Chapter 3 Quelques malhonêtes particuliers”? Army Suppliers and War Commissaries as Profiteers of the Seven Years’ War

In: Officers, Entrepreneurs, Career Migrants, and Diplomats
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Marian Füssel
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Abstract

The Seven Years’ War provides numerous insights into the way in which early modern war entrepreneurs and war profiteers worked, as well as into the dynamics of financial crises and bankruptcies. War became an engine of social mobility for a group of war profiteers. Although many of their careers seem to have something unique about them – “the richest man from”, “the biggest war profiteer in” or “the greatest fall” – from a comparative perspective, the profiteers exhibit some common patterns: patterns that reveal structural mechanisms and cultural models of interpretation, evaluation and action lying behind the individual biographical trajectories. All of them invested in spectacular real estate holdings and acquired lavish urban residences, country estates and businesses. They acted as experts, as knowledge and knowledge transfer played a key role, but, above all, networks and logistics, which undoubtedly presupposed knowledge and information in turn. There were fluid transitions between areas of civil and military business. For purposes of warfare, the early modern princely state was dependent on merchants and bankers who provided it with the required logistics. Thus, the Seven Years’ War can serve as a measure of the fragile condition of political economy in the early modern princely state.

In the midst of the Seven Years’ War (1756–63), Luise-Dorothée, Duchess of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg, wrote in October 1758 in a letter to Voltaire: “You can bet a hundred to one that none of the belligerent powers will win in this turmoil and there will only be some dishonourable private individuals like some food entrepreneurs or money dealers who will benefit.”1 The Seven Years’ War can in fact be considered as a cultural laboratory, which created hitherto unimagined opportunities from an economic point of view as well.2 The global conflict thus provides numerous insights into the way in which early modern war entrepreneurs and war profiteers worked, as well as into the dynamics of financial crises and bankruptcies.3

In the usage of the early modern period, army suppliers usually operated under the French term ‘entrepreneur’. The Zedler lexicon thus defined the entrepreneur as someone “who takes on a certain delivery of clothing, grains, horses, etc.”4 Works especially devoted to this emerged in the literature on military theory, “to serve as guide to those who intend to become entrepreneurs”.5 In modern terminology, the army supplier or military entrepreneur can be defined as a ‘private entrepreneur’ (in the contemporary sense) “whose business was the procurement and/or production of food, armaments and equipment for a (standing) army.”6 Even if the semantic frame was stretched further, possibly also referring at first to commissions in fleet or fortress building, and was later extended, in general, to “a certain transaction, a lease, a deal, a manufactory, plant, an establishment, etc.”, the original military content of the term is, nonetheless, notable.7

Contemporaries in the 18th century already noticed how the art of war was developing into a mercantile art of trade.8 Precisely a globally interconnected conflict like the Seven Years’ War increased the need for logistical structures such as only major merchants involved in long-distance trade provided. Globally expanded markets did not only bring new opportunities for profits, however, but also new risks and challenges. Obtaining relevant information or controlling monetary flows thus became more exacting.9 The tight intertwining of early modern warfare and economics involved a process of co-evolution of the ‘striving for infinity’ (Unendlichkeitsstreben) of the prince and of the ‘capitalist entrepreneur’ to which Werner Sombart already called attention: “Enlarging an army and capital accumulation” are indeed, according to Sombart, “related processes: amassing quantities: extending the sphere of power beyond one’s personal, individual assets: breaking through the physical and mental limits of the individual being, etc., etc.”10 The recent research on the ‘contractor state’ emphasises that contracting out the task served, above all, to increase efficiency in the procurement of militarily important goods for the army. On account of their capabilities and networks, private entrepreneurs simply took care of the provision of militarily important resources more efficiently than the state.11 The state purchased its logistical capacity for action with calculated losses of control, entailing an early modern ‘outsourcing’ of competencies. In his General Principles of War (1753), Frederick II (1712–86) tried to counter this by way of the instructions: “One has to be very careful when choosing commissariat officials. For if they are swindlers, the state loses too much. This is why one has to have them supervised by honest people.”12

The profiteers of the Seven Years’ War discussed in detail in what follows include men such as Heinrich Carl von Schimmelmann (1724–82) as grain supplier of the Prussian army, the intendant of Nouvelle-France François Bigot (1703–78), and the Scottish businessman Sir Lawrence Dundas (1710/12–81). Related examples of entrepreneurs will be discussed in what follows, in order to show how the war enabled whom to make profits and how civil and military profit strategies and markets played into one other. Moreover, the example of the Affaire du Canada, an almost two-year-long trial (1761–63) in Paris involving charges that the Crown brought against the actors who were attributed responsibility for the loss of Canada, will allow us to examine what potential limits were set to war-entrepreneurship and how its deviant forms could be sanctioned by the princely state.

1 Army Suppliers and Bankers in Prussia

1.1 Schimmelmann: Porcelain and Slave Trade

In 2008, in the course of the postcolonial reassessment of the culture of remembrance of German colonial history, one of the most dazzling personalities of 18th-century entrepreneurship, whose social rise is closely linked to the history of the Seven Years’ War, also became the target of criticism: Heinrich Carl Schimmelmann (1724–82).13 He is regarded by researchers as the “the most important war profiteer of the Seven Years’ War”.14 A bust of Schimmelmann, which was first unveiled in the Hamburg-Wandsbek neighbourhood in 2006, was removed in 2008 after repeatedly having coloured paint splashed over it.15

Schimmelmann came from a Pomeranian merchant family and as a young man he first ran some businesses that ended in bankruptcy: among others, a transport business on the Elbe River.16 In the Second Silesian War (1744–45), he turned up as a Prussian army supplier, was robbed by Saxon Uhlans in a spectacular action, but then got everything restored to him after the 1745 Peace of Dresden. Schimmelmann settled in Dresden, married, and got involved in trade in colonial goods with sugar, coffee, and tobacco.17 He already took advantage of the previous situation of war here, purchasing devalued Saxon treasury bonds (debentures), which could be redeemed by Prussian subjects at their full value. Schimmelmann invested the resulting profits in a sugar refinery owned by the Berlin trading company Splittgerber & Daum, which we will meet again later. In Dresden, he first leased the excise tax on coffee in 1753 and then petitioned for a monopoly on sugar production in early 1756. But the Seven Years’ War began soon after, and in August 1756 Prussian troops invaded Saxony.18 The Prussians were counting on Schimmelmann’s local economic expertise, and on 19 September 1756, the King appointed him Prussian Privy Councillor (Geheimer Rat). His job was to ensure the provisioning of the Prussian army, which was supposed to be organised not only by way of requisitioning of grain, but also purchasing it.19 Along with his staff of 30, Schimmelmann managed to purchase cheaply from frightened peasants all over Saxony and to amass a fortune from the profit margin: the literature speaks of 1.5 million thalers.20 In the long run, however, another coup of the young entrepreneur proved far more consequential: During the invasion of Saxony, Frederick II had the entire inventory of Meissen porcelain confiscated and offered to sell it to Schimmelmann.21 They agreed on a price of 120,000 thalers and Schimmelmann was granted the right to have missing pieces redone at his own expense and to export his porcelain to Prussia. Prussia, however, already had its own porcelain factory, with which Schimmelmann was now entering into competition.22 He avoided this by selling all the inventory for 160,000 thalers to a consortium of three men, which included the former director of the factory. Nonetheless, Schimmelmann retained a large quantity of porcelain on preferential conditions. The Prussians now tried to get Schimmelmann to sell his porcelain in Prussia, but the latter had no intention of doing so and instead left for neutral Hamburg.23 The enormous quantities of other porcelain that were obtained is made clear by the fact that Frederick II himself transferred porcelain worth 283,687 thalers to Berlin, and that the ‘Old Dessauer’, Leopold I of Anhalt-Dessau (1676–1747), alone obtained 56 chests.24

Although the city council of the Hanseatic city refused to give Schimmelmann citizenship, the entrepreneur, nonetheless, set up business there with his own staff in a centrally located palace with its own trading office (Kontor). In 1758, Schimmelmann’s brokers publicly auctioned off a large part of the porcelain stocks at prices including substantial profit margins.25 This did not do any long-term harm to his contact with Prussia; Schimmelmann continued to be too important as army supplier. His next field of activity as a war profiteer would be manipulation of coinage. In 1755, Frederick II had already leased the Prussian mints to Jewish monetary entrepreneurs.26 Schimmelmann now got himself involved and entered negotiations with these so-called Münzjuden (literally: coin Jews). Their business model consisted of adding less precious metal in gold and silver to the coins and making up the difference with copper. Schimmelmann yet again made effective use of his well-connected staff: for example, by having gold and silver purchased in Holland and then sold in turn at the mints in Prussia – all, of course, without putting his own name on the contracts.27 This means he did not mint coins himself, but acted as a middleman for gold and silver from the Netherlands and took care of the distribution of the inferior coins far from their actual mints.28 He generated his profit margin from this precious metal trade and the control of the distribution rooms of the inferior coins.

Schimmelmann, who had in the meanwhile become a millionaire, was wooed by the Prussian, Saxon, and Danish courts, but preferred at first to stay in the Hamburg area. In 1759, he acquired a property with a magnificent palace for 180,000 thalers in Ahrensburg, which was Danish at the time, and he lived like a prince, with a residence in Hamburg and a small ‘royal seat’ in Ahrensburg. In 1761, while the palace was being renovated, Schimmelmann travelled with his family to Copenhagen, where Foreign Minister Bernstorff had great admiration for “this famous entrepreneur who made almost one and half million in the present war”.29 In no time, Schimmelmann rose from chamberlain to General Commercial Intendant to the Danish Crown. In 1762, the Seven Years’ War flared up again in Danish northern Germany, as Tsar Peter III pondered going to war against Denmark; thanks to his quick overthrow, however, this remained a minor episode and the war came to an end in 1763 with the Peace of Hubertusburg.30 For Schimmelmann, this brought a phase as war profiteer to a close, but his social and economic rise knew no bounds.

In Denmark too, the parvenu made a display in terms of courtly prestige by acquiring a residence in Copenhagen in 1761 and the Lindenborg estate near Aalborg in 1762.31 He was subsequently accorded the rank of a hereditary baron or Freiherr and made a knight of the Order of Dannebrog. The Danish king had taken over the West Indies Guinean Company in 1755 and thus possessed four plantations on the Virgin Islands in the Danish West Indies. Since they were not profitable for the Crown, however, the decision was taken to sell them. On 22 March 1763, just over a month after the end of the Seven Years’ War, the following resolution was adopted: “The Royal Refinery, along with storehouse, on Christianshavn and four plantations in the West Indies shall be sold to the General Intendant of Commerce and Extraordinaire Envoyé to the Lower Saxony [Imperial] Circle, Baron von Schimmelmann.”32 The plantations in question were two plantations on Saint Croix (La Grande Princesse and La Grange), the plantations on Saint Thomas and the Carolina plantation on Saint John. Schimmelmann doubled the number of slaves from 500 to almost 1,000 and had the letters BvS (Baron von Schimmelmann) burned into their skin.33 Schimmelmann subsequently became one of the richest men in Europe. He commanded a fleet of 14 ships. The now Danish entrepreneur occupied key positions in the so-called triangular trade between Europe, Africa and the Caribbean: He had his own rifle factory and exported arms, alcohol, and calico from Europe to Africa, where he acquired slaves for the plantations on the sugar islands. Sugar, rum, and cotton were shipped from the Caribbean to Hamburg. Some of the raw materials were first transformed into the end products such as rum or textiles at factories in Hamburg; the profits were then invested in turn in the slave trade in Africa.

1.2 Von Brenkenhoff: Horse Trade

Franz Balthasar Schönberg von Brenkenhoff (1723–80) was born the son of a Saxon cavalry officer, but he soon lost his parents and ended up in the custody of Leopold I of Anhalt-Dessau as a page.34 Brenkenhoff remained in the service of the Dessauers also under the latter’s successors and gained experience in agriculture, hydraulics, and administration. His first biographer, August Gottlieb Meißner, called the Seven Years’ War a “coincidence that allowed him to earn more in a few days than he probably otherwise could have expected from the hard work of many years or even of his whole life.”35 During the siege of Prague, Prince Moritz of Anhalt-Dessau (1712–60), the fifth son of the Old Dessauer, allegedly asked him: “Whether he was inclined to take over the deliveries for the army? But before he could make up his mind, Schimmelmann had already gotten into contact, and Brenkenhof, who, in part, shied away from the risk that was, however, associated with this venture and, in part, was completely unprepared for and surprised by the proposal, only took over approximately one thousand Wispel.”36 Meißner describes a dramatic neck-and-neck race between the two rivals Brenkenhoff and Schimmelmann. Brenkenhoff ultimately got the upper hand. Within two days “every bushel of grain lying in stock in an area of several miles running through the whole of Anhalt, up to Magdeburg, beyond Naumburg and deep into Thuringia had been made available for sale and purchased. Schimmelmann’s plenipotentiaries were right behind and came up empty everywhere.”37 Schimmelmann is said to have then personally approached Brenkenhoff and asked him not to ruin him and instead to share the profit.38 Brenkenhoff seems to have agreed, and the two men are said to have worked together until Schimmelmann entered the service of the Danish Crown. The next step in the story of Brenkenhoff’s rise was the procurement of horses for Frederick II during the Bohemian campaign, inasmuch as the “poor condition of the individual horses and the draft horses” purportetly limited the King’s operations. Brenkenhoff now pointed out that “a large number of people” kept “riding and carriage horses” in the cities without “necessarily needing them”. Soon after the King gave his agreement, Brenkenhoff is reported to have sent him “several thousand of the handsomest, most hard-working steeds”.39 But his biographer is able to present an even far more spectacular story: In the context of the Battle of Torgau, the Austrians held territory in Dessau where Brenkenhoff was, more or less, a prisoner. He developed a relationship of trust with the Austrian commissioner, and as Frederick II was getting ready to try to reconquer the territory, Brenkenhoff is said to have encouraged the commissioner to have a large amount of bread baked. His aim was for the bread to fall into the Prussians’ hands, which, according to the biography, then in fact occurred. His biographer insists that the loyal businessman even put his life at risk when communicating with the King across enemy lines.40 In 1762, Brenkenhoff was rewarded for his efforts and appointed “High Privy Councillor for Finance, War and Estates” (Wirklicher Geheimer Oberfinanz-, Kriegs- und Domänenrat).41 Henceforth, he would manage the reconstruction of Pomerania and the Neumark, regions that had been hard hit by the war.42 The last years of his life were marked by massive economic miscalculations and mistakes, which have become famous in the expression the ‘Brenkenhoff defect’.43

1.3 Splitgerber: Trader and Banker

David Splitgerber was the son of a miller and founded the trading company Splitgerber & Daum in Berlin in 1712.44 The firm experienced a gradual rise under the ‘Soldier King’ Frederick William I thanks, among other things, to arms trade and provisioning of the court. As crown prince Frederick II was already in debt to Splitgerber & Daum, but he settled all his debts when coming to power.45 Under Frederick II, the company experienced a rapid rise, which was essentially due to the three Silesian Wars: Turnover rose from 641,000 thalers (1738) to 804,000 thalers (1740) and reached over 4 million thalers in 1762.46 Profits from the Seven Years’ War of 1 million thalers were transferred to a reserve account. Crucial factors were the procurement of cash for the army and, like in Schimmelmann’s case, involvement in the ‘coin business’ with Jewish monetary entrepreneurs like Herz Moses Gompertz (1716–60), Moses Issac (1708–99), Daniel Itzig (1723–99) and Veitel Heine Ephraim (1703–75). After the death of Gottfried Adolf Daum, Splitgerber transformed the firm into a family business and in 1745 hired the Alsatian Johann Jacob Schickler (1711–75) and in 1748 the Berliner Friedrich Heinrich Berendes (1729–71), both of whom became his sons-in-law and co-owners of the company.47 Splitgerber acquired, among other things, the Palais Beauvryé on today’s Pariser Platz in Berlin in 1741 and the Schickler House on Dönhoffplatz (1746), and he owned country estates and knightly estates in Lichterfelde and Strahlau and a baroque garden adjacent to the city’s fortifications (1748). He succeeded in developing a close business relationship with the King, who made him into a multitasker. He acted as a victuals supplier, as well as a trader in arms and raw materials, and as a banker. In July 1740, he delivered grain from the Baltics, England, and the Netherlands for 400,000 thalers; in the first Silesian War, he procured “saltpetre, powder, lead and money for the recruits”, in 1759, “American sulphur, Polish and ‘Indian’ saltpetre” for 49,000 thalers; and the rifle factory had particularly high sales.48 As the King’s ‘chief banker’, he paid levies, accepted the English subsidies in exchange for gold deliveries and transferred payments for negotiations with the Ottomans to the Prussian envoy in Istanbul.49 According to Wilhelm Treue, unlike suppliers such as Schimmelmann, he never went too far, but instead was satisfied with moderate, but regular returns, which further strengthened the King’s trust in him.50 The Splitgerber & Daum firm even got through the financial crisis that followed the Seven Years’ War unscathed and, at the time of Splitgerber’s death in 1764, registered net profits of 560,000 thalers for the period 1759–63.51

It is striking that none of the well-known Prussian war profiteers came from the western provinces. There were good reasons for this, according to Horst Carl, since the pieces did not come together here, “neither for supplying war materials nor for coin transactions”, since “a merchant class disposing of sufficient capital” for “business on this sort of scale” was simply lacking.52 How the allied army in northwest Germany organised its provisioning is the subject of the following section.

2 “Commissaries and Contractors, Who Have Fattened … on the Blood of the Nation”: British and Hanoverians

Every upstart of fortune, harnessed in the trappings of the mode, presents himself at Bath, as in the very focus of observation Clerks and factors from the East Indies loaded with the spoil of plundered provinces; planters, negro-drivers, and hucksters, from the American plantations, enriched they know not how; agents commissaries, and contractors, who have fattened, in two successive wars, on the blood of the nation; usurers, brokers and jobbers of every kind, men of low birth, and no breeding, have found themselves suddenly translated into a state of affluence, unknown to former ages; and no wonder that their brains should be intoxicated with pride, vanity, and presumption. Knowing no other criterion of greatness, but the ostentation of wealth, they discharge their affluence without taste or conduct, through every channel of the most absurd extravagance.53

The Scottish physician and writer Tobias Smollet (1721–71) used this biting mixture of ridicule and ‘cultural sociology’ avant la lettre in 1771 to describe the nouveaux riches.54 In Great Britain, entrepreneurs got rich thanks to, among other things, the opportunities in the slave trade that were created during the war, the profits that the East India Company derived from the war or by acting as army suppliers in Germany, and they made no secret of it.55 John Kennion (1726–85) of Liverpool was thus another well-off slave trader who owed his initial capital to the war. In the 1750s, he had already invested in shares in slave ships and purchased sugar plantations in Jamaica; during the 1762 Havana Expedition, he was then responsible as commissary for supplying the armed forces with food, clothing, and munitions.56 On Cuba, he secured the concession for supplying the north of Cuba with slaves, which proved to be a lucrative business. Among the actors involved in supplying the British army, we can theoretically distinguish between commissaries and contractors, although the boundaries are fuzzy in practice. Contractors were merchants who were paid a certain amount of money for providing products, whereas commissaries were officers whose function was to procure the army’s supplies.57 Jeffrey Amherst, followed by Robert Boyd and Thomas Orby Hunters (c. 1716–69), served as commissaries; Lawrence Dundas (1712–81) or Richard Oswald (1705–84) acted as contractors, the latter in the dual role of contractor and commissary. These entrepreneurs were responsible for provisioning the British-allied army in north-west Germany from 1758 on.58 They offer astonishing examples of social mobility: Dundas, for instance, was made a baronet in 1762.59 The Seven Years’ War first gave rise to demands for more stable institutional structures for provisioning the British army, which, in light of the latent British unease about a standing army in one’s own country, tended to have an ad hoc character previously. This was also apparent again and again in the area of holding prisoners of war: a constantly recurring situation in the 18th century, to which, however, the authorities long responded in a more or less improvised fashion. Here too, contractors were employed for the purpose of provisioning the prisoners, which, given widespread corruption, sometimes led to disastrous conditions.60 The unexpected dimensions of the global war now created additional pressure on logistics functioning over vast distances.61 But it was precisely the need to make use of the professional infrastructures of private merchants that would further delay consistent institutionalisation, such as was already more developed in Prussia, for instance.62

2.1 Taylor: Paymaster

Many of the protagonists mentioned amassed considerable fortunes during the war: like, for instance, the paymaster Peter Taylor (1714–77), a former silversmith who spent five years as deputy paymaster in Germany during the war.63 His quick profits were a mystery even for his contemporaries. Thus, in March 1760, the Duke of Newcastle wrote to General John Mostyn (c. 1709–79): “By the by, the proceedings of this Mr. Taylor are something mysterious, the length of time that the money is coming from Amsterdam to the army, the payment in light dollars instead of heavy ones … has some mystery in it which I cannot yet fathom.”64 But the general evidently found the matter less puzzling, when he replied: “I don’t think there is quite so much mystery in the affair your Grace mentions, of light ducats, as roguery.”65 In May 1760, Newcastle also wrote to the Marquess of Granby in Germany: “I must beg you to enquire into the truth of a report which has reached me, that Mr. Taylor, the deputy paymaster, makes a deduction of six or seven per cent, out of his payments, retaining that sum for himself.”66 In August of that year, the enterprising British army agent John Calcraft the Elder (1726–72) told Taylor: “Your getting rich, which makes other people envy you, gives me infinite pleasure.”67 Taylor’s reputation was not the best after his return. During a dinner at Lord Shelburne’s, he evidently made no secret of his riches: “Many facts he related, and had an openness in his manner and a freedom of speech, which had carried more conviction, had he not overpraised himself, and had not the idea of £400,000 got in four years been perpetually present to my mind’s eye as he talked.”68 Taylor had enough money after the war to buy two estates near Wells and near Portsmouth and a seat in parliament. He sat in the House of Commons from 1765 to 1777 and he had star architect Sir Robert Taylor (1714–88) construct a prestigious manor on his property near Portsmouth. A widespread pattern among the parvenus, as we shall see.

2.2 Oswald: Slave Trader and Baker

One of the most powerful British contractors was the London merchant and slave trader Richard Oswald (1705–84).69 Oswald already supplied the Navy with tar and turpentine before the war; but his great hour as army supplier first arrived with the outbreak of the Seven Years’ War. Many years of experience in “shipping and trade, plantation economy and slave trade” helped him and his partner John Mill to fulfil their contracts with “distinction”.70 When the British military involvement in the German territories expanded then in 1758, the Treasury sought out suitable “persons of credit and character” as contractors, who were supposed, above all, to have military experience abroad. Oswald did not meet the search criteria, but no other merchant volunteered either. The Lords of the Treasury thus resorted to a public tender in the London Gazette and solicited “Proposals for Furnishing Bread wagons and Bread for the use of his Majesty’s Troops now going abroad.”71 Two bids were received; Oswald submitted the cheaper one and was chosen. Matters were not so simple, however, since the losing bidder, Abraham Prado, went to Germany on his own initiative and proposed his services to the allied army under Ferdinand of Brunswick. It was only in August 1758 that the well-connected Oswald managed to underbid him yet again on the ground in Germany. The business then started with the supplying of self-baked bread and later expanded to coaches and all sorts of means of transport, from artillery wagons to hospital wagons.72 The fact that Oswald operated for the first year merely on the basis of a verbal agreement is both astonishing and revelatory of the degree of informality of the trade; a written contract only followed in May 1759.73 By March 1763, Oswald had delivered around 5 million loaves of bread; he employed an ‘army of bakers’ and controlled about a third of the 55 British army depots in northwest Germany.74 Just the bread earned Oswald 112,000 pounds. But it took years before all the invoices were paid.75 It was not until 1771 that a sort of final settlement took place, and it was not until 1804 that his estates were paid off.76 For Oswald was no less prone to conspicuous status-related consumption than the other army suppliers and war profiteers. In 1764, he acquired Auchincruive House in South Ayrshire, Scotland and had it expanded in the years to come into a Palladian-style villa.77 The latter was equipped with an extensive art collection and a magnificent English garden with tea house and greenhouse, which earned him the reputation in 1774 of owning the “finest Garden & most elegant Glass House and Hot House” in all of Scotland.78 Oswald was not spared critical observations by his contemporaries either, one of whom caricatured him as a “Plunderer of Armies”. But in comparison to the upstart Taylor, he had a rather solid image: Ferdinand of Brunswick, for instance, evidently had a high opinion of him as a businessman with integrity.79

2.3 Uckermann: Army Supplier, Merchant, and Project Maker

A name that turns up repeatedly in the files of the Hanoverian administration during the war is Johann Jacob Uckermann (1718–81). His father of the same name (1682–1749) already possessed extensive real estate holdings in Wanfried as merchant and mayor.80 The turning point for the younger Uckermann came with the Seven Years’ War, during which he acted as army supplier for both at first, in 1757, the French army and, from 1759 on, the allied army and obtained enormous riches thanks in no small measure to creating monopolies and manipulating settlements.81 The Hessian Landgrave had awarded him the title of major for loyal service during the French occupation, which, given the military’s scepticism towards civilian entrepreneurs, undoubtedly was advantageous for him. His businesses started in spring 1759 with the mission of supplying bread to the Imhoff Corps in Hesse. But the first bottlenecks soon appeared; in winter 1759, supplies were running low during the siege of Krofdorf (near Giessen). Uckermann himself, however, interpreted the situation as being under control, viewed himself as a do-gooder and wrote to his brother in November 1759 from the allied camp near Krofdorf: “The enterprise is very important, which means that it amounts to 600,000 Dutch guilders a month, and it has held off the worst times without the whole army suffering one day of want. And it was assumed by all the people, indeed by all the generals, that I was doing the impossible. They look at it with astonishment and show me the greatest respect.”82 In reality, the soldiers were starving, Uckermann’s suppliers were waiting for his payments and did not make deliveries. The general of the Hanoverian troops, August Friedrich von Spörcken (1698–1776), noted: “Major Uckermann financially ruined and robbed the army with impunity during the siege of Krofdorf.”83 Even Oswald found that his colleague was acting only out of self-interest and without regard for the troops. But Uckermann obtained contract after contract and even went so far as to demand an exemption from the excise tax (Akzis-Freiheit).84 His request, however, met with a clear rejection by Ferdinand of Brunswick:

If I am correctly judging Uckermann’s design, he wants to establish a monopoly of victuals at Kassel. For if I could procure freedom from excise for him, first no other merchant would be able to match his price, then, however, when he had mastered the trade, no soldier would be able to pay for his victuals. I cannot allow myself to be involved in this project.85

Despite numerous critical voices, Uckermann consolidated his position, and he was named Entrepreneur Général.86 Illegal trade in receipts represented a massive problem: Contractors purchased the receipts cheap from peasants and then later submitted them as if they had had provided the full delivery, thus pocketing the difference.87 In December 1760, Gerlach Adolph von Münchhausen complained to his brother Philipp Adolph:

The misfortune stems from the indescribably wicked English commissariat, which partly out of clumsiness, but still more due to self-interested intentions and by way of deceitful entrepreneurs does not take suitable precaution and then, when there is hardship, pounces on the poor country … One’s heart bleeds when one considers that to make such people as Massau and Uckermann rich, so many thousands of the King’s loyal subjects have been reduced to beggary in proprio sensu.88

Uckermann, the “deceitful entrepreneur”, was not harmed by this; on the contrary, he earned the trust of Landgrave Frederick II of Hesse-Kassel and, after the war, directed the reconstruction of the decrepit Hessian postal service as postmaster general.89 The successful businessman rose to the rank of Councillor for Commerce in 1763 and that of Privy Councillor for War in 1766; in 1769, he was made a member of the nobility and in 1770 an imperial baron (Reichsfreiherr).90 In 1762, the family acquired the Bendeleben estate in Electoral Saxony and built a manor on the property; further knightly estates were then acquired in Weesenstein and Meusegast near Dresden. In the last ten years of his life, however, Uckermann ruined himself financially through his involvement with the Trading Company in Karlshafen.91

3 Profiteers on Trial: The Affaire du Canada

Military corruption was particularly pronounced in the army of the country that suffered the greatest territorial losses in the Seven Years’ War: namely, France.92 During the War of Austrian Succession (1740–48), the French monarchy had abandoned the régie system, i.e. central administration of army provisioning, and revived the institution of munitionnaires généraux.93 A group of around a dozen merchants thus acquired influence as monopolists. At the end of the Seven Years’ War, Étienne-François de Choiseul (1719–85) went back to the régie system, since trust in the private entrepreneurs had suffered badly.94 The provisioning of the French army in Germany was carried out by a special firm named Munitionnaires généraux des vivres de Flandres et d’Allemagne under director Jacques Marquet de Bourgade (1718–84). While it was done in such a way that, despite some critical voices, its profiteers were not exposed to any public sanctions, the government increasingly set its sights on the entrepreneurs in the colonies. A spectacular trial of a group of Canadian colonial officials, whom one wanted to hold accountable for the loss of Nouvelle-France, got underway in Paris even before the war was over.95 Profiteering, embezzlement, and fraud were the serious charges. A 27-person expert commission formed to prosecute the charges began its work in mid-November 1761 in the Grand Châtelet building in Paris. The defendants in the Affaire du Canada case included Governor-General Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil (1698–1778),96 the Intendant of Nouvelle-France François Bigot (1703–78), the royal army supplier Joseph Michel Cadet (1719–81), and Michel-Jean-Hugues Péan (1723–82),97 Aide-Major of the naval troops.98 The trial, which mainly focused on money, lasted almost two years; the verdict was handed down on 10 December 1763 and published in virtually novelistic form.99

3.1 François Bigot: Intendant of Nouvelle-France

François Bigot came from a family in Bordeaux that had already been well-established in the commercial and financial sector for many generations.100 The young Bigot began his career in naval administration and rose to the position of “resident commissary of the Marine” in Rochefort.101 On 1 May 1739, he was promoted to the position of Financial Commissary of Louisbourg,

Île Royale.102 During the War of Austrian Succession, he invested in privateering expeditions, but his main job was to secure the supplies situation for the military and civilian population. Except between 1745 and 1748, he was almost always active in Nouvelle-France; in 1748, he was appointed the intendant of the latter.103 As officier de plume, he was responsible for the administration of “funds, supplies, equipment, timber, shipbuilding, housing, hospitals, the populace in general, and everything, indeed, except fighting”.104 Bigot presented himself as a kind of viceroy, organised sumptuous balls and acted as a powerful patron. He profited from awarding trading posts and commercial contracts, and got involved in the fur trade, while Canada’s population was suffering from excessive prices and the consequences of inflation. There is no doubt that Bigot also lined his own pockets during the Seven Years’ War and contemporaries already accused him of starving the population. The list of his critics is long and ranges from the French commander-in-chief Louis-Joseph de Montcalm (1712–59) to the latter’s adjutant Louis Antoine de Bougainville (1729–1811), who would later sail around the world.105 Modern researchers, however, also stress the efficiency of his supply policy. He was evidently more effective in matters of policy and administration than in those of economics. Contemporary research is constantly pointing to the generally high degree of corruption in the 18th-century French administration and tries to rectify the image of the protagonists of the Affaire du Canada.106 Thus, according to Bosher and Dubé, we need to ask whether Bigot “was a particularly corrupt intendant or merely a typical intendant in a corrupt system”. On their view, the fraud of which Bigot was accused in Paris was “not based upon mere forgery or a surreptitious misuse of funds; it was a system of private enterprise on a grand scale with the collaboration of most of the other colonial officials and many army officers and merchants working under the terms of personal understandings or even formal companies.”107

On 21 September 1760, Bigot set off on his way back to France; on 17 November, he was arrested and put on trial in the case that made legal history as the Affaire du Canada.108 On 10 December 1763, the verdict was handed down: Bigot was banished and all his possession were confiscated. He was given a fine of 1.5 million livres. It was difficult for the government to obtain information on his actual financial situation, since Bigot had cleverly distributed his earnings among numerous items: some of them flowed into real estate and a palace and some of them were invested, partly under the names of front men, in a variety of trading companies, banks, and notaries throughout the country. The office of “controller for the recovery of crown assets” was even filled again from 1761 to 1774, in order to be able to recover the money in question. Bigot had lost most of his fortune, and immediately after the verdict was announced, he left for Switzerland, where he settled in Neuchâtel under the name of his brother-in-law François de Barre. He acquired a house and was by no means impoverished; but he continued to be denied the possibility of rehabilitation and a return to France.

3.2 Joseph-Michel Cadet: Merchant Butcher, Businessman, and Purveyor General

Another member of Bigot’s ‘gang’, Joseph Michel Cadet, was born in Quebec and came from a well-connected family of merchant butchers.109 During the Seven Years’ War, he acted as purveyor general of the French army in Canada. In 1745, during the War of Austrian Succession, he had already begun supplying meat to the army. He accumulated so much capital during this time that he was able to act as a general contractor who charted his own ships and whose supply of goods was almost limitless. With the support of the French intendant François Bigot, on 25 October 1756, Cadet managed to negotiate a contract with the Crown that secured him the privileges of a general supplier for the next nine years. In it, Cadet undertook to provide each soldier in the field with a daily ration of “two pounds of bread, a quarter of a pound of dried peas, and either a pound of beef or half a pound of bacon”. There were other secret contracts lying behind this contract and a whole group of profiteers, including Péan, Intendant Bigot, and Governor Vaudreuil, benefited from them. Cadet initially got a one-fifth share, but in 1759 he secured a further one-fifth from partners who had withdrawn from the arrangement. During the war, Cadet assured the trade with the motherland using his own fleet of ships, half of which did not make it through, but thanks to which he, nonetheless, made an essential contribution to the resilience of Nouvelle-France up to 1759. At the same time, this was an affront to the French navy, since it did not succeed in maintaining the connection to Canada. After Quebec had capitulated in 1759, Cadet set off on his way back to France aboard a British vessel in October 1760. Just four days after he reached Paris on 21 January 1761, he was imprisoned in the Bastille like most of his Canadian colleagues. Scapegoats were being sought for the enormous territorial losses in the colonies from India to Canada. On 10 December 1763, the criminal court of Châtelet handed down a sentence including ten years’ banishment from France and a fine of 6 million livres. Just a few months later, on 5 March 1764, the banishment was revoked and the fine was cut in half. Vaudreuil left the Bastille on 22 May 1762, Bigot on 18 December 1763, Cadet on 28 March 1764, and Péan on 30 June 1764.

Cadet was now confronted by huge debt claims, which he paid in part by selling his real estate holdings in Quebec. But this did not prevent him from entering the French real estate business himself, sometimes surreptitiously, in a big way. Already at the start of 1767, he succeeded in acquiring various estates “consisting of ancient castles partly demolished, share-croppers’ houses, farms, water-mills, forests, arable lands, meadows, vineyards, thatched cottages, feudal dues … in Poitou, Maine and Touraine.”110 Much like his British colleagues, he spent half his time conducting business in the suburbs of Paris and half on his estate near Blois in the Loire Valley.111 Whether Cadet would have been “acclaimed as a hero and a public benefactor” in the event of French success in the Seven Years’ War, as John Francis Bosher claims, strikes me as rather questionable when comparison is made to the other war profiteers discussed, although the government would certainly not have been as persistent in making demands of him.

For even in victorious Great Britain, the government was on the tracks of the deviant commissaries and contractors. Already during the war, commissions were formed again and again to get to the bottom of possible irregularities.112 Opponents of military involvement in Germany fueled the British public debate. The greed of the commissaries was, for instance, informally sanctioned in plays like Samuel Foote’s comedy The Commissary (1765), which was modelled on Dundas.113 It is striking that the critical voices in the British public debate got articulated not during, but only after the war, at a time when the rapid increase in public debt encouraged having a look back into the war ledgers.114 Thus, there was reason to suspect that some private profiteers had gotten rich at the expense of the general public. The assessment varied depending on context between acceptance of the merchants by the old aristocratic elites as “gentleman contractors” and mockery of them as avaricious social climbers: for instance, when Dundas was ridiculed, using a term coined for rich returnees from the South Asian colonies, as “Nabob of the North”.115

4 Conclusion

Although, in and of themselves, many of the careers presented seem to have something unique about them – “the richest man from”, “the biggest war profiteer in” or “the greatest fall” – from a comparative perspective, the profiteers exhibit some common patterns: patterns that reveal structural mechanisms and cultural models of interpretation, evaluation and action lying behind the individual biographical trajectories. All of them invested in spectacular real estate holdings and acquired lavish urban residences, country estates and businesses. This was, on the one hand, a symbolic expression of their ascent into the ranks of nobles and gentlemen; at the same time, it was also an economic investment, that was, for instance, supposed to be of long-term benefit for their family.116 Not many entrepreneurs will have intended to shift the centre of their existence to the countryside; they continued to rely on their urban contacts and networks.117 Their rise in status was also legally consolidated: Brenkenhoff was already part of the nobility, Schimmelmann rose to the status of a baron and later a count, Uckermann rose into the ranks of the imperial baronry (Reichsfreiherrnstand), Dundas became a baronet and in the case of Splitgerber, his son was made David von Splitgerber (1741–1826) and a member of the hereditary Prussian nobility in 1789.118

Another commonality, although not of all the entrepreneurs mentioned, was that they again and again slipped into the role of expert.119 This was perhaps most pronounced in the case of Splitgerber, who was frequently asked for counsel in all kinds of projects, but Brenkenhoff also repeatedly acted as an expert. Knowledge and knowledge transfer played a key role, but, above all, networks and logistics, which undoubtedly presupposed knowledge and information in turn. There were fluid transitions between areas of civil and military business, and it is hardly possible to separate them fully and distinctly. For purposes of warfare, the early modern princely state was dependent on those malhonêtes particuliers in the form of merchants and bankers who provided it with the required logistics. Frederick II’s assessment after the Seven Years’ War was even more detailed and no less critical, as the paragraph on the commissariat in the Political Testament of 1768 makes clear: “Those who are at the head of the commissariat have to watch over their subordinates There are no scoundrels like these sub-commissaries; the eyes of Argus cannot detect their schemes; they have a hundred ways of hiding their thievery. … One needs overseers, both military and civilian officials, who monitor their actions, which is easy when one does not have to fight a war as desperate as the one that just ended.”120 The scepticism of many army commanders and officers, like Ferdinand of Brunswick or the Comte de Guibert, about becoming dependent upon civilian merchants as partners points in the same direction.121 The title of major awarded to Uckermann – although ‘real’ military people were immediately leery of it – at least potentially created a sort of capital in trust, since the title held out the promise of integration into the military hierarchy of command and honour and thus suggested oversight. Choiseul’s returning to the régie system also indicates the desire for government oversight.

If this was lacking, margins for manoeuvre appeared that were exploited in a variety of ways, were viewed critically in the contemporary public debate, and were severely sanctioned by the authorities in the event of military failure.

War became an engine of social mobility for a group of war profiteers. It is notable that in the contemporary assessment, crass parvenus like Schimmelmann, Taylor, and Uckermann were more often depicted as deviant than more established actors like Splitgerber or Oswald; indeed Oswald himself warned directly about Uckermann’s behaviour. There can, however, be different reasons for this. On the one hand, the parvenus may have encountered prejudice and greater scepticism because they were rapidly altering social power relations. On the other hand, it may also be the case that they really had not yet internalised the rules of the entrepreneurial game that well, such that they made mistakes. When addressing the question of punishment of deviant, personal enrichment behaviour, we have, moreover, always to keep in mind the structural context of courtly power relations, within which “personal honesty or dishonesty weighed less” than “personal loyalty, patronage, family reputation, the accidents of circumstances, and the ups and downs of the struggling factions which ramified throughout the social and political hierarchies.”122 This helps to explain, in particular, the sudden fall of the French war profiteers in the Affaire du Canada, without, however, whitewashing their individual ways of enriching themselves.

Looking at the Seven Years’ War placed the focus on a specific time span, which often represented merely a segment of the careers in war profiteering of the entrepreneurs discussed, many of whom had already been active in the War of Austrian Succession or in the first two Silesian Wars and whose entrepreneurial activity – with some exceptions from the Affaire du Canada case – continued well beyond the end of the Seven Years’ War. The Seven Years’ War was, nonetheless, a crucial event that served to consolidate certain logistical requirements and resulting margins of manoeuvre for private entrepreneurs, and it can serve as a measure of the fragile condition of political economy in the early modern princely state.

1

Voltaire‘s Correspondence, 34, ed. Theodore Besterman (Geneva, 1958), p. 146: ‎“il y a à parier cent contre un qu›aucune des puissances beligérantes gagnera de ces troubles et qu’il n’y aura peutêtre que quelques malhonêtes particuliers, par exemple, quelques entrepreneurs des subsistances ou négociant d’argent qui en profitrons”.

2

Marian Füssel, Der Preis des Ruhms: Eine Weltgeschichte des Siebenjährigen Krieges, 2nd ed. (Munich, 2020).

3

Isabel Schnabel, Hyun Song Shin, “Liquidity and Contagion: The Crisis of 1763,” Journal of the European Economic Association 2:6 (2004), 929–968; Stephan Skalweit, Die Berliner Wirtschaftskrise von 1763 und ihre Hintergründe (Stuttgart, 1937); Hugo Rachel, Paul Wallich, Berliner Grosskaufleute und Kapitalisten, 2 (Berlin, 1938; repr. Berlin, 1967); more generally, also Rolf Straubel, Zwischen monarchischer Autokratie und bürgerlichem Emanzipationsstreben: Beamte und Kaufleute als Träger handels- und gewerbepolitischer Veränderungen im friderizianischen Preußen (1740–1806) (Berlin, 2012).

4

“Entrepreneur,” in Universal-Lexicon …, 8, ed. Johann H. Zedler (Leipzig/Halle, 1734), col. 1295.

5

Louis Dupré d’Aulnay, Traité général des subsistances militaires, 1–2 (Paris, 1744), pp. V, 187.

6

Markus Meumann, “Heereslieferant,” in Enzyklopädie der Neuzeit, 5 (Stuttgart/Weimar, 2007), col. 275–277, here, in particular, col. 275; as standard work, still see Fritz Redlich, The German Military Enterpriser and His Work Force: A Study in European Economic and Social History, 1–2 (Wiesbaden, 1964–65); more recent studies are collected in War, Entrepreneurs, and the State in Europe and the Mediterranean: 1300–1800, ed. Jeff Fynn-Paul (Leiden, 2014).

7

Johann G. Krünitz, “Entrepreneur,” in Oeconomische Encyclopädie, 11 (Berlin, 1777), pp. 75–76.

8

David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge, 1995), p. 230.

9

Tim Neu, “Glocal Credit: Die britische Finanzlogistik als fraktales Phänomen am Beispiel des Siebenjährigen Krieges,” in Der Siebenjährige Krieg 1756–1763: Mikro- und Makro- perspektiven, ed. Marian Füssel (Berlin/Boston, 2021), 75–93.

10

Werner Sombart, Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des modernen Kapitalismus, 2 (Munich/Leipzig, 1913), pp. 32–33.

11

Rafael Torres Sánchez, Military Entrepreneurs and the Spanish Contractor State in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 2016); The Contractor States and its Implications (1659–1815), eds. Richard Harding, Sergio Solbes Ferri (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, 2012); Peter H. Wilson, “The European Fiscal-Military System and the Habsburg Monarchy,” in The Habsburg Monarchy as a Fiscal-Military State c. 1648–1815, eds. William Godsey, Petr Mat’a, and Thomas Winkelbauer (Oxford, 2022), 85–103.

12

“Die Generalprinzipien des Krieges,” in Die Werke Friedrichs des Großen, ed. Gustav B. Volz, 6 (Berlin, 1913), 1–86, p. 15.

13

Martin Krieger, “Heinrich Carl von Schimmelmann,” in Kein Platz an der Sonne: Erinnerungsorte der deutschen Kolonialgeschichte, ed. Jürgen Zimmerer (Frankfurt a.M., 2013), 311–322.

14

Horst Carl, Okkupation und Regionalismus: Die preussischen Westprovinzen im Siebenjährigen Krieg (Mainz, 1993), p. 220.

15

Schimmelmann – PP: Hamburg entfernt ein Kolonialdenkmal: Lesungen, Vorträge, Kurzfilme: Beiträge zur Veranstaltungsreihe vom 28. bis 30. November 2008 im FRISE-Künstlerhaus /Abbildungszentrum Hamburg im Rahmen des Projekts Wandsbektransformance – Die Gegenwart des Kolonialen, ed. Hanni Jokinen (Hamburg, 2009).

16

Christian Degn, Die Schimmelmanns im atlantischen Dreieckshandel: Gewinn und Gewissen (Neumünster, 1974).

17

On the context, see Christian Hochmuth, Globale Güter – lokale Aneignung: Kaffee, Tee, Schokolade und Tabak im frühneuzeitlichen Dresden (Konstanz, 2008).

18

Füssel, Preis des Ruhms, pp. 112–115.

19

For a recent study on Prussian logistics, see Marcus Warnke, Logistik und friderizianische Kriegführung: Eine Studie zur Verteilung, Mobilisierung und Wirkungsmächtigkeit militärisch relevanter Ressourcen im Siebenjährigen Krieg am Beispiel des Jahres 1757 (Berlin, 2018).

20

Wilhelm Treue, Wirtschafts- und Technikgeschichte Preußens (Berlin, 1984), p. 97.

21

Alessandro Monti, Der Preis des ‘weißen Goldes’: Preispolitik und -strategie im Merkantilsystem am Beispiel der Porzellanmanufaktur Meißen 1710–1830 (Munich, 2011), p. 176.

22

Gisela Zick, Berliner Porzellan der Manufaktur von Wilhelm Caspar Wegely 1751–1757 (Berlin, 1978); Friedrich Wilckens, Krepon, Kredit und Porzellan: Vom steilen Aufstieg und tiefen Fall der Unternehmerfamilie Wegeli aus Diessenhofen im Berlin des 18. Jahrhunderts (Frauenfeld, 2008).

23

Isabelle Pantel, Die hamburgische Neutralität im Siebenjährigen Krieg (Münster, 2011).

24

Richard Haehl, Samuel Hahnemann: Sein Leben und Schaffen (Leipzig, 1922), p. 8.

25

Advertisements from the Hamburgischer Correspondent in Degn, Schimmelmanns, p. 8.

26

Reinhold Koser, “Die preußischen Finanzen im Siebenjährigen Krieg,” Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte 13 (1900), 153–217, 329–375; Jörg K. Hoensch, “Friedrichs II. Währungsmanipulationen im Siebenjährigen Krieg und ihre Auswirkungen auf die polnische Münzreform von 1765/66,” Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 22 (1973), 110–175; Peter Blastenbrei, “Der König und das Geld: Studien zur Finanzpolitik Friedrichs II. von Preußen,” Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte, n.s., 6 (1996), 55–82.

27

Konrad Schneider, “Zum Geldhandel in Hamburg zur Zeit des Siebenjährigen Krieges,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Hamburgische Geschichte 69 (1983), 62–82. Besides the money trade, the neutral Netherlands also played a role in the grain trade and logistics of various warring parties, see Alice Clare Carter, The Dutch Republic in Europe in the Seven Years’ War (London, 1972), pp. 129–152.

28

Degn, Schimmelmanns, pp. 8–9.

29

Degn, Schimmelmanns, p. 12.

30

Füssel, Preis des Ruhms, p. 442–443.

31

Degn, Schimmelmanns, pp. 14–15.

32

Degn, Schimmelmanns, p. 67.

33

Denmark first abolished the slave trade in 1792, see Erik Gøbel, The Danish Slave Trade and Its Abolition (Leiden/Boston, 2017).

34

Benno von Knobelsdorff-Brenkenhoff, Eine Provinz im Frieden erobert: Brenckenhoff als Leiter des friderizianischen Retablissements in Pommern 1762–1780 (Cologne, 1984), pp. 11–13.

35

August Gottlieb Meißner, Leben Franz Balthasar Schönberg von Brenkenhoff, Königl. Preuß. geheim. Ober-Finanz-Kriegs- und Domainenrath (Leipzig, 1782), p. 16.

36

Meißner, Leben, pp. 16–17. The Wispel was a grain measure differing from territory to territory. A Prussian Wispel equalled 24 Scheffel (bushel) which is about 1,319.1 litres.

37

Ibid., p. 18.

38

Ibid., p. 19.

39

Ibid., p. 32.

40

Ibid., pp. 32–37.

41

Ibid., p. 38; Knobelsdorff-Brenkenhoff, Provinz, pp. 13–29.

42

Knobelsdorff-Brenkenhoff, Provinz.

43

Richard Berg, “Der Brenkenhoffsche Defekt: Nach den Akten des Pommerschen und des Geheimen Staatsarchivs,” Forschungen zur brandenburgischen und preussischen Geschichte 11 (1898), 493–525.

44

Wilhelm Treue, “David Splitgerber (1683–1764): Ein Unternehmer im preußischen Merkantilstaat,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 41 (1954), 235–267.

45

Treue, “Splitgerber,” p. 261.

46

Treue, “Splitgerber”.

47

Friedrich Lenz, Otto Unholtz, Die Geschichte des Bankhauses Gebrüder Schickler: Festschrift zum 200-jährigen Bestehen (Berlin, 1912).

48

Lenz, Unholtz, Gebrüder Schickler, p. 264.

49

Füssel, Preis des Ruhms, pp. 215–216, 443–445.

50

Treue, “Splitgerber,” p. 266.

51

Treue, “Splitgerber”.

52

Carl, Okkupation, p. 359.

53

Tobias Smollet, The Expedition of Humphrey Clinker, 1 (Dublin, 1771), p. 56.

54

By ‘cultural sociology’, I mean classical analyses of parvenus, consumption behaviour and prestige, see Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York/London, 1899); Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (London, 1986).

55

See for example, Marian Füssel, “Händler und Krieger? Robert Clive, die East India Company und die Kapitalisierung des Siebenjährigen Krieges in Indien,” Die Kapitalisierung des Krieges: Kriegsunternehmer in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, eds. Markus Meumann, Matthias Meinhardt (Berlin, 2021), 133–156.

56

Nikolaus Böttcher, As Ship Laden with Dollars: Britische Handelsinteressen in Kuba (1762–1825) (Frankfurt a.M., 2007); Elena A. Schneider, The Occupation of Havana: War, Trade, and Slavery in the Atlantic World (Williamsburg, Virginia, 2018), p. 206.

57

Hancock, Citizens, pp. 225–226; Gordon E. Bannerman, Merchants and the Military in Eighteenth-Century Britain: British Army Contracts and Domestic Supply, 17391763 (London, 2008); Stephen Conway, “Provisioning the Combined Army in Germany, 1758–1762: Who Benefited?,” in The Contractor State and its Implications, 16591815, eds. Richard Harding, Sergio Solbes Ferri (Las Palmas de Canaria, 2012), 81–102, p. 83; Walter Mediger, Herzog Ferdinand von Braunschweig-Lüneburg und die alliierte Armee im Siebenjährigen Krieg (17571762). Für die Publikation aufbereitet und vollendet von Thomas Klingebiel (Hannover, 2011), pp. 911–971.

58

Starting in 1758, Hanoverian and British troops were jointly provisioned by an English commissariat, Medinger, Ferdinand, p. 929; see too Hamish D. Little, The Treasury, the Commissariat and the Supply of the Combined Army in Germany during the Seven Years War (17561763) (unpublished PhD diss., University of London, 1981); on the commissaries, Little, The Treasury, pp. 98–141, 348–361.

59

Stephen Conway, War, State, and Society in Mid-Eighteenth-Century Britain and Ireland (New York, 2006), pp. 121–126; On Dundas, see Bannerman, Merchants.

60

Renaud Morieux, The Society of Prisoners: Anglo-French War and Incarceration in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford, 2019), pp. 313–321.

61

Bannerman, Merchants, pp. 31–33; Hancock, Citizens, pp. 222–225.

62

Bannerman, Merchants, p. 139. On the differences between the Prussian and the British-Hanoverian commissariat system, see Geschichte der Feldzüge Herzog Ferdinands von Braunschweig-Lüneburg, 1, ed. Ferdinand von Westphalen (Berlin, 1859), pp. 119–121.

63

James A. Oughton, By Dint of Labour and Perseverance: A Journal Recording Two Months in Northern Germany Kept by Lieutenant Colonel James Adolphus Oughton, Commanding 1st Battalion, 37th Regiment of Foot, 1758, ed. Stephen Wood (London, 1997), pp. 52–53 (note 131); Conway, War, pp. 123–124.

64

John A. Cannon, “Taylor, Peter,” in The House of Commons 17541790, 3, eds. Lewis Namier, John Brooke (London, 1985), 517–518, p. 517.

65

Cannon, “Taylor”.

66

The Manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of Rutland, 2 (London, 1889), p. 214; on the investigations of the governments, see too Little, Treasury, pp. 57–58.

67

Cannon, “Taylor,” p. 517.

68

Cannon, “Taylor”.

69

On the following, see Hancock, Citizens, pp. 221–239; Bannerman, Merchants, pp. 62–63; 85–87; Little, Treasury, p. 103.

70

Hancock, Citizens, pp. 226–227.

71

Hancock, Citizens, p. 227; this was already a long-established procedure see Bannerman, Merchants, p. 46.

72

On transport, see Little, Treasury, pp. 259–298.

73

Hancock, Citizens, p. 229; Little, Treasury, pp. 240–241.

74

See the map ibid., p. 232.

75

Ibid., p. 237.

76

Ibid., p. 235.

77

Ibid., pp. 321–347.

78

Ibid., pp. 353–354 (collections), 376–381 (garden), and 380 (quote).

79

Ibid., p. 238.

80

Hendrik Bärnighausen, “Das ‘Museum’ des Freiherrn Johann Jacob von Uckermann und seine Übernahme durch die Universität Leipzig,” Jahrbuch der Staatlichen Schlösser, Burgen und Gärten Sachsen 13 (2005), 128–152, p. 129.

81

Ottfried Dascher, “Die Hessische Handelskompagnie zu Karlshafen (1771–1789),” Hessisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 22 (1972), 229–253, pp. 230–231.

82

Dascher, “Handelskompagnie,” p. 231.

83

Mediger, Ferdinand, p. 946.

84

On the contracts and sums, see Little, Treasury, pp. 363–366.

85

Mediger, Ferdinand, p. 947: “Wenn ich von dem Dessein des Uckermanns recht urteile, so will derselbe ein Monopolium von Viktualien zu Kassel etablieren. Denn im Fall ich ihm die Akzise-Freiheit verschaffen könnte, so würde ihm kein anderer Kaufmann anfangs Preis halten, hernach aber, wenn er sich des Handels bemeistert hätte, kein Soldat seine Viktualien bezahlen können. Ich kann mich nicht wohl auf dieses Projekt einlassen.”

86

Mediger, Ferdinand, p. 948.

87

Little, Treasury, pp. 255–256.

88

8 December 1760, as cited in Mediger, Ferdinand, p. 965: “Das Unglück rühret von dem unbeschreiblich bösen englischen Kommissariat her, welches teils aus Ungeschicklichkeit, noch mehr aber aus interessierten Absichten und durch betriegerische Entrepreneurs die gehörige Vorsicht nicht nimmt und alsdann, wann Not vorhanden ist, auf das arme Land fällt … Das Herze blutet, wenn man erwäget, daß um dergleichen Leute, als Massau und Uckermann sind, zu bereichern, so viel Tausend getreue Untertanen des Königs an den Bettelstab in proprio sensu gebracht werden.” On criticism of Uckermann, see Little, Treasury, pp. 136–139, 177–179.

89

Joseph Ruhl, “Der fürstlich hessische General-Post-Intendant Johann Jacob Freiherr von Uckermann,” Archiv für Post und Telegraphie 12 (1884), pp. 338–343.

90

Dascher, “Handelskompagnie,” p. 233.

91

Dascher, “Handelskompagnie”.

92

Horst Carl, “‘Pavillon de Hanovre’: Korruption im Militär im 18. Jahrhundert,” in Integration – Legitimation – Korruption: Politische Patronage in Früher Neuzeit und Moderne, eds. Ronald Asch, Birgit Emich, and Jens Ivo Engels (Frankfurt a.M., 2011), 233–246.

93

Jöel Félix, “Victualling Louis XV’s Armies: The Munitionnaire des Vivres de Flandres et d’Allemagne and the Military Supply System,” The Contractor State and its Implications, 16591815, eds. Richard Harding, Sergio Solbes Ferri (Las Palmas de Canaria, 2012), 99–125, p. 103.

94

Félix, “Victualling,” p. 122.

95

John F. Bosher, “A Québec Merchant’s Trading Circles in France and Canada: Jean-André Lamaletie before 1763,” Histoire Sociale / Social History 10:1 (1977), 24–44; ibid., “The French Government’s Motives in the Affaire du Canada, 1761–1763,” English Historical Review 96:1 (1981), 59–78; André Côté, “L’affaire du Canada (1761–1763),” Cap-aux-Diamants 83:4 (2005), 10–14; Christian Ayne Crouch, Nobility Lost: French and Canadian Martial Cultures, Indians, and the End of New France (Ithaca/London, 2014), pp. 128–136.

96

Guy Frégault, Le Grand marquis: Pierre de Rigaud de Vaudreuil et la Louisiane (Montréal/Paris, 1952).

97

Guy Dinel, “Péan, Michel-Jean-Hugues,” 2003, in Dictionary of Canadian Biography [DCB]. Available at http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/pean_michel_jean_hugues_4E.html. Accessed 26 April 2021.

98

Pierre-Georges Roy, Bigot et sa bande et l’Affaire du Canada (Lévis, 1950).

99

Jugement rendu souverainement et en dernier ressort, dans l’affaire du Canada … (Paris, 1763).

100

Gustave Lanctot, “L’Affaire du Canada: Bibliographie du procès de Bigot,” Bulletin des Recherches Historiques 38 (1932), 8–17; Guy Frégault, François Bigot: Administrateur français, 1–2 (Montréal, 1948); Denis Vaugeois, “François Bigot: Son exil et sa mort,” Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française 21:4 (1968), 731–748; John F. Bosher, Jean-Claude Dubé, “Bigot, François (d. 1778),” 2003, in DCB. Available at http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/bigot_francois_1778_4E.html. Accessed 26 April 2021.

101

Frégault, Bigot, 1, pp. 53–68.

102

Frégault, Bigot, 1, pp. 69–75.

103

Frégault, Bigot, 1, pp. 293–289.

104

Bosher, Dubé, “Bigot”.

105

Frégault, Bigot, 2, pp. 219–273.

106

Bosher, Dubé, “Bigot”.

107

Bosher, Dubé, “Bigot”.

108

Frégault, Bigot, 2, pp. 341–388.

109

Alfred Barbier, “Un munitionnaire du roi à la Nouvelle France: Joseph Cadet, 1756–1781,” Bulletins de la Société des Antiquaires de l’Ouest 8 (1901), 399–412; John F. Bosher, “Cadet, Joseph-Michel,” 2003, in DCB. Available at http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/cadet_joseph_michel_4E.html. Accessed 26 April 2021; André Côté, Joseph-Michel Cadet (17191781): Négociant et munitionnaire du roi en Nouvelle-France (Sillery/Paris, 1998).

110

Bosher, “Cadet”.

111

He evidently was homesick for Canada and had typical Canadian objects, like, for instance, canoes, sent to him, see Louis-François-Georges Baby, “Une lettre de Cadet, le munitionnaire de la Nouvelle-France,” Canadian Antiquarian and Numismatic Journal, 3rd s., 1:4 (1898), 173–187.

112

Little, Treasury, pp. 57–58; Conway, “Provisioning,” pp. 84–85; Mediger, Ferdinand, pp. 965–967.

113

Samuel Foote, The Commissary: A Comedy in Three Acts (London, 1765).

114

Bannerman, Merchants, p. 139.

115

Bannerman, Merchants, pp. 129, 142. On the Nabobs, see Tillman W. Nechtman, Nabobs: Empire and Identity in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge, 2010).

116

Bannerman, Merchants, pp. 131–133.

117

Bannerman, Merchants, pp. 131–132.

118

Johannes Barnick, Ein schweigsamer Ahn: Leben und Geheimnis des Jägermeisters David von Splitgerber (Munich/Berlin, 2001).

119

On the relationship between early modern experts and economics, see Wissen und Wirtschaft: Expertenkulturen und Märkte vom 13. bis 18. Jahrhundert, eds. Marian Füssel, Philip Knäble, Nina Elsemann (Göttingen, 2017).

120

“Politisches Testament Friedrichs des Großen (1768),” in Politische Testamente der Hohenzollern, ed. Richard Dietrich (Munich, 1981), 256–397, p. 285.

121

Jacques Antoine Hippolyte de Guibert, Ecrits militaires 17721790 (Paris, 1977), pp. 231–238.

122

Bosher, Dubé, “Bigot”.

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Officers, Entrepreneurs, Career Migrants, and Diplomats

Military Entrepreneurs in the Early Modern World

Series:  History of Warfare, Volume: 145

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