engagement despite the fact that women were granted full membership and one female clerk was elected to the general board of the association to “prove their [the board’s] liberalism.” It was also acknowledged that equal work should be compensated equally, regardless of the clerk’s gender, and the bank clerk association advocated for full equality in terms of service regulations and pension rights.38 As was often the case in male-dominated associations, this pledge for gender equality was not implemented, and the association remained quite indifferent to the problems of women in practice.
In Hungary, the most influential women-only association was the National Association of Women Office Workers (Nőtisztviselők Országos Egyesülete, nawow), established in 1897. It represented the professional interests of both private and public employees. The nawow organized professional courses for clerks, had an employment bureau, provided aid for unemployed women clerks, opened a library, had a holiday camp, in addition to offering other services. By 1913, it had nearly 4,000 members, and by 1917, the membership was estimated at 6,000 women clerks. The nawow established provincial branches in Nagyvárad/Oradea/Großwardein, Szombathely, Arad, and Temesvár/Timișoara/Temeswar.39 Members of the nawow established the Feministák Egyesülete (Feminists’ Association, fa) in 1904, and together the associations
Women clerks had other reasons not to join the “little particular associations,”43 as they put it, such as NABC and the association of insurance clerks. As Szidónia Willhelm claimed in Nő és a Társadalom, the nawow had successfully defended the interests of the whole group of women clerks for almost two decades, whereas these newly founded associations had not yet proved their worth. Additionally, until gender equality existed in all spheres of society, women had to fight separately for their rights and for gender equality in general, and according to Willhelm, male associations never cared about the improvement of women’s situation. Last but not least, women clerks had their own special issues to deal with, and the differences between women clerks and men clerks were greater than the differences between bank clerks, insurance clerks, and so forth.44
The specific demands of the nawow were in line with the feminist agenda that sought equality between the sexes. The main goal of the nawow was radically different from men-only clerk associations as their solution to the poor position of women clerks was to improve the education women received; thus, they promoted the abolition of the one-year trade course and the establishment of secondary women’s trade schools.45 Other demands included the
3 Gender Pay Gap, Education, Marriage Clauses, and Old-Age Pensions
Private clerks’ unions and activists focused on a number of specific problems of women bank clerks, including gendered educational inequalities, the gender pay gap, marriage clauses, and old-age pension access. As Leopoldina Anderl’s story in the introduction demonstrated, gender-based educational inequalities played a crucial role in the pay gap between men and women clerks and in the general position of women employees of banks and private companies. Education, therefore, quickly became a focal point of the activism around women clerks. A woman clerk from Prague described the situation of women in trade and industry at a session of the Federation of Austrian Women’s Associations (Bund Österreichischer Frauenvereine) as follows: women clerks were often the daughters of middle-class families, had little professional education, and received small salaries. In Prague, the average salary of male clerks varied between 90 and 100 krones per month, whereas it only reached 50 to 70 krones for female clerks. Yet, according to this report, which was often parroted by clerks of both genders, women clerks themselves were partly responsible for this situation. This narrative suggested that women clerks lived with their parents, had meager needs (they only needed pocket money), and thus only needed small salaries. The biggest issue in tackling women’s lower pay, however, was their lack of education: higher positions in the office hierarchy
Hungarian women, too, quickly realized that the inadequate education of women was the main factor that relegated them to menial tasks in the office and ruled out any possibility of climbing the office hierarchy. Janka Grossmann, a private clerk and later the president of the nawow, claimed that this was not a war between the two sexes but a conflict between clerks with different levels of education and salaries. Grossmann called for the introduction of coeducational courses and equality in the professional education of boys and girls.50 This was clearly an effort on the part of Grossmann to separate class and gender inequalities and to push for the improvement of women’s education. Education was, therefore, an ever-present topic on the pages of A Nő és a Társadalom. Grossmann’s claim was repeated several times in the pages of the journal between 1907 and 1908.51 The proposed solution was the reform of the ten-month, lower-level trade courses, and the nawow was engaged in widespread agitation in support of this comprehensive reform. In a petition sent to the Ministry of Religion and Public Education, the nawow argued that mixed-sex education could prevent the depression of wages; thus, male clerks would profit from these measures as well.52 The ten-month course was not enough to teach all the material that male students learned in their three-year secondary trade school course. nawow activists argued that the existence of officially certified trade courses prevented authorities from abolishing fake trade schools that offered shorter courses and fake qualifications. Uneducated girls flooded the labour market, and this contributed to the proletarianization of women clerks, resulted in salary decreases for both men and women clerks, and reduced the general moral value of the work performed by private clerks.53 Graduates were also too young and could seemingly not bear the hardships of working in a bureau.
Another issue to be tackled by private clerk associations was the wage gap between men and women employees. This problem could not be separated from the depression of the salaries of private clerks in general, and, for
The Reichsverein displayed a constructive attitude concerning Beamtinnen in banking. Misogynist arguments were caricatured from the very beginning. “How could an intelligent person question [the idea] that the same work deserves the same salary?” asked one contributor.57 But other justifications for the gender pay gap were equally challenged: if not women, then uneducated apprentices would do the office work for meager salaries; if married male clerks deserved a higher salary to provide for their family, single men should also get smaller salaries. The latter disputed the idea that salaries should be set according to the needs of the employee instead of merit and performance. Moreover, the legal and social definition of the private clerk did not make any reference to gender. In addition to full equality within the association, equality at the workplace was also envisioned by contributors to Der Österreichische Bankbeamte.
In connection to these developments, the ideology of the “surplus woman” made the Czech discourse distinctively misogynist.61 The concept of the “surplus woman” primarily referred to demography: the reason for the flood of women clerks in private bureaus was the growing number, i.e., “surplus” of unmarried women. According to this logic, “Men could not marry because they were too poor. What caused this? Salary-ruining women!”62 Women were by nature more numerous than men, argued the Clerks’ Papers (Úřadnické listy); there were 1,047 women for every 1,000 men in Cisleithania according to the 1900 census.63 But by the turn of the century, the “back-up” institutions for unmarried women—the convents and asylums established in the Middle-Ages—were declining in numbers and did not take charge of the many unmarried women.64 In the narrative of male clerks, the problem became more pressing around 1900 because unmarried women entered the banking sector and ruined the salaries of male clerks. This influx of women into the profession, in turn, impoverished male clerks, prevented them from marrying, and thus created a vicious cycle.
The essence of the “woman question” is always simply about the man: the impossibility for women to get a man, and all the consequences of this. Every step that ensures that a larger number of men are married contributes to finding a solution to the woman question.65
The solution to the problem, therefore, was the free marriage of male bank clerks to marry and the improvement of their financial circumstances.66
On the point of marriage, the frustration of men clerks was not baseless. Marriage clauses in the contracts of clerks often contained marital restrictions: for example, the service regulations of the Živnostenská Banka stated that male clerks could only marry if they reached the eighth rank on the salary scale, which amounted to a basic yearly pay of 3,240 krones in 1914, a salary level that male clerks reached in the ninth year of employment unless promoted in the meantime.67 Additionally, specific marriage patterns in urban settings contributed to the restriction of marriage opportunities: marriages occurred later and less frequently in cities than in the countryside, and the dissolution of the traditional marriage circle further decreased opportunities to wed.68 Still, the imbalance of the sexes was more imagined than a genuine social reality, and male clerks actually connected imagined demographic changes and their consequences to morality.69
The other motif recurrent in Czech discourse was the unnaturalness of the bureau environment for women. Not only did women carry out tasks ill-suited for their natural characteristics but they also were unable to work independently and creatively. Women had always been dependent on men—formerly the husband—until they confronted the unprecedented social relations that defined the bureau. Although the wife was subordinate to the husband within the family, she could always rely on him, and they could establish a secure relationship with one another. The relationship between managers and women clerks involved a new type of subordination: the boss regarded
For the Österreichische Frauenrundschau, the most crucial issue was the ability to lead a middle-class lifestyle, which was hampered by the small salaries of clerks. The average monthly salary of women clerks varied between 70 krones and 120 krones; however, an annual salary of at least 2,200 krones was needed to be able to sustain a middle-class household. Overall, this budget included meals, clothing, a one-room apartment in the outer districts of Vienna, and additional expenses like pension contributions, personal income taxes, and cultural expenditures.72 Having a fixed salary, the only option for women clerks was to reduce their needs, both material and cultural.
In Hungary, one of the means used by the nawow to fight the pay gap was the creation of an employment bureau to negotiate between employers and job applicants. The experience of this bureau demonstrated that the lack of adequate professional training indeed resulted in a shortage of qualified women workers and caused the oversupply of underqualified applicants. The so-called ten-month trade courses provided training in typing, correspondence, and basic political arithmetic, but these courses did not provide sufficient training—on an equal level with secondary trade school for boys—to be able to take up higher positions in the bureau hierarchy.73 Between 1903 and 1905, the nawow advertised 854 positions, and there were 410 applicants; still, 160 candidates were rejected because of inadequate qualifications.74
An important component of employers’ discrimination against women was the practice of forced female celibacy. The topic moved to the center of discussion in 1913, when the Magyar Kereskedelmi Hitelbank revised their service
The campaign against marriage restrictions in Budapest was successful. But the female celibacy requirement was not a problem unique to the women clerks in Budapest. A similar clause was included in the service regulations of both the Österreichisch-ungarische Bank and the Živnostenská Banka, and data about the women employees of the latter showed that marriage almost exclusively meant dismissal for women clerks.77 In those cases, there is no evidence that bank clerk associations initiated a fight for the right of women to marry. Both Hungarian and Austrian associations paid attention only to the problem in relation to male clerks: according to bank regulations, if male clerks did not meet the salary criteria, they were banned from marrying.
The case of the Austrian old-age pension law for private clerks further illustrates how the male clerk became the proxy to assess the situation of all clerks—including women—and the reactions of men and women clerks to changes in the system. Here, the male, middle-class orientation of the pension law angered many women clerks. The main issue, in short, was that the law discriminated against women, especially unmarried women, in pension provisions. From the outset, the survey conducted by the Ministry of Internal Affairs was designed to serve the needs of male clerks: it compiled statistics on, for example, the average age of only male clerks in combination with the average age of their wives and children.78 The law set the financial contributions of women clerks too high and collected the same premiums from women clerks for lower pension distributions, and single women clerks could not profit from widow’s pensions. Additionally, the children of married women clerks were only entitled to 50 percent of the pension amount, while the rate was 75 percent for the offspring of male clerks. The rationale was that female clerks, if they had children, were surely married to a male clerk, whereas male clerks
The AWW wanted to stop discrimination and achieve recognition for women clerks as employees in their own right and not as the employed wife of a male clerk. The organization drew attention to the many shortcomings of the pension law. In the case of marriage, the pension institute reimbursed all the premiums paid by both the employee and the employer to women clerks; single women clerks who left their position of their own will were only entitled to receive their own payments. Similarly, if a widow remarried, she was no longer entitled to the widow’s pension and instead received a compensation sum.81 The payments of women clerks were illusory for the most part. The retirement age, reached after altogether 480 months of employment, could not be attained by women in most cases due to periods of unemployment, early death, and for the fact that compulsoriness according to law usually started later in a woman clerk’s career. Starting salaries were considerably lower among women, and they also had to go through a longer period of (unpaid) training than male clerks. In conclusion, this was basically an “annuity that was not paid to women.”82 Furthermore, pregnancy and early childcare, family events associated with women, were not included at all in discussions concerning pension reform.
The particular demands of women included cheaper premiums, shorter waiting periods, voting rights for women in pension institutes, and the annulment of illusory payments.83 The reaction of Richard Kaan, chief secretary of the Universal Pension Institute for Clerks (Allgemeine Pensionsanstalt für Angestellte) in Vienna, to the complaints of Adele Rosenberg, a member of the AWW, was typical. According to Rosenberg, it was misleading to provide women clerks with a cheaper option to buy “insurance years” because women clerks could not build enough of a savings to be able to take advantage of the
There was no compulsory old-age pension for private clerks in Hungary, but similar discriminatory practices were put into effect by individual employers. Women, for instance, most often lost their premium payments if they quit their jobs due to marriage. The nawow started a campaign against gender discrimination in the charter of the National Old-Age Pension Association for Private Clerks (Magántisztviselők Országos Nyugdíj-Egyesülete). When they succeeded in abolishing gender discrimination in 1910, the nawow started to organize among women clerks and encourage them to join the fund as the only viable alternative to company-funded pension institutes.87
4 Conclusion
One of the sources of gender inequality proved to be the limited ability of women clerks to defend their professional interests against the potential exploitation of companies, and in this respect, male clerks were better equipped than their female colleagues by far. Men, for example, had voting rights and could protest injustices at work through a number of different channels. Male clerks also were successful in certain areas: they were able to improve their salaries and received inflation allowances, pension provisions, and so forth. Male clerks could easily utilize the public sphere to advance their own interests and fight against the unfair dismissal of a colleague or the curtailment of their right to assembly. Changes in the attitude of male-dominated associations took place after 1910: they started to publicly criticize the unfair
Male-dominated clerk associations became more engaged in the problems of their female counterparts when the number of women became too significant to ignore. Starting in the early 1910s, these associations gradually welcomed women clerks but only represented the interests of women clerks to a limited extent. The main problem here was the fact that regulations in general—the old-age pension system was the most notable example—regarded the situation of the male clerk as representative of the experience of all clerks. Consequently, there were protests for properly regulated holidays, office hours, and demands for salary increases, but the existing and prevailing differences between women and men employees were rarely addressed. The gender wage gap, or the discussion about the “salary-destroying women” in contemporary parlance, was addressed mostly from the perspective of male clerks, who only considered how the low salaries of women would affect the salaries of male clerks. This perspective, of course, limited the solutions male-dominated associations could offer.
In contrast to the associations led by their male colleagues, the main goal of women clerks’ associations was to battle gender discrimination by addressing inequality within the educational system. Under-educated women could not claim equal status, and the lack of training damaged the prestige of educated women and undermined their fight for proper treatment in the office. Accordingly, the nawow actively criticized the ten-month trade courses in Hungary that could only produce lower-level office employees, and the AWW also advocated for equality in secondary vocational education. Both associations established a recruitment office to help their members find appropriate jobs and to force employers to offer fair labour conditions to women clerks; they also offered courses and lectures to improve the professional qualification of members. Overall, women clerks’ associations tackled gender inequalities in work and society and aimed to establish women as independent economic actors at the fin-de-siècle. The main arenas of labour activism concerning the status of women clerks remained the public sphere and particularly the press, and advocacy efforts were quite successful. Women clerks were able to address and remedy some forms of gender discrimination—most notably the marriage clause at certain banks—through protests covered by the press.
File 2, Fonciere Általános Biztosító Intézet (1865–1949) [Fonciere General Insurance Company], Z 171 Személyzeti osztály (1892–1949) [Personnel department], Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára [National Archives of Hungary].
Gardey 2001; Gardey 1996; Fehrer 1989.
Gardey 2001, 6, 53.
Appelt 1996, 121.
Ulbrich 2018, 70–71, 89.
Entry 253 and 292, book 424, Osobní oddělení [Personnel department, hereafter od] 1869–1945 (1950), Fond Živnostenská banka v Praze [Trade Bank in Prague, hereafter Fond žb], Archiv České Národní Banky [Archive of the Czech National Bank, hereafter čnb].
Fehrer 1989, 85.
Magyar Statisztikai Közlemények 1914, 30. Österreichische Statistik 1916b, 151.
Appelt 1985, 10, 15.
Fehrer 1989, 176–177.
Erdélyi 2019, 24–69.
Szuppán 1908, 7, 54.
Dengl 1925, 24.
Felügyelőbizottsági jegyzőkönyvek [Minutes of the Supervisory Board of the Oriental Academy of Trade], 6 May 1915, Fond 2/a 3 Keleti Kereskedelmi Akadémia iratai [The archive of the Oriental Academy of Trade], Budapesti Corvinus Egyetem Levéltár [University Archives of the Corvinus University of Budapest].
Leichter 1930, 209.
Erdélyi 2019, 204; Books 423–424, od, Fond žb, čnb.
Landertshammer 1927, 7–8; Кlub der Beamten der Wiener Bank- und Credit-Institute 1893, 1.
Allina 1916, 6.
Die Vereinsleitung 1906, 2–4; “Was will die ‘Vereinigung’” 1913, 6–9.
Hauch 2009; Friedrich 1995; Hahn 1912, 5–7.
De Haan, Daskalova and Loutfi 2006, 262–266.
Volet-Jeanneret 1988, 221–222.
Zimmermann 1999, 38–39.
Zimmermann 1999, 42–43.
Willhelm 1913, 173.
Zimmermann 1999, 127–136.
-ly-a 1913; Wilhelm 1911; “A Nőtisztviselők Országos Egyesülete” 1910, 108.
Grossmann 1908, 160.
“A tisztviselőpálya megrontói” 1908; “A magyar nőtisztviselők szervezkedése” 1907, 165.
Zimmermann 1999, 129; “A leányok kereskedelmi szakoktatása” 1909.
See the salary schemes published in Der Österreichische Bankbeamte and the service regulations of the Živnostenská banka (Služební řád pro úředníky Živnostenské banky v Praze [Service regulations for the clerks of the Živnostenská banka in Prague], box 4830/1, od, Fond žb, čnb).
“Lombard- und Escompte-Bank” 1914. I refer to the overall salary of clerks including the basic salary, quarterly remuneration, and the inflation allowance (Teuerungsbeitrag), but do not include exceptional remuneration and pension contributions.
“Die Damen” 1910, 2.
“Otázka zaměstnání žen v ústavech peněžních” 1910; Fanta 1907; “K otázce ženských úřadnic soukromých” 1904; “K ženskě otázce” 1902; “Bankovní úřednictvo—ženy” 1898.
Fanta 1901, 2.
Fanta 1907, 27.
Služební řád pro úředníky Živnostenské banky v Praze.
Dollard 2009, 78–79.
Dollard 2009, 83.
Zimmermann 1999, 122–136.
“Gondolatok a Kereskedelmi Bank” 1913; “A Kereskedelmi Bank szolgálati szabályzata” 1913; “A Kereskedelmi Bank uj szolgálati szabályzata” 1913.
See the personal files and salary sheets of women employees at the Živnostenská Banka: books 420–424, od, Fond žb, čnb.
Ministerium des Innern 1898, i: 120–131.
“Das Pensionsversicherungsgesetz” 1907; Rosenberg 1909.
Rosenberg 1909b, 61, 5.
Rosenberg 1909b, 61, 4.
“Sind Sie froh, daß man die Frauen wenigstens in einer Hinsicht berücksichtigt”; Rosenberg 1909b, 60, 8.
Willhelm 1913; Willhelm 1911; A Nőtisztviselők Országos Egyesülete 1910.
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