1 Introduction
For the teaching of natural law and universal public law at the University of Pavia, the second half of the eighteenth century was a crucial period. Between 1771 and 1773, the Habsburg university reforms gave a decisive impetus to radical change in the university’s organization and curricula of the faculty of law.1
Important studies have dealt not only with the University of Pavia but especially with its faculty of law in this period. Maria Carla Zorzoli dedicated several of her writings to the study and transcription of primary sources, such as the legal theses in utroque iure discussed between 1772 and 1796, which are preserved at the State Archives of Pavia.2 Maria Gigliola di Renzo Villata described in numerous essays the organization of the law faculty, taking into consideration the projects for academic reform, the jurists and their training in Lombardy during the eighteenth century.3
Following these important research projects, this contribution aims to analyse the establishment of the chair of natural law and universal public law immediately after the Habsburg reform became effective. This chair will be examined in its wider context by reconstructing the phases prior to its official establishment, and also considered in detail with regard to the reform plans adopted between 1771 and 1773. Attention will also be given to the influence of the teaching of natural law theories on sovereign rulers, on those who carried out the reform, on the professors in charge and on the students of the faculty of law.
Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair was professor of natural and public law at the University of Pavia from 1769 to 1796. His long teaching career enables us to analyse and critically reconstruct his choices of legal sources, topics and textbooks for his lectures on natural law and the law of nations. The manuscript notes of his lectures, titled Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis4 and Institutiones iuris naturalis,5 still unpublished and preserved at the University Library of Pavia, will form part of this investigation.
Saint Clair’s lectures on natural law and universal public law were the starting point for the reflections of the former Jesuit, professor of metaphysics at the University of Pavia, Andrea Draghetti, and we will return to Draghetti and his treatise titled Ethica societatis jesu elucubrata duo in volumina divisa, quorum unum generalem, alterum specialem amplectitur (1818).
The circulation of the theories of natural law and public law in the northern part of the Italian peninsula was marked by the continuous and incessant work of professors who, in accordance with royal directives, adopted textbooks and preferred authors such as Pufendorf, Wolff and Heineccius, either translated into Italian or re-edited in the same language. This chapter will demonstrate how natural law and universal public law theories at various levels assumed an important role in the training of jurists in eighteenth-century Lombardy.
2 The First Half of the Eighteenth Century in Pavia: Venanzio de Mays and the Teaching of Iuris publici et civilis
In the first half of the eighteenth century, the University of Pavia experienced a difficult period, with low student enrolment, insufficient financial resources and strong competition from neighbouring universities. One such was the University of Turin, to which the Constitution of 1729 had given a new order, enabling it to attract more students.6
In an endeavour to put an end to this difficult situation, the Senate of Milan was appointed to direct the University. In 1730, the Senate invited the Podestà (the chief civic magistrate) of Pavia to prepare a report concerning a series of interventions that would improve the ‘good government’ of the University. The Podestà suggested a change in the faculty of law and particularly in the organization of legal studies.7 In 1741, there were no chairs of natural and public law, and these subjects did not even appear in the curricula.8
In 1742, the number of professorships for civil law was drastically reduced and the professorship of public law was established,9 while in 1747, the chair of legal history was created.10 Venanzio de Mays was appointed professor of public law in 1742, a chair titled ‘ad lecturam iuris publici et civilis’.11 He taught this subject until 1772.12 His lectures were deemed ‘worthy of the common applause’,13 although, as Maria Rosa di Simone points out, they were ‘traditionalist’ and based essentially on natural and Roman law.14
In 1738, de Mays published a treatise titled Institutiones juris naturae et gentium ad usum cupidae legum juventutis singulis titulis institutionum juris civilis accomodatae excellentissimo Mediolanensi senatui nuncupatae.15 The sources used in this text ranged from Latin and religious texts to the authors of legal humanism, such as Jacques Cujas (described as ‘the most erudite’) and Budé, to works on natural law, such as De iure belli ac pacis and Mare liberum of Grotius and De iure naturae et gentium of Samuel Pufendorf.16 There are also references to the Elementa iuris naturae et gentium of Heineccius, to De legibus of Suarez, as well as several references to Vincenzo Gravina, especially to his De ortu et progressu iuris civilis.17 De Mays clarified that the theories of Pufendorf, Selden and Grotius were considered only when they were functional and useful in the context and did not conflict with the doctrine of the Church.18
De Mays was of fundamental importance for his introduction of a way of teaching inspired by the mos gallicus, in contrast to the mos italicus, predominant in the Italian peninsula at the time.19 These humanistic currents, as Italo Birocchi rightly pointed out, entered into the academic legal discourse, creating an opening for discussion of legal issues, the relationship between citizens and the state and, above all, how civil society should be governed.20 De Mays, in fact, is a key figure in understanding to what extent the mos gallicus current of thought influenced the creation of a new programme of studies in the faculty of law and the introduction of a specific chair of natural and universal public law.21
In 1757 a first plan of reform was drawn up, with the aim of modifying the order of studies, for example by reducing the number of chairs considered ‘superfluous’, regulating the admission of students and giving teaching assignments to illustrious professors.22 On 24 November 1765, Maria Theresa established a Council of Studies composed of five members whom the director appointed: these included Gian Rinaldo Carli, who was responsible for drafting a reform plan for the studies of mathematics, systematic and experimental physics; Michele Daverio for ecclesiastical studies; and Giuseppe Pecis for logic, metaphysics, rhetoric and oriental languages.23
For the faculty of law, senator Nicola Pecci was commissioned to draft the ‘Piano degli Studi legali’ (legal studies plan) together with the ‘Piano generale degli Studi’ (general studies plan). Pecci elaborated a highly practical plan with the collaboration of Venanzio de Mays: for the chair of natural law he proposed as textbook Samuel Cocceii’s Dissertationes proemiales XII in quibus principia Grotiana circa ius naturae […] ad iustam methodum revocantur; and for the chair of public law he suggested the themes that should be addressed by the teacher.24 Pecci, in fact, distinguished between ‘primary’ public law – international treaties and their interpretation; diplomacy; status, rights and duties of the ambassador – and ‘secondary’ public law, which regulated the internal affairs of the nation, illustrating, for example, the different forms of government.25
In 1768, Pietro Paolo Giusti stressed in his Memoria sulla riforma generale degli Studi nella Lombardia austriaca (report on the general reform of studies in Austrian Lombardy) the need to pay more attention to public and universal public law in order to assert a highly formative means of understanding social rights, forms of government and international relations.26
3 Natural Law and Universal Public Law in the ‘Piano disciplinare’ and the ‘Piano scientifico’ (1771–1773)
In 1771 Maria Theresa approved the university reform, which was further modified in 1773.27 This reform plan, described in detail by Zorzoli, consisted of two parts: the first, the ‘Piano disciplinare’ (disciplinary plan), reorganized the administrative structures of the University of Pavia, while the second, known as the ‘Piano scientifico’ (scientific plan), regulated the curricula within the individual faculties. The ‘Piano scientifico’ stipulated that there be annual lectures in natural and universal public law, civil law, legal history and feudal law, criminal law and canon law, while Pandects and treatises of canon law were offered only as biennial lectures.28
The Habsburg reform laid the foundation for an enlightened curriculum for the law faculties. As the new statutes put it: ‘Security, property, peace and harmony are the most essential and precious goods within societies. They are procured and preserved by the Law, with that most noble Philosophy, based on the intimate knowledge of human heart’.29
The academic plan was the fruit of contemporary Enlightenment jurisprudence. The reformists regarded the reform as the end of the mos italicus from a methodological point of view and as the beginning of legal education oriented towards the ‘gradual and universal system of legal principles’.30 Discussions evolved around which printed books should be used in lessons:31 at first, in fact, the Habsburg government thought it would suggest the textbooks that professors should use: Chancellor Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz-Rietberg in 1769 wrote to the Minister Plenipotentiary Carlo Gottardo Firmian to suggest that for natural and universal public law, it would be appropriate to choose between De officio hominis et civis by Pufendorf and Elementa iuris naturae et gentium by Heineccius.32 However, with the reform, freedom of choice was established: teachers were free to choose a textbook at the beginning of the academic year, and then the teacher’s choice was submitted to the governing body and the magistrate of studies.33
The scientific plan for the chair of natural and public law expressly stated that the subject was the ‘sublime science from which all the foundations of jurisprudence are developed’.34 Natural law acquired a central role within the Habsburg reform as a subject of practical and preparatory study. In fact, future jurists were expected not only to know the mechanisms of the organization of civil society but also to be prepared to justify the exercise of political authority in society.35
In the introduction to natural and public law, moral philosophy was used to outline the existence of human freedom, and the duties of individuals and the relations that are established between people: ‘the principles of such relations of men with other men depend on the desire for happiness, the aversion to pain, equality, freedom, equal independence of men among themselves in the original state of Nature’.36
This was followed by a discourse on the state of nature, the creation of civil society, contracts, the formation of family and its legal consequences. The aim was to analyse natural law by putting aside all ‘speculative discussions’37 that were based on common ideas and sentiments rather than on scientific foundations. In this way, natural law ‘becomes a clear compendium of science, easy for anyone to understand’.38
Natural law was often introduced through a historical overview in which the different theories of philosophers or jurists over the centuries were presented. This first part, focused on humanity in the state of nature, was followed by the introduction of public law and the formation of civil society, the objectives and rights and duties of individuals as well as the rights and duties of those who govern:
The duties and rights of the supreme power demand vigilance for the tranquillity and the peace and security of the entire State. They, therefore, require appropriate laws for the direction of the actions of citizens, and for the prevention of crimes, or for punishing them in order to dissuade them through fear of punishment from committing them. They also require the establishment of magistrates, officers, and ministers who administer justice, and the dispositions upon which the good order of judgments, the police, and all that is necessary for the benefit of society depend.39
The curriculum also included lessons on the separation of powers and the foundation of legislative, executive and judicial power within the state. This was followed by the analysis of relations between states, introducing the concept of sovereignty, equality and independence, by elaborating on: ‘the conventions, treaties and mediations that govern relations between nations, the modalities of wars, peace treaties and trade, privileges, immunities and qualities of the Ministers of the Nations’.40
It is interesting to note that professors commonly adopted a very practical approach by including examples to clarify and illustrate the ‘abstract theories’.41
From a general point of view, the Habsburg reform proposed significant changes in the curricula. The strong focus on natural and universal public law also affected the status of other courses. The course in Roman law, for example, lost its importance and was offered only as an introductory course;42 criminal law, on the other hand, acquired the status of a separate subject and was directly linked to the principles of public law. As far as canon law was concerned, the course focused on analysing of the relationship between State and Church.43
In this period, the texts of Heineccius became central to the teaching of Roman law, the Pandects and civil law. For the course on the Pandects, given by Antonio Filippo Bassiano Bigoni in the academic year 1774–1775, there is an explicit reference in its official programme to ‘duce Heineccio’,44 and the textbook for Giuseppe Gaspare Belcredi’s lectures was Heineccius’ Antiquitates romanae.45 Elia Giardini and Pietro Biffignandi, also lecturers in civil law the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, used Heineccius’s Elementa iuris secundum ordinem Institutionum and Elementa iuris secundum ordinem Pandectarum, ‘holding them to be convenient due to order, clarity and brevity’.46
4 Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair and Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis
Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair was a professor of natural and universal public law at the law faculty of the University of Pavia from 1769 to 1796, a period coinciding with the introduction of the Habsburg reforms. Through Saint Clair’s teaching, it is possible to examine how the Habsburg directives were applied and how they influenced the syllabus of natural and universal public law.47
He taught for about thirty years, changing his teaching programme and consequently his textbooks as required. For the academic year 1786–1787, he announced that he would lecture on Heineccii elementa iuris naturae et gentium secundum editionem veneta.48 We have no manuscript for those lectures, but for the academic year 1784–1785, we have a manuscript titled Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis and another, Institutiones iuris naturalis, which was substantially based on the previous work but without the section on public universal law.
In the prolegomenon of Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis, he analyses the meaning of natural law, the diversity of human actions in ‘internae’, ‘externae’ and ‘mixtae’, followed by the division between law and obligation, with references to Grotius. Subsequently, the discussion stretches from the meaning of consciousness to the state of nature. Following the prolegomenon, the first part of the manuscript is dedicated to natural law, particularly to man’s duties towards God and himself for preservation and perfection.49
There follow the duties towards society and the family and duties relating to material things, where Saint Clair dwells on the various ways of acquiring property, focusing on the distinction between inter vivos and mortis causa. The last section of the first part (on natural law) is dedicated to ‘De officiis erga alios quod attinet ad modo, quibus jus suum cuique persequi licet in statu naturali’. He concentrates on duelling and war, where he deals with the causes of a lawful war, the definition of the enemy, and offensive and defensive war.50
The second part is dedicated to universal public law and starts with a long reflection on civil society in general, its origin and how to obtain governmental power in the form of a republic or monarchy. It then continues by outlining the duties of rulers towards citizens and the duties of citizens.51
In the last part of the manuscript, Saint Clair elaborates on the meaning of the law of nations, following Wolff’s definition – later taken up by Vattel – that understood the law of nations as natural law applied to relations between states. Following Wolff’s distinction between the concepts of the necessary, voluntary and customary law of nations, he illustrates in detail his theory of the ‘civitas maxima’.52 With regard to the concepts of equality, sovereignty and independence of states, he refers directly to Vattel, whom he cites as ‘Watelius’, and describes his positions as ‘acute’.53 The lessons continue with the absolute duties of states, which derive from natural law, the hypothetical duties ‘quae ex dominorum, ac territorium distinctione oriuntur’ and the voluntary duties that arise from the signing of an international treaty. A specific section is devoted to the amicable settlement of disputes between states, with implicit references to Vattel’s Droit des gens.54
Saint Clair ended his Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis with a section on international peace treaties, ‘de pace et pacis pactione’, and a paragraph on ambassadors, ‘de legationibus’, where he embraced Vattel’s theories concerning the ‘representative character’ of ambassadors and the ensuing ranking of different kinds of ministers, as well as the right to send ambassadors and the honours due to ambassadors.55
It is relevant that the former Jesuit Andrea Draghetti (1736–1825) was strongly influenced by Saint Clair’s Institutiones. Draghetti had joined the Society of Jesus in 1752 and had been a professor of metaphysics at the imperial college of Brera in Milan, where he was considered ‘one of the brightest and sharpest minds of that academic environment’.56 In 1773, with the suppression of the Society of Jesus, he had lost his chair at Brera; thereafter he taught for a short time in Novara and in 1778 was appointed to teach logic and metaphysics at the University of Pavia.57
Inspired by Saint Clair, Draghetti published in 1818 a work titled Ethica societatis jesu elucubrata duo in volumina divisa, quorum unum generalem, alterum specialem amplectitur. The first volume is dedicated to the Ethica generalis, where he divides his examination into natural law, public law and the law of nations; in the second volume, titled Ethica specialis, the object of analysis is the passions, virtues and vices, and happiness, and here Draghetti takes a strong position against Kant’s metaphysics and ideas of the relationship between philosophy and religion.58
If we carefully compare the two texts, it is possible to see that Draghetti’s first volume, Ethica generalis, is mostly a transcription of the Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis of Saint Clair, with additions and modifications. In the introduction to the volume, Draghetti says that he followed the ‘Manuscriptis Ticinensi Athenæo’.59 Compared with Saint Clair, Draghetti in most cases eliminates the titles of the various paragraphs; in others, he changes titles or subtitles; he also often refers to Grotius, Hobbes and Barbeyrac, while Saint Clair only makes implicit references to them.60
There are no sources to substantiate that Saint Clair corresponded with Draghetti, despite the similarity of their manuscripts. Draghetti eventually acquired a greater reputation than Saint Clair. In 1783 he entered the royal courts as a tutor to the sons of Archduke Ferdinand Charles Anthony, governor of Lombardy, and later he taught philosophy to the future Duke of Modena, Francis IV, to whom he would always remain attached.61
5 Juridical Theses on Natural and Universal Public Law
An interesting aspect of the Habsburg reform plan and its practical application, as far as concerns the law faculty and the teaching of natural and public law, is the public discussion of theses.62 Zorzoli has perceptively observed that analysis of these arguments allows us to reconstruct how the reform was applied in practice. While scholarly demands had specified the syllabus in great detail, the choice of topics for graduating students appeared decidedly freer.63
In line with the programme of Saint Clair’s course, his students seemed to prefer for their theses a great variety of authors, such as Grotius, Pufendorf, Heineccius and Voet, as well as Thomasius and Wolff.64 The topics of theses in natural and public law largely included the social contract, the state of nature, the origin of civil society, and the justification of the rights and duties of the sovereign to intervene in civil society.65
On 22 June 1775, candidate Rocco Marliani rejected the state of nature theorized by Hobbes as a state of war, arguing instead that peace naturally prevailed.66 On 14 June 1776, Antonio Maria Sesti also discussed whether the ‘status belli non est status hominis naturalis’ together with civil law topics such as the legal status of minors and the restitutio in integrum.67 On 11 June 1777, Luigi Rusca made an analysis of the law of love as the only principle of natural law, as proposed by Heineccius.68 This topic was also taken up on 18 May1790, by Francesco Predabissi, who focused on the connection between human actions and benevolence.69 On 14 June 1790, Camillo Renati discussed the positions of Pufendorf and Grotius with regard to the conclusion of contracts; two days later, Gaspare Visconti compared the theories of Hobbes with those of Rousseau on the state of nature.70
As far as public law was concerned, most of the graduating students dealt with issues relating to the legitimacy of war: Siro Quarti discussed on 13 June 1777 ‘ut bellum sit legitimum, belli indictio non est necessaria’71 and on the same day Francesco Zutti discussed the lawfulness of reprisals.72 Numerous theses examined the lawfulness of war in general and of religious wars in particular. For example, on 20 June 1785, Francesco Carloni considered ‘Iniustum est bellum quod populus popolo indicit ut avitam religionem deieret et propriam amplectatur’,73 while on 30 May 1789, Andrea Castelli contested the doctrines that legitimized war for religious reasons.74
In line with natural law thinking and recent theories on the law of nations, students were called upon to take a stand also on issues such as the form of declarations of war,75 the killing of prisoners,76 immunities of ambassadors,77 as well as the treatment of enemies,78 the spoils of war,79 the use of poison80 and of gunpowder,81 and compensation for the damage caused by war.82 Many of the discussions also concerned trade issues: the freedom to trade,83 interventions aimed at its limitation by the Prince,84 and monopoly,85 with particular attention to trade with foreigners86 and with enemies.87
6 Conclusions: Natural Law, Universal Public Law, and the Law of Nations in Pavia in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century
The teaching of natural law and universal public law had a significant impact on the training of Lombard jurists. Lombard lawyers referred to the theories of natural law and the law of nations learned at university, quoting them, for example, in their Allegationes.88 The questions of natural law and universal public law had already been discussed thirty years before the constitution of the chair in those subjects. As we have seen, Venanzio de Mays, participating in the plan drawn up by Pecci, helped to identify significant elements that characterized the academic reform. Mays’s inclination towards mos gallicus inevitably led him to conceive academic teaching differently from how it had been in the past: the choice of textbooks by the professors indicated their preference for the theories of natural law and the law of nations and for clear treatises suitable for an audience of students, works successfully used also in other European and other Italian contexts.
In his lectures, Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair did not hesitate to offer students a broader overview of the different theories on natural law, universal public law and the law of nations. In addition, he explained to his students how the discipline was currently characterized by continuous cultural and social interconnections from several European contexts, stressing how it was taught, circulated and adapted.
The teaching of natural law and universal public law took shape in an academic context characterized by the rigid rules established by the Habsburg reform. However, a unique space was created for professors as well as students, in which Saint Clair could teach natural law and generally enlightened jurisprudence, which was taken up by his students in their legal theses.
Subsequent reforms and governmental changes eventually separated natural law from universal public law and the law of nations. In the Napoleonic period, in fact, the ‘Piano di Studj e di disciplina per le Università nazionali’ (the plan of studies and discipline for national universities) of 31 October 1803 divided studies into three categories: mathematics and physics (in fact, all natural sciences), moral and political science (all social sciences, including law) and literature.89
For the course in moral philosophy and natural law, a programme was envisaged that focused on the traditional scheme of duties towards God, towards fellow men and towards oneself. Moral philosophy ‘has its foundations in the natural faculties of man himself, from the exercise of which the intellectual and moral virtues are born, which are the means for preserving happiness’.90 An essential part was devoted to the inalienable rights of man with regard to himself, to family and society. The course on public law and the law of nations was focused on international customs, pacts, alliance treaties, trade treaties and the illustration of theories on just war and peace negotiations.91
The ‘Classe delle Scienze morali e politiche’ included a chair of history and diplomacy. History was defined as ‘the repository of the success that legislation, customs and institutions had among the various nations’,92 while the course on diplomacy analysed the various international treaties concluded throughout history, with particular attention paid to the principles contained in them, as well as to the ‘spirit of them’.93
The course on public law and the law of nations was considered to cover a ‘broad and important subject’,94 encompassing the study of international treaties and the theories concerning just and unjust wars. Public law, in fact, ‘is what comes from the governing power of a great society of men, that is, a population. This power, conferred upon one or more men, constitutes the various forms of Governments, from which they issue laws limiting the Authorities, duties, and reciprocal rights of Magistrates and Citizens, and restricting or restraining social upheavals with the force entrusted to the governing power’.95
The special chair of public law and the law of nations, introduced by the Napoleonic reform, was given to Gabba in 1803–1804 and the following years to Abbot Giuseppe Prina,96 who became director of the prestigious College of Caccia in Pavia and used Lampredi’s Theoremata juris publici universalis for his lectures during his career as professor.97
The chair of natural law had a different fate: it was assigned to the Jansenist abbot Pietro Tamburini (1737–1827) from 1797 to 1818. Tamburini had previously had other posts and was a professor at the University of Pavia for a total of more than forty years. Tamburini published his lectures on moral philosophy, natural and public law, and these seven volumes represent an important source for tracing the development of the discipline of natural law at the beginning of the nineteenth century, as well as the interconnections between natural law and Enlightenment theories.98
Archival Sources
Biblioteca Universitaria di Pavia, Manoscritti Aldini, 208 and 265.
Bibliography
Almum Studium Papiense. Storia dell’Università di Pavia, ed. Dario Mantovani (Milano: Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2012–2020).
Ballerini, Pietro, Il metodo di S. Agostino negli studj (Milano: Giuseppe Galeazzi, 1772).
Bazzoli, Maurizio, ‘Almici e la diffusione di Pufendorf nel Settecento Italiano’, Critica Storica 16 (1979): 3–100.
Bazzoli, Maurizio, ‘Aspetti della recezione di Pufendorf nel Settecento italiano’, in Dal ‘De Jure Naturae et gentium’ di Samuel Pufendorf alla codificazione prussiana del 1794. Atti del convegno internazionale, Padova, 25–26 ottobre 2001, ed. Marta Ferronato (Padova: Cedam, 2005), 41–60.
Birocchi, Italo, Alla ricerca dell’ordine. Fonti e cultura giuridica nell’età moderna (Torino: Giappichelli, 2002).
Bucarelli, Mauro, ‘Draghetti Andrea’, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1992), vol. 41, 629–630.
Bussolino, Claudia, ‘1771–1780: La riforma attuata’, in Almum Studium Papiense. Storia dell’Università di Pavia, vol. 2.1, Dall’età austriaca alla nuova Italia, ed. Dario Mantovani (Milano: Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2015), 115–128.
Carrera, Alberto, ‘Dalla tolleranza religiosa alla “libertà del pensare”. La riflessione dell’abate giansenista Pietro Tamburini (1737–1827), docente alla università di Pavia’, Italian Review of Legal History 2 (2017): 1–16, https://irlh.unimi.it/?page_id=984&lang=it (accessed 28 September 2019).
Carrera, Alberto, Pietro Tamburini ‘Giurista’. Per una storia della cultura giuridica giansenista italiana (PhD diss., University of Milan, 2015).
D’Amico, Elisabetta, ‘La facoltà giuridica pavese dalla riforma francese all’Unità’, Annali di Storia delle università italiane 7 (2003): 111–126.
D’Amico, Elisabetta, ‘La riforma luosiana degli studi giuridici pavesi’, in Giuseppe Luosi, giurista italiano ed europeo. Traduzioni, tradizioni e tradimenti della codificazione. A duecento anni dalla traduzione in italiano del Code Napoléon (1806–2006). Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Mirandola-Modena, 19–20 ottobre 2006), ed. Elio Tavilla (Modena: Archivio Storico Edizioni APM, 2009), 115–139.
de Mays, Venanzio, Institutiones juris naturae et gentium ad usum cupidae legum juventutis singulis titulis institutionum juris civilis accomodatae excellentissimo Mediolanensi senatui nuncupatae (Mediolani: Ex typographia Josephi Pandulphi Malatesta, 1738).
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘1740–1765: un declino inarrestabile? Il Senato milanese “recalcitrante” tra misure riformistiche di ripiego e modesti segni di rinnovamento dell’Ateneo pavese’, in Almum Studium Papiense. Storia dell’Università di Pavia, vol. 2.1, Dall’età austriaca alla nuova Italia, ed. Dario Mantovani (Milano: Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2015), 63–82.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘1765–1771: Gli anni decisivi per la riforma. Dall’incubazione ai risultati’, in Almum Studium Papiense. Storia dell’Università di Pavia, vol. 2.1, Dall’età austriaca alla nuova Italia, ed. Dario Mantovani (Milano: Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2015), 83–114.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘De Mays Venanzio’, in Dizionario Biografico dei Giuristi Italiani (XII–XXsecolo), ed. Italo Birocchi et al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2013), vol. 1, 304–305.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca tra tradizione manoscritta e testi a stampa’, in Dalla pecia all’e-book. Libri per l’Università: stampa, editoria, circolazione e lettura. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi. Bologna, 21–25 ottobre 2008, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi and Maria Gioia Tavoni (Bologna: Clueb, 2009), 297–329.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘Introduzione. La formazione del giurista in Italia e l’influenza culturale europea tra Sette e Ottocento: il caso della Lombardia’, in Formare il giurista. Esperienze nell’area lombarda tra Sette e Ottocento, ed. Maria Gigliola di Renzo Villata (Milano: Giuffrè, 2004), 1–106.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘Le droit public en Lombardie au XVIIIe siècle et l’Europe’, in Science politique et droit public dans les facultés de droit européennes (XIIIe–XVIIIe siècle), ed. Jacques Krynen and Michael Stolleis (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2008), 583–612.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘Tra Vienna, Milano e Pavia: un piano per un’università “dall’antico lustro assai decaduta” (1753–1773)’, in Gli statuti universitari: tradizione dei testi e valenze politiche. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Messina-Milazzo, 13–18 aprile 2004, ed. Andrea Romano (Bologna: Clueb, 2007), 507–546.
di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola, ‘Un avvocato lombardo tra ancien régime e “modernità”: Giovanni Margarita’, in Avvocati e avvocatura nell’Italia dell’Ottocento, ed. Antonio Padoa Schioppa (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009), 425–520.
di Simone, Maria Rosa, ‘I curricula giuridici’, in Le università napoleoniche. Uno spartiacque nella storia italiana ed europea dell’istruzione superiore. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Padova-Bologna 13–15 settembre 2006, ed. Piero Del Negro and Luigi Pepe (Bologna: Clueb, 2008), 145–167.
di Simone, Maria Rosa, ‘L’Unità d’Italia e l’insegnamento del diritto pubblico all’Università di Roma’, Annali di storia delle università italiane 18 (2014): 301–312.
Draghetti, Andrea, Ethica societatis jesu elucubrata duo in volumina divisa, quorum unum generalem, alterum specialem amplectitur (Regii: Davolium, 1818).
Foglio Officiale della Repubblica Italiana, n. 1–15 (Milano: Dalla Reale Stamperia, 1803), 155–179.
La recezione di Grozio a Napoli nel Settecento, ed. Vittorio Conti (Firenze: Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2002).
Memorie e documenti per la storia dell’Università di Pavia e degli uomini più illustri che v’insegnarono (Pavia: Stabilimento Tipografico-Librario Successori Bizzoni, 1878).
Musselli, Luciano, ‘Da Tamburini a Foscolo: la facoltà legale pavese tra didattica giuridica e suggestioni di cultura globale’, Annali di storia pavese 20 (1991): 91–101.
Musselli, Luciano, ‘I docenti della Facoltà giuridica pavese tra Cattolicesimo e Liberalismo’, Annali di Storia Pavese 22–23 (1995): 459–464.
Musselli, Luciano, ‘La Facoltà di Giurisprudenza nell’Ottocento’, in Storia di Pavia,V: L’età moderna e contemporanea (Milano: Banca Regionale Europea, 2000), 445–475.
Panizza, Diego, ‘La traduzione italiana del “De iure naturae” di Pufendorf: giusnaturalismo moderno e cultura cattolica nel Settecento’, Studi Veneziani 11 (1969): 483–528.
Peroni, Baldo, ‘La riforma dell’Università di Pavia nel Settecento’, in Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Pavia: pubblicati nell’XIcentenario dell’Ateneo (Pavia: Tipografia cooperativa, 1925), 115–174.
‘Piano di Studj e di disciplina per le Università nazionali’, in Statuti e ordinamenti della Università di Pavia dall’anno 1361 all’anno 1859. Raccolti e pubblicati nell’XIcentenario dell’Ateneo (Pavia: Tipografia cooperativa, 1925), 276–309.
‘Piano scientifico per l’Università di Pavia’, in Statuti e ordinamenti della Università di Pavia dall’anno 1361 all’anno 1859. Raccolti e pubblicati nell’XIcentenario dell’Ateneo (Pavia: Tipografia cooperativa, 1925), 228–255.
Pufendorf, Samuel von, Il diritto della natura e delle genti o sia sistema generale de’ principii li più importanti di morale, giurisprudenza, e politica, rettificato, accresciuto, e illustrato da Giovambattista Almici (Venezia: Pietro Valvasense, 1757–1759).
Quaglioni, Diego, ‘Pufendorf in Italia. Appunti e notizie della prima diffusione della traduzione italiana del De iure naturae et gentium’, Il Pensiero Politico 32 (1999): 235–250.
Ratti, Luigi, Il ministro Prina cento anni dopo la sua morte, su documenti e particolari inediti (Milano: Vallardi, 1914).
Stella, Pietro, ‘Pietro Tamburini nel quadro del giansenismo italiano’, in Pietro Tamburini e il giansenismo lombardo. Atti del Convegno internazionale in occasione del 250° della nascita (Brescia, 25–26 maggio 1989), ed. Paolo Corsini and Daniele Montanari (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1993), 151–204.
Stoffella, Stefania, ‘Assolutismo e diritto naturale in Italia nel Settecento’, Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico 26 (2000): 137–175.
Stoffella, Stefania, ‘Il diritto di resistenza nel Settecento Italiano. Documenti per la storia della traduzione del De iure naturae et gentium di Pufendorf’, Laboratoire italien: Politique et société 2 (2001): 173–199, http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/261 (accessed 28 September 2019).
Tamburini, Pietro, Continuazione delle lezioni di Filosofia morale e di naturale e sociale diritto. TomoVIIe ultimo (Pavia: Eredi di Pietro Galeazzi, 1812).
Tamburini, Pietro, Introduzione allo studio della Filosofia morale col Prospetto di un corso della medesima dei diritti dell’Uomo, e delle Società del cittadino abb. Pietro Tamburini professore sulla università di Pavia, membro del Collegio elettorale dei dotti, e Direttore del Collegio Nazionale. Tomo I contenente la Introduzione, e la I parte del Prospetto (Pavia: Eredi di Pietro Galeazzi, 1803).
Tavilla, Elio, ‘Beccaria, l’anti-juriste. Critiques de la culture juridique et résistances aux réformes dans l’Italie du XVIIIe siècle’, in Le bonheur du plus grand nombre. Beccaria et les Lumières, ed. Philippe Audegean et al. (Lyon: ENS Éditions, 2017), 97–110.
Van Kley, Dale, ‘From the Catholic Enlightenment to the Risorgimento: The Exchange Between Nicola Spedalieri and Pietro Tamburini, 1791–1797’, Past & Present 224(1) (2014): 109–162.
Vattel, Emer de, The Law of Nations, or Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, with Three Early Essays on the Origin and Nature of Natural Law and on Luxury, ed. Béla Kapossy and Richard Whatmore (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2008).
Vismara, Paola, ‘Pietro Tamburini e il “dispotismo pontificio”’, in Il giansenismo e l’Università di Pavia. Studi in ricordo di Pietro Stella, ed. Simona Negruzzo (Milano: Giuffrè, 2012), 95–114.
Zorzoli, Maria Carla, ‘La Facoltà di Giurisprudenza nell’Università di Pavia (1535–1796)’, in Studi di Storia del Diritto (Milano: Giuffrè, 1996), vol. 1, 483–516.
Zorzoli, Maria Carla, ‘La formazione dei giuristi lombardi nell’età di Maria Teresa: il ruolo dell’Università’, in Economia, istituzioni, cultura in Lombardia nell’età di Maria Teresa, vol. 3, Istituzioni e società, ed. Aldo de Maddalena, Ettore Rotelli and Gennaro Barbarisi (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1982), 743–769.
Zorzoli, Maria Carla, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia nell’età delle riforme: 1772–1796 (Milano: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino-La Goliardica, 1980).
Zorzoli, Maria Carla, ‘L‘Università di Pavia (1535–1796). L’organizzazione dello studio’, in Storia di Pavia,IV: L’età spagnola e austriaca (Milano: Banca del Monte di Lombardia, 1995), vol. 1, 427–481.
For a complete overview of the history of the University of Pavia, particularly between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see the important volumes edited by Dario Mantovani, Almum Studium Papiense. Storia dell’Università di Pavia (Milano: Cisalpino Istituto Editoriale Universitario, 2012–2020).
Maria Carla Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia nell’età delle riforme: 1772–1796 (Milano: Istituto Editoriale Cisalpino-La Goliardica, 1980); ead., ‘La formazione dei giuristi lombardi nell’età di Maria Teresa: il ruolo dell’Università’, in Economia, istituzioni, cultura in Lombardia nell’età di Maria Teresa, vol. 3, Istituzioni e società, ed. Aldo de Maddalena, Ettore Rotelli and Gennaro Barbarisi (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1982), 743–769; ead., ‘L‘Università di Pavia (1535–1796). L’organizzazione dello studio’, in Storia di Pavia, IV: L’età spagnola e austriaca (Milano: Banca del Monte di Lombardia, 1995), vol. 1, 427–481; ead., ‘La Facoltà di Giurisprudenza nell’Università di Pavia (1535–1796)’, in Studi di Storia del Diritto (Milano: Giuffrè, 1996), vol. 1, 483–516.
Maria Gigliola di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca tra tradizione manoscritta e testi a stampa’, in Dalla pecia all’e-book. Libri per l’Università: stampa, editoria, circolazione e lettura. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi. Bologna, 21–25 ottobre 2008, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi and Maria Gioia Tavoni (Bologna: Clueb, 2009), 297–329. See also ead., ‘1740–1765: un declino inarrestabile? Il Senato milanese “recalcitrante” tra misure riformistiche di ripiego e modesti segni di rinnovamento dell’Ateneo pavese’ and ‘1765–1771: Gli anni decisivi per la riforma. Dall’incubazione ai risultati’, in Almum Studium Papiense, vol. 2.1, 63–82, 83–114. And also ead., ‘Tra Vienna, Milano e Pavia: un piano per un’università “dall’antico lustro assai decaduta” (1753–1773)’, in Gli statuti universitari: tradizione dei testi e valenze politiche. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Messina-Milazzo, 13–18 aprile 2004, ed. Andrea Romano (Bologna: Clueb, 2007), 507–546; ead., ‘Le droit public en Lombardie au XVIIIe siècle et l’Europe’, in Science politique et droit public dans les facultés de droit européennes (XIIIe–XVIIIe siècle), ed. Jacques Krynen and Michael Stolleis (Frankfurt am Main: Klostermann, 2008), 583–612; ead., ‘Introduzione. La formazione del giurista in Italia e l’influenza culturale europea tra Sette e Ottocento: il caso della Lombardia’, in Formare il giurista. Esperienze nell’area lombarda tra Sette e Ottocento, ed. Maria Gigliola di Renzo Villata (Milano: Giuffrè, 2004), 1–106.
Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair, Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis, 1784–1785, MS, Biblioteca Universitaria di Pavia, Manoscritti Aldini, 265.
Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair, Institutiones iuris naturalis, MS, Biblioteca Universitaria di Pavia, Manoscritti Aldini, 208.
Baldo Peroni, ‘La riforma dell’Università di Pavia nel Settecento’, in Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Pavia: pubblicati nell’XI centenario dell’Ateneo (Pavia: Tipografia cooperativa, 1925), 115–174, at 120.
Ibid., 125.
Ibid., 121.
Ibid., 125.
Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 15.
Maria Gigliola di Renzo Villata, ‘De Mays Venanzio’, in Dizionario Biografico dei Giuristi Italiani (XII–XX secolo), ed. Italo Birocchi et al. (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2013), vol. 1, 304–305; Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 18.
Memorie e documenti per la storia dell’Università di Pavia e degli uomini più illustri che v’insegnarono (Pavia: Stabilimento Tipografico-Librario Successori Bizzoni, 1878), 97.
Pietro Ballerini, Il metodo di S. Agostino negli studj (Milano: Giuseppe Galeazzi, 1772), 48.
Maria Rosa di Simone, ‘L’Unità d’Italia e l’insegnamento del diritto pubblico all’Università di Roma’, Annali di storia delle università italiane 18 (2014): 301–312, at 302; di Renzo Villata, ‘1740–1765: un declino inarrestabile?’, 64. See also Maria Rosa di Simone, ‘I curricula giuridici’, in Le università napoleoniche. Uno spartiacque nella storia italiana ed europea dell’istruzione superiore. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Padova-Bologna 13–15 settembre 2006, ed. Piero Del Negro and Luigi Pepe (Bologna: Clueb, 2008), 145–167.
Venanzio de Mays, Institutiones juris naturae et gentium ad usum cupidae legum juventutis singulis titulis institutionum juris civilis accomodatae excellentissimo Mediolanensi senatui nuncupatae (Mediolani: Ex typographia Josephi Pandulphi Malatesta, 1738).
Di Renzo Villata, ‘De Mays Venanzio’, 304–305. This happened eighteen years before the first Italian translation, by Giovambattista Almici, of Samuel von Pufendorf, Il diritto della natura e delle genti o sia sistema generale de’ principii li più importanti di morale, giurisprudenza, e politica, rettificato, accresciuto, e illustrato da Giovambattista Almici (Venezia: Pietro Valvasense, 1757–1759). For the reception of Pufendorf in Italy, see Chapter 6 of the present volume, by Serena Luzzi. See also Diego Panizza, ‘La traduzione italiana del “De iure naturae” di Pufendorf: giusnaturalismo moderno e cultura cattolica nel Settecento’, Studi Veneziani 11 (1969): 483–528; Maurizio Bazzoli, ‘Almici e la diffusione di Pufendorf nel Settecento Italiano’, Critica Storica 16 (1979): 3–100; idem, ‘Aspetti della recezione di Pufendorf nel Settecento italiano’, in Dal “De Jure Naturae et gentium” di Samuel Pufendorf alla codificazione prussiana del 1794. Atti del convegno internazionale, Padova, 25–26 ottobre 2001, ed. Marta Ferronato (Padova: Cedam, 2005), 41–60; Diego Quaglioni, ‘Pufendorf in Italia. Appunti e notizie della prima diffusione della traduzione italiana del De iure naturae et gentium’, Il Pensiero Politico 32 (1999): 235–250; Stefania Stoffella, ‘Assolutismo e diritto naturale in Italia nel Settecento’, Annali dell’Istituto storico italo-germanico 26 (2000): 137–175; ead., ‘Il diritto di resistenza nel Settecento Italiano. Documenti per la storia della traduzione del De iure naturae et gentium di Pufendorf’, Laboratoire italien: Politique et société 2 (2001): 173–199, http://laboratoireitalien.revues.org/261 (accessed 28 September 2019). Concerning the reception of Grotius in Italy, see La recezione di Grozio a Napoli nel Settecento, ed. Vittorio Conti (Florence: Centro Editoriale Toscano, 2002), and Chapter 5 of the present volume, by Girolamo Imbruglia.
Di Renzo Villata, ‘De Mays Venanzio’, 304.
De Mays, Institutiones juris naturae et gentium, 5.
Italo Birocchi, Alla ricerca dell’ordine. Fonti e cultura giuridica nell’età moderna (Torino: Giappichelli, 2002), 319. See also Elio Tavilla, ‘Beccaria, l’anti-juriste. Critiques de la culture juridique et résistances aux réformes dans l’Italie du XVIIIe siècle’, in Le bonheur du plus grand nombre. Beccaria et les Lumières, ed. Philippe Audegean et al. (Lyon: ENS Éditions, 2017), 97–110.
Italo Birocchi, Alla ricerca dell’ordine, 319.
At the time when de Mays taught, Cesare Beccaria was studying law in Pavia. See Chapter 4 of the present volume, by Gabriella Silvestrini.
Peroni, ‘La riforma dell’Università di Pavia nel Settecento’, 126.
Ibid.
di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 303.
Ibid.
Ibid., 305.
Ibid., 306.
Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 25.
‘La sicurezza, la proprietà, la pace, l’armonia nelle Società sono beni i più essenziali, ed i più preziosi. A procurarli, e conservarli tende la Giurisprudenza colla più nobile Filosofia, fondata sulla intima cognizione del cuore umano’: ‘Piano scientifico per l’Università di Pavia’, in Statuti e ordinamenti della Università di Pavia dall’anno 1361 all’anno 1859. Raccolti e pubblicati nell’XI centenario dell’Ateneo (Pavia: Tipografia cooperativa, 1925), 228–255, at 235.
di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 302.
Ibid.
Peroni, ‘La riforma dell’Università di Pavia nel Settecento’, 151–152.
Ibid. See also Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 13.
‘scienza sublime colla scorta della quale si sviluppano tutti i fondamenti della giurisprudenza’: ‘Piano scientifico per l’Università di Pavia’, 235–236.
Ibid., 236.
‘i principii di tali rapporti dell’uomo cogli altri Uomini dipendono dal desiderio della felicità, dall’avversione al dolore, dalla uguaglianza, libertà, indipendenza uguale degli Uomini fra loro nello stato originario di Natura’. Ibid., 236.
Ibid.
‘diviene una scienza chiara e compendiosa, facile a chicchessia’. Ibid., 235.
‘I doveri e diritti della suprema potestà esigono vigilanza per la tranquillità e la quiete e sicurezza dello Stato in tutta la sua estensione. Richiedono dunque leggi opportune per la direzione delle azioni de’ cittadini, e per prevenire i delitti, o per punirli affine d’allontanar col timore della pena dal commetterli. Richiedono ancora la destinazione di magistrati, uffiziali e ministri che amministrino la giustizia, e le disposizioni, dalle quali dipende il buon ordine dei giudizi, la polizia, e tutto ciò che è necessario al vantaggio della società’. Ibid., 235–236.
‘Si daranno notizie sulle convenzioni, trattati e mediazioni che regolano i rapporti tra le nazioni; le modalità delle guerre, i trattati di pace e di commercio; i privilegi, le immunità e qualità dei Ministri delle Nazioni’. Ibid.
Ibid.
‘l’uso dei principi di diritto romano fosse inadeguato o addirittura dannoso’. Ibid.
Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 33–34.
Claudia Bussolino, ‘1771–1780: La riforma attuata’, in Almum Studium Papiense, vol. 2.1, 115–128, at 124, n. 71.
di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 311.
Elisabetta D’Amico, ‘La riforma luosiana degli studi giuridici pavesi’, in Giuseppe Luosi, giurista italiano ed europeo. Traduzioni, tradizioni e tradimenti della codificazione. A duecento anni dalla traduzione in italiano del Code Napoléon (1806–2006). Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi (Mirandola-Modena, 19–20 ottobre 2006), ed. Elio Tavilla (Modena: Archivio Storico Edizioni APM, 2009), 115–139, here particularly 121: ‘giudicate assai convenienti per ordine, chiarezza e brevità’.
For Jean Baptiste Noël de Saint Clair, see di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 317–318. And also ead., ‘Introduzione. La formazione del giurista in Italia’, 61; ead., ‘Un avvocato lombardo tra ancien régime e “modernità”: Giovanni Margarita’, in Avvocati e avvocatura nell’Italia dell’Ottocento, ed. Antonio Padoa Schioppa (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2009), 425–520, at 438; ead., ‘Le droit public en Lombardie au XVIIIe siècle et l’Europe’, 593 ff.
di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 317–318.
Saint Clair, Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis, 66–67: ‘Quare cum homo ad bona non animi solum, sed etiam corporis, per quae scilicet corpus conservatur, atque perficitur, sibi naturali lege comparanda obligetur, consequens est, ut ad vitam, sine qua conservari corpus non potest, servandam; proindeque ad vitae periculum, nisi majoris boni obtinendi ratio aliud suadeat, declinandum teneatur’.
di Renzo Villata, ‘Diritto, didattica e riforme nella Pavia settecentesca’, 317–318; Saint Clair, Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis, 148: ‘Et quia ex dictis patet iustam belli causam in sola inesse mali repulsione, aut reparatione, sequitur perinde esse sive per errorem, sive per dementiam, ac furorem, sive per malitiam hujusmodi malum, aut periculum nobis obveniat. Bellum autem ad solam vindictam susceptam consistere non posse cum interno illo amore, quo etiam inimicos a nobis prosequendos esse, jam alibi demostravimus’.
Ibid., 157 ff.
Ibid., 157 ff.
Saint Clair wrote: ‘Ex quo fit, ut duo etiam populi inter se naturali libertate gaudere intelligantur, quamvis uni, eidemque summo imperanti obnoxii sint, si suas quisque separatas rationes habeat, suisque peculiaribus utatur legibus fundamentalis, quemadmodum acute animadvertit Watelius’. Ibid., 237.
In chapter 18 of the second book, Vattel specifies that ‘the disputes that arise between nations or their rulers originate either from contested rights or from injuries received. A nation ought to preserve the rights which belong to her; and the care of her own safety and glory forbids her to submit to injuries’. He specifically underlines the maxims of the law of nations respecting the mode of terminating disputes between different states, focusing on amicable accommodation, compromise, mediation, arbitration and conference and congresses: Emer de Vattel, The Law of Nations, or Principles of the Law of Nature, Applied to the Conduct and Affairs of Nations and Sovereigns, with Three Early Essays on the Origin and Nature of Natural Law and on Luxury, ed. Béla Kapossy and Richard Whatmore (Indianapolis, IN: Liberty Fund, 2008), book II, ch. 18, § 323 ff., 448 ff.
Saint Clair, Institutiones iuris naturalis et iuris publici universalis, 279–280. In chapter 6 of book IV of his Law of Nations, ‘Of the several Orders of public Ministers, – of the representative Character, – and of the Honours due to Ministers’, Vattel declares ‘what is, by way of pre-eminence, called the representative character, is the faculty possessed by the minister, of representing his master even in his very person and dignity’ (Vattel, The Law of Nations, book IV, ch. 6, § 70, 691), going on to say, ‘the representative character, so termed by way of pre-eminence, or in contradistinction to other kinds of representation, constitutes the minister of the first rank, the ambassador’ (§ 71). Vattel distinguished between ordinary and extraordinary ambassadors, a dichotomy dictated by reasons inherent in their missions (ibid.). Under them were the envoys, without any power of representation as such, and so ministers on a second level (§ 73, 692). The third level, the residents, represented the person of the sovereign not in his dignity but only in his affairs (ibid.). According to Vattel, owing to ceremonial complexity, another figure had been created, with no particular determination of character: the minister, charged with representing the sovereign in an unspecified manner (§ 74, 692). The plenipotentiary minister, lastly, although ‘without any particular determination of character’, had in practice acquired a role immediately inferior to that of ambassador (ibid.).
‘una delle menti più profonde e acute dell’ambiente scolastico milanese’: Mauro Bucarelli, ‘Draghetti, Andrea’, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana, 1992), vol. 41, 629–630.
Ibid.
Andrea Draghetti, Ethica societatis jesu elucubrataduo in volumina divisa, quorum unum generalem, alterum specialem amplectitur (Regii: Davolium, 1818), vol. 2, ‘Ethica specialis, sect. III, cap. III, 474 ff.
‘Triplex inde habetur Ethicæ generalis pars, eodem ordine pertractanda. Præ ceteris, qui tripartitam materiam hanc pro Tyronibus nuperrime pertractarunt, Sanclerium sequemur in Manuscriptis Ticinensi Athenæo publice ab eo traditis; quibus tamen addere, demere, refragari, subrogare liberum nobis esse volumus, quotiescumque ratio ulla probabilis id suadeat, ut constabit infra’. Draghetti, Ethica, vol. 1, Ethica generalis. See also Memorie e documenti per la storia dell’Università di Pavia, 309, 468.
Draghetti, Ethica, 128, 156, 200–201, 230.
Bucarelli, ‘Draghetti Andrea’, 630.
Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 37. According to the reform plan, students had to take three exams in order to complete a course: an oral exam on all subjects of teaching in front of all members of the faculty, a written exam and finally the public exam.
Ibid., 62.
Ibid.
Ibid.
‘Theses in utroque iure’, in Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 95, n. 13.
Ibid., 103, n. 12.
Ibid., 112–113, n. 7.
Ibid., 316, n. 14.
Ibid., 324, n. 41.
Ibid., 114, n. 11.
Ibid., 114, n. 13.
Ibid., 237–238, n. 35.
Ibid., 303, n. 36.
Ibid., 342, n. 51.
Ibid., 207, n. 46.
Ibid., 268, n. 22.
Ibid., 266, n. 13.
Ibid., 234, n. 22; 281–281, n. 9.
Ibid., 401, n. 43.
Ibid., 329, n. 7: ‘Pulveris pirii usum satis non congrum jure naturae et gentium, et bono exercituum esse propugnamus’.
Ibid., 354, n. 51.
Ibid., 106, n. 22.
Ibid., 213, n. 7.
Ibid., 415, n. 15.
Ibid., 262–263, n. 3.
Ibid., 344, n. 54.
The interest in Vattel’s theories in the Milanese legal context is also found in references in the Allegationes; see di Renzo Villata, ‘Introduzione. La formazione del giurista in Italia’, 64 ff.
Foglio Officiale della Repubblica Italiana, n. 1–15 (Milano: Dalla Reale Stamperia, 1803), 155–179. For the law faculty of the University of Pavia at the beginning of the nineteenth century, see Elisabetta D’Amico, ‘La facoltà giuridica pavese dalla riforma francese all’Unità’, Annali di Storia delle università italiane 7 (2003): 111–126. See also Luciano Muselli, ‘La Facoltà di Giurisprudenza nell’Ottocento’, in Storia di Pavia, V: L’età moderna e contemporanea (Milano: Banca Regionale Europea, 2000), 445–475; idem, ‘I docenti della Facoltà giuridica pavese tra Cattolicesimo e Liberalismo’, Annali di Storia Pavese 22–23 (1995): 459–464; idem, ‘Da Tamburini a Foscolo: la facoltà legale pavese tra didattica giuridica e suggestioni di cultura globale’, Annali di storia pavese 20 (1991): 91–101.
‘doveri che ha l’uomo verso Dio, verso i suoi simili, e verso sé stesso, [la filosofia morale] ha i suoi fondamenti nelle facoltà naturali dell’uomo stesso, dall’esercizio delle quali nascono le virtu’ intellettuali e morali, che sono i mezzi per conservare la felicità’: ‘Piano di Studj e di disciplina per le Università nazionali’, in Statuti e ordinamenti della Università di Pavia dall’anno 1361, 284–285.
Ibid., 285.
‘Essa è il deposito del successo, ch’ebbero tra le varie Nazioni le legislazioni, i costumi, gl’istituti’. Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
‘è quello che deriva dalla potestà reggente una grande società di uomini, cioè una popolazione. Questa potestà, riposta in uno o più uomini, costituisce le varie forme de’ Governi, dai quali emanano le leggi che limitano le Autorità, i doveri, i diritti reciproci de’ Magistrati e de’ Cittadini, e comprimono o frenano con la forza affidata al potestà reggente i turbamenti della società’. Ibid.
His cousin and namesake, appointed by Napoleon as finance minister of the Kingdom of Italy (1805–1814), was killed during the popular uprisings of 20 April 1814. Abbot Prina had arrived that day from Pavia to bring him to safety, disguising him as a priest. Minister Prina underestimated the gravity of the situation and remained in Milan. Alessandro Manzoni witnessed the tragic event, which also inspired his Betrothed. The ‘attack on the bakers’ ovens’ illustrated in chapter 12 of the novel is undoubtedly inspired by the massacre of Prina. For the Abbot Prina and his cousin, see Luigi Ratti, Il ministro Prina cento anni dopo la sua morte, su documenti e particolari inediti (Milano: Vallardi, 1914), 37. Minister Prina graduated from Pavia on 12 May 1787, and was considered a brilliant student. The choice of themes for his public discussions ranged over criminal and civil law to natural law and universal public law (Socialia officia tum privata tum publica ex commiseratione deduci omnia possunt): ‘Theses in utroque iure’, in Zorzoli, Le tesi legali all’Università di Pavia, 265, n. 11.
D’Amico, ‘La facoltà giuridica pavese dalla riforma francese’, 112 ff.
These volumes were published between 1803 and 1812: Pietro Tamburini, Introduzione allo studio della Filosofia morale col Prospetto di un corso della medesima dei diritti dell’Uomo, e delle Società del cittadino abb. Pietro Tamburini professore sulla università di Pavia, membro del Collegio elettorale dei dotti, e Direttore del Collegio Nazionale. Tomo I contenente la Introduzione, e la I parte del Prospetto (Pavia: Eredi di Pietro Galeazzi, 1803) and the last volume Continuazione delle lezioni di Filosofia morale e di naturale e sociale diritto. Tomo VII e ultimo (Pavia: Eredi di Pietro Galeazzi, 1812). Alberto Carrera has recently reconstructed his impact on the legal culture of Lombardy, Pietro Tamburini ‘Giurista’. Per una storia della cultura giuridica giansenista italiana (PhD diss., University of Milan, 2015), https://irlh.unimi.it/?page_id=984&lang=it (accessed 28 September 2019). See also Pietro Stella, ‘Pietro Tamburini nel quadro del giansenismo italiano’, in Pietro Tamburini e il giansenismo lombardo. Atti del Convegno internazionale in occasione del 250° della nascita (Brescia, 25–26 maggio 1989), ed. Paolo Corsini and Daniele Montanari (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1993), 193; Paola Vismara, ‘Pietro Tamburini e il “dispotismo pontificio”’, in Il giansenismo e l’Università di Pavia. Studi in ricordo di Pietro Stella, ed. Simona Negruzzo (Milano: Giuffrè, 2012), 95–114; Dale K. Van Kley, ‘From the Catholic Enlightenment to the Risorgimento: The Exchange Between Nicola Spedalieri and Pietro Tamburini, 1791–1797’, Past & Present 224(1) (2014): 109–162; Alberto Carrera, ‘Dalla tolleranza religiosa alla “libertà del pensare”. La riflessione dell’abate giansenista Pietro Tamburini (1737–1827), docente alla università di Pavia’, Italian Review of Legal History 2 (2017): 1–16.