Adverbial Subordination in Egyptian Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic Versions of Qiṣṣat al-ğumğuma from the Ottoman Period


 In examining two Judaeo-Arabic adaptations of Qiṣṣat al-ğumğuma ‘The Story of the Skull’ (Cairo JC 104 and CUL T-S 37.39) alongside two Muslim Middle Arabic versions (CUL Qq. 173 and BnF Arabe 3655) from the Ottoman period, this paper explores the extent of linguistic similarities and divergences on the level of adverbial subordination, and the means through which these are expressed. It questions the long-established methodological boundaries imposed on the study of Middle Arabic, in which linguistic features of confessional varieties are generally examined in relation to Classical Arabic grammatical rules and modern spoken dialects, rather than other contemporaneous denominational varieties of written Arabic.


Introduction
The 'cultural symbiosis' of Egyptian Jewish, Muslim and Christian communities, so well reflected in the abundance of texts found in the Cairo genizah collections from the medieval era, is thought to have given way to religious segregation during the Ottoman period. These isolationist tendencies are said to be echoed in the written language of these three religious groups during this era. The number of shared genres among Muslims, Jews and Christians de-Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9 (2021) 1-28 frequency of adverbial subordinate clauses within these two confessional varieties of Middle Arabic ( §4). The comparative frequency and types of adverbial clauses are examined alongside the clause markers used to introduce them ( §4.1 and §4.2). The significance of the syntactic divergences displayed in the Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic versions of this folk tale is brought into perspective by the analysis of equivalent syntactic constructions in contemporaneous Judaeo-Arabic letters (Rylands L192, CUL T-S 13J25.24 and CUL T-S 10J16.35) ( §4.3). This leads to the conclusion that, while there is some variation in the use of subordinate constructions in the two confessional varieties of Middle Arabic, Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic texts within the genre of folk tales exhibit a closer linguistic affinity (at least with regard to this feature) than exists between the language of two different contemporaneous genres of Judaeo-Arabic ( §5).

Middle Arabic: Confessional Varieties
Throughout the history of written Arabic, Jewish, Muslim and Christian9 Arabic texts were commonly composed in a language that neither adheres exclusively to the strictures of Classical Arabic, nor to purely dialectal forms. It contains aspects of both, combined with 'hybrid' features, in a linguistic form generally termed 'Middle Arabic' .10 Written Middle Arabic is commonly categorised along confessional lines; Muslim Middle Arabic, Christian Middle Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic form independent areas of study, and the prevalent tendency in contemporary scholarship is to focus on only one of these confessional forms.11 The methodology pioneered by Blau, and adopted by scholars of all confessional varieties of Middle Arabic, favours the assessment of Middle Arabic mous linguistic situation. In present-day scholarship, 'high' and 'low' are no longer viewed as the only manifestations of Arabic, but rather as two extremes of a continuum, along which many written and spoken mixed varieties are encountered. 'Variation' , as it is used here, refers to these 'intermediate' or ' linguistic features in relation to Classical Arabic norms and contemporary vernacular varieties of Arabic. It is rare to find systematic analyses of linguistic features of two or more confessional varieties of Middle Arabic. However, if we are to understand the full nature of Middle Arabic, the extent of linguistic divergences in the writing practices of religious groups, and the diachronic shifts therein, such a study is desirable.12 In the early years of Middle Arabic studies, confessional written varieties of Arabic were generally interpreted as inferior forms of written Arabic, the product of failed attempts to write in the preferred medium: Classical Arabic.13 Middle Arabic was also understood to correspond chronologically to the medieval period.14 Both of these assertions have been widely challenged in recent scholarship.15 While it is likely that some features of Middle Arabic texts were originally the result of inadequate training in Classical Arabic grammatical standards, many commonly employed Middle Arabic features appear to have become emulated and consciously reproduced.16 It has also been demonstrated that members of both Jewish and Muslim communities composed texts in Classical Arabic alongside Middle Arabic texts, switching between the two varieties with seeming ease.17 Moreover, Middle Arabic is no longer considered to be chronologically 'middle' . The term is used instead to denote its position on a continuum, on which written Classical Arabic and spoken dialectal Arabic form the extreme points, respectively.18 Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9 (2021) 1-28 The study of Middle Arabic's written varieties became increasingly popular under the aegis of Prof. Joshua Blau. Blau developed and expanded the work of D.H. Baneth, promoting the philological study of Judaeo-Arabic and establishing it as a credible, independent discipline. Blau's remarkable contributions are not limited to Judaeo-Arabic. He has produced works that examine Muslim, Christian and Jewish forms of Middle Arabic.19 Where comparisons between the confessional varieties of Middle Arabic are drawn, however, the origin, date and genre of the texts from which these examples are lifted are not always explicitly stated. This article aims, in an albeit limited manner, to develop this inter-denominational approach to the study of written Middle Arabic and to propose a more systematic methodological approach to compare different varieties.
Judaeo-Arabic is commonly categorised into three chronological periods; early (ninth-tenth centuries AD), classical (tenth-fifteenth centuries AD) and late (fifteenth-nineteenth centuries AD).20 Drawing on the numerous studies of written Judaeo-Arabic conducted so far, it is thought that Judaeo-Arabic spelling practices undergo consistent developments that fall into three main chronological periods: early Judaeo-Arabic spelling is generally designated 'phonetic'; while classical Judaeo-Arabic is described as 'Arabicized' based on its emulation of the graphical forms of the Arabic letters; late Judaeo-Arabic orthography-which concerns us here most-is often termed 'Hebraized' as a result of the perceived increase in Hebrew and Aramaic influences.21 Much of the scholarship concerned with Judaeo-Arabic, including Blau's contributions, focuses on the early and classical periods of Judaeo-Arabic, 19 See, e.g., Blau " 243-244. 30 In the Judaeo-Arabic renditions of the tale, the protagonist who speaks with the skull is simply referred to as ḏālika al-šaḥṣ 'that person' . 31 One of the most notable differences between the two confessional versions of the tale is that in the Judaeo-Arabic rendition, the skull is not resurrected in order to live out a reformed and pious life on earth, as happens in the Muslim Middle Arabic versions of the tale.
Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9 (2021) 1-28 lying on the road. He entreats God to allow the skull to speak to him, so that he can question it about its life. God permits this, and thus ensues a dialogue between the two protagonists, with Jesus asking questions and the skull giving detailed responses. All four adaptations refer to the skull's life on earth-his lavish lifestyle, kingdom, armies and many wives and children. They narrate the manner of his death and his descent into hell, the meeting between the skull and the angels of death, Munkir and Nakīr, the seven levels of hell, and the types of sinners that belong in each level. The origins of Qiṣṣat al-ğumğuma are hard to trace due to limited extant material. There is no record of the tale in existing pre-or early Islamic poetry, and no mention is made of it in the Qurʾān.32 However, its popularity in the Islamic tradition is evident in its far-flung dissemination in a number of Muslim countries, with renditions found in Indonesian languages33 and Turkish.34 Adaptations of the tale are also prevalent among Christians, most notably among Neo-Aramaic speakers.
The vast majority of the extant Muslim Arabic versions of the tale may be approximately dated to between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries AD.35 In his reconstruction of the tale's literary development in the Islamic tradition, Tottoli demarcates two chronological periods as significant; pre-and posttwelfth century AD. Tottoli attributes the developments in the tale's literary content between these two periods to the composition and widespread diffusion of Farīd al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār's (d. c. 1220AD) Persian tale Ğumğuma nāma.36 The four manuscripts examined here belong to the latter period.
Of the two Judaeo-Arabic37 versions of this story studied here, one is from the Cairo genizah collections at the Cambridge University Library (CUL T-S Ar. 37.39), while the other is housed in microfilm form in the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem (Cairo JC 104).38 The first of these versions (CUL T-S Ar. 37.39) 32 Ibid., 239. 33 See Brakel-Papenhuyzen, "The Tale of the Skull: An Islamic Description of Hell in Javanese," in which the author traces the origins of the story in Indonesian languages, focusing particularly on Javanese. 34 See Pennacchietti, "Versioni cristiane e guidaide di una leggende islamica," 293. 35 Tottoli, "The Story of Jesus and the Skull in Arabic Literature: The Emergence and Growth of a Religious Tradition," 242. 36 Ibid., 240. An edition with an Italian translation of ʿAṭṭār's tale may be found in Pennacchietti, " 'Il racconto di Giomgiomé' di Faridoddìn Attàr e le sue fonti cristiane." 37 During a recent trip to Princeton University (where much of the Jewish Theological Seminary's genizah collection is currently being stored), I encountered another Judaeo-Arabic rendition of Qiṣṣat al-ğumğuma (JTS ENA 1275.5, 12 and 13; ENA 2700.48), an edition of which will be included in the findings of my current research project. 38 This manuscript is held in the 'Cairo Collection' , which comprises approximately one may be approximately dated to the eighteenth-early-nineteenth century AD. The extant manuscript is incomplete, lacking both the beginning and end of the story. It comprises three leaves, on which both the recto and verso each contain between 20 and 25 lines of writing. With the exception of some small holes on 3verso, the manuscript is in good condition. The second version of this story (Cairo JC 104), which survives in excellent condition and in full, is explicitly dated to 1887AD. A transcription and English translation of the latter manuscript has recently been published by Ørum.39 With regard to the Muslim40 Middle Arabic texts,41 one of the manuscripts (CUL Qq. 173) is dated to 1703AD, and was bequeathed to the Cambridge University Library by Johann Ludwig Burkhardt, the Swiss traveller and Arabist. At the beginning of the volume of collected manuscripts, in which this particular rendition is encountered, there is a small Arabic inscription stating that these are ḥikāyāt fī luġat miṣr 'tales in the language of Egypt' . Both the origin and date of the second Muslim Middle Arabic version of this folk tale (BnF Arabe 3655), now housed in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, are uncertain. It has been loosely dated to between 1700 and 1800 AD, but no reference is made to its geographical origin.42 In general, Judaeo-Arabic adaptations of this tale appear to be more recent compositions than the Muslim Middle Arabic versions. This may be because the narrative was adopted and adapted in the Jewish tradition later than in the Muslim tradition. It is worth noting, however, that there is a marked reduction in the number of texts deposited in the Ben Ezra synagogue's genizah after the thirteenth century. Many of the Jewish elite moved from Fustat to Cairo during the thirteenth century, which resulted both in the synagogue's physical decline, and a decrease in texts being deposited in its genizah. Thus, the texts we have at our disposal may not be fully representative of the extent of Jewish engagement with Muslim and Christian culture.
hundred Egyptian Judaeo-Arabic and Hebrew manuscripts. They are currently housed in microfilm form in the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem. The majority of the collection is Judaeo-Arabic šurūḥ (Biblical translations and commentaries), but it also contains a small number of Judaeo-Arabic folk tales (Hary,"Cairo Collection,(533)(534). 39 Ørum, ʾUṣṣit il-Gumguma or 'The Story of the Skull': With Parallel Versions, Translation and Linguistic Analysis of Three 19th-century Judaeo-Arabic Manuscripts from Egypt. 40 These tales are identified as Muslim by the fact that each contains at least one recitation of both the first and second šahādāt. 41 As far as I am aware, no critical edition of either of these Muslim Middle Arabic texts is currently available. 42 BnF Arabe 3655 is available to view online: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b110030485/ f108.item.zoom.

Adverbial Subordination43
In explorations of subordination found in late Judaeo-Arabic folk tales and letters (e.g., BnF Hébreu 583) in my Ph.D. research, two aspects of adverbial subordination found in these two Judaeo-Arabic genres (among many) have struck me as particularly noteworthy. The first of these is the importance of the complementiser in differentiating the function of prepositions as heads of adverbial subordinate clauses from their functions as heads of prepositional phrases with nominal dependents. The second aspect concerns the relative frequency of temporal and purposive adverbial clauses in Judaeo-Arabic letters and folk tales. These types of adverbial clauses are far more common in the latter than in the former. It is possible that this is a result of the tales' descriptive function, as opposed to the letters, which are primarily concerned with communicating facts, figures and (thinly veiled) commands. This paper offers a rare opportunity to expand this particular aspect of my Ph.D. research, combining it with a related interest in the linguistic features of contemporaneous Muslim Middle Arabic folk tales, and the as yet under-explored linguistic similarities between the two confessional varieties. Adverbial clauses are hypotactic;44 they do not carry equal status to that of the main clause, but instead furnish the main clause with additional detail(s).45 An adverbial clause may modify either the verb in a main clause or the main clause in its entirety.46 They may be finite, non-finite or verb-less.47 In Arabic as in English, finite adverbial clauses occur more frequently than non-finite and verb-less clauses.48 In relation to the main clause, adverbial clauses most commonly occur pre-positionally in Arabic.
Adverbial clauses are often divided into two categories: those that may be supplanted by an adverb (temporal, locative and manner clauses); and those 43 This paper is based, in part, on research conducted for my Ph.D. thesis (Connolly, "Linguistic Variation in Egyptian Judaeo-Arabic Folk Tales and Letters from the Ottoman Period"). 44 Hypotaxis is also referred to as 'co-subordination' (see Olson, "Barai Clause Junctures: Towards a Functional Theory of Interclausal Relations"; Van Valin, "A Typology of Syntactic Relations in Clause Linkage," 546). It refers to a type of clause structure that is dependent on the main clause, but not embedded (Häcker, Adverbial Clauses  that may not (such as purposive, causal, concessive and conditional clauses).49 Of the first category, temporal adverbial clauses occur more frequently in the Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic texts under consideration than locative or manner adverbial clauses. Location and manner are expressed with relative clause constructions, adverbs or adverbial phrases rather than adverbial clauses. With regard to the second category, this paper focuses on purposive adverbial clauses.
The following discussion concentrates on (i) the types of adverbial clauses that occur in this Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic folk tale; (ii) the frequency of adverbial clauses per text, and (iii) the formal complexity and semantic functions of clause markers used to introduce adverbial clauses in these texts. Comparisons are also drawn from contemporaneous Judaeo-Arabic letters in order to contextualise the findings.

4.1
Temporal Adverbial Clauses As Arabic displays a rich variety in its markers of temporal adverbial clauses, those discussed here are initially categorised according to the type of semantic connection (i.e. the English equivalents of 'when' , 'until' or 'after') that they express. Once established, the frequency of adverbial clauses and the nature of subordinators used to introduce them are discussed in greater detail. The expansion of the main clause by temporal adverbial clauses in the Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic manuscripts under consideration here falls into three distinct categories: § 4.1.1. Adverbial clauses in which the onset of the event/action of the main clause is either (i) simultaneous in time or (ii) immediately following the event/action in the adverbial clause (in italics). An example of the former is: 'When I heard it, I understood.' Whereas, in the following example, the onset of the main clause's event/action occurs immediately after the event/action of the Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9 (2021) 1-28 4.1.1 'When'52 The simple subordinator lmʾ (= CA: lammā53) 'when' is the most common marker of temporal adverbial subordinate clauses in both the Judaeo-Arabic54 and Muslim Middle Arabic versions of the tale. This subordinator occurs eight times in total in Cairo JC 104 and five times in (the incomplete) T-S Ar. 37.39, while it appears nine times and fourteen times in the Muslim Middle Arabic versions BnF Arabe 3655 and CUL Qq. 173, respectively. In the following examples, we find several instances in which the use of the subordinator lammā does not deviate from the standard Classical Arabic usage.55 The subordinator precedes a verb in the suffix conjugation, and the onset of the main clause is occasionally marked with the bound particle fy-/fe-(= CA: fa-) 'so, thus' , e.g., The equals sign '=' is used here to indicate the equivalent Classical Arabic (CA) form. 54 All Judaeo-Arabic examples used here are transcribed grapheme-for-grapheme into Arabic script in order to make them accessible to a wider audience. 55 It is rare to find the apodosis introduced-as is common, but by no means obligatory in Classical Arabic-with the bound particle fy-/fe-'so, thus' (= CA: fa-) in either the Judaeo-Arabic or Muslim Middle Arabic versions of the tale. 56 It is not uncommon in Late Judaeo-Arabic folk tales from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to find double vav, denoting consonantal /w/, geminated /ww/, and the diphthong /aw/ in word-initial, medial and final positions (See Connolly, "Linguistic Variation in Egyptian Judaeo-Arabic Folk Tales and Letters from the Ottoman Period," 72-73). This phenomenon is attributed to Rabbinic Hebrew orthographic influence.  ‫ف‬  ‫ل‬  ‫م‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ف‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ا‬  ‫خ‬  ‫ا‬  ‫م‬  ‫س‬  ‫ي‬  ‫و‬  ‫م‬  ‫و‬  ‫خ‬  ‫ا‬  ‫م‬  ‫س‬  ‫و‬  ‫ق‬  ‫ت‬  ‫و‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ن‬  ‫و‬  ‫م‬  ‫س‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ظ‬  ‫ر‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫مج‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ر‬  ‫ق‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ق‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ع‬  ‫و‬  ‫و‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ض‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ر‬  ‫ق‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ص‬  ‫ف‬  ‫ر‬  ‫و‬  ‫ج‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ي‬  ‫و‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ز‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ا‬  ‫س‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ر‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫م‬  ‫و‬  ‫ت‬ And when a fifth day and a fifth moment passed, the group was expecting that I would perspire, but instead of perspiring, my face grew pale and the agony of death fell upon me. Cairo JC 104, ( In a deviation from the Classical Arabic norm, the subordinator lammā occurs in a construction with a complementiser. While a similar construction does occur in Classical Arabic, the complementiser ʾan 'to'58-as opposed to ʾanna 'that' found here-is used. The addition of the complementiser does not affect the semantic function of the subordinator. However, it does attest to the tendency, evident here-and in contemporaneous Judaeo-Arabic folk tales59-to include a complementiser in order to explicitly mark the function of the subordinator as that of head of an adverbial clause,60 e.g., 58 Fischer, A Grammar of Classical Arabic: Translated from German by Jonathon Rodgers,226,§ 443. 59 My interest in adverbial subordination and subordinators was sparked by a contemporaneous nineteenth-century AD Judaeo-Arabic manuscript-BnF Hébreu 583-in which adverbial clauses introduced with complex subordinators that take a complementiser abound, e.g.,
In one case in this manuscript, the opacity in the function of mā (which may be interpreted as either a free relative particle or a complementizer in a given context) is extended to the relative pronoun ʾallaḏī, which here is used as a complementizer in the construction fy + ḥyn + ʾlḏy, as the head of an adverbial clause, e.g.,  ‫ו‬  ‫צ‬  ‫ל‬  ‫ת‬  ‫ל‬  ‫ב‬  ‫א‬  ‫ב‬  ‫ג‬  ‫ה‬  ‫י‬  ‫נ‬  ‫ם‬  ‫֗פ‬  ‫י‬  ‫ר‬  ‫א‬  ‫י‬  ‫ת‬  ‫ע‬  ‫ל‬  ‫ה‬  ‫ב‬  ‫א‬  ‫ב‬  ‫ג‬  ‫ה‬  ‫י‬  ‫נ‬  ‫ם‬  ‫ש‬  ‫י‬  ‫ך‬  ‫כ‬  ‫ב‬  ‫י‬  ‫ר‬  ‫מ‬  ‫ו‬  ‫ח‬  ‫ת‬  ‫ר‬  ‫ם‬   ‫ل‬  ‫م‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ي‬  ‫و‬  ‫ص‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ج‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ن‬  ‫م‬  ‫ف‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ر‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ج‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ن‬  ‫م‬  ‫ش‬  ‫ي‬  ‫خ‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ر‬  ‫م‬  ‫و‬  ‫ح‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ر‬  ‫م‬ When I arrived at the gate(s) of hell, I saw a great, respected man on the gate(s) of hell. Cairo JC 104, In addition to the subordinator lammā, temporal adverbial clauses are introduced with lexically-derived subordinators such as fy + wqt + mʾ (= CA: lammā) found in the following two examples (14 and 15). This subordinating construction is semantically synonymous with the subordinator lammā in that it marks the event in the main clause as occurring immediately after the event/action in the adverbial clause: And when that man heard all that had been done to this skull, (he said,) 'There is no strength or power save in God, the Almighty, the Great!'  While the simple subordinator lammā is undoubtedly the most frequent marker of this type of temporal adverbial clause in all four texts, in the Judaeo-Arabic versions there is evidence of complex subordinators which take a complementiser when acting as the head of adverbial clauses that are notably absent in the two Muslim Middle Arabic versions.

4.1.2
'Until' In both Cairo JC 104 and T-S Ar. 37.39, 'until' is expressed with the subordinator ḥtʾ/ḥth (= CA: ḥattā), which appears both with and without the bound morpheme particle l-(= CA: li-). The addition of the bound particle does not appear to affect the subordinator's semantic or syntactic functions. However, it may be indicative of the Judaeo-Arabic writers' tendency to embellish simple subordinators with the addition of a preposition or complementiser. In the Muslim Middle Arabic versions of the tale, ḥattā appears without the particle li-, in accordance with Classical Arabic convention. In all four manuscripts, the subordinator precedes both suffix and prefix conjugations, e.g., In some instances, the 3.m.sg. pronoun (CA: -hu/-hi) is represented not with its equivalent grapheme heh, as in Classical Judaeo-Arabic, but with vav. This reflects the colloquial pronunciation -u. In Late Judaeo-Arabic texts, this phenomenon is more common in eighteenth/nineteenth-century letters than in contemporaneous folk tales (Connolly, "Linguistic

4.2
Purposive Adverbial Clauses In the Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts under consideration here, purposive adverbial clauses are-as is common in contemporaneous folk tales such as BnF Hébreu 583-expressed with a prepositional construction which takes the complementizer mʾ (= CA: mā or ʾanna/ʾan), e.g., Then they gathered the sages and the physicians so that they could treat me.  In the corresponding passages in the two Muslim Middle Arabic versions of the tale, the purposive sentiment is expressed using the simple, bound subordinator l-'in order to' (= CA: li-) in the former, and is absent in the latter: And they carried me, and they took me out in my clothes to my castle and they placed me on my bed. I stayed in this state for four days. With that, the physicians and the sages gathered, and they came to me, and each one of them began to prescribe me a medicine, but their medicine only increased the dyslogia. BnF Arabe 3566, In both the Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts Cairo JC 104 and T-S Ar. 37.39, we find an alternative complex subordinator acting as head of purposive adverbial clauses. In this construction, the Classical Arabic-derived, multi-functional subordinator ḥtʾ (= CA: ḥattā) occurs with the complementisers ʾn (= CA: ʾan) or ʾnn (= CA: ʾanna), forming l-+ ḥtʾ + ʾn/ʾnn 'so that, in order to/that' (= CA: li-ʾağli ʾan), e.g.,  [   ‫ف‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ص‬  ‫و‬  ‫ب‬  ‫اح‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ه‬  ‫ت‬  ‫و‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ذ‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ف‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ي‬  ‫م‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ذ‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ع‬  ‫د‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ح‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ج‬  ‫و‬  ‫و‬  ‫ب‬  ‫ك‬  ‫ع‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ج‬  ‫م‬  ‫ي‬  ‫ع‬  ‫م‬  ‫ا‬  ‫س‬  ‫ا‬  ‫ل‬  ‫ت‬  ‫ن‬  ‫ي‬ And praise be to God, the exalted, who untied me from that punishment so that I could answer you all that you asked me.  This subordinator minus the complementiser (i.e. l-ḥtʾ) is used elsewhere in these two folk tales (see examples 17 and 19) to introduce 'until' clauses. It would appear, therefore, that whereas in Classical Arabic the semantic function of the subordinator ḥattā may be divined only from the immediate context, in eighteenth/nineteenth-century AD written Judaeo-Arabic, a complementiser was consistently inserted into the construction when introducing purposive adverbial clauses, distinguishing between its various semantic functions and aiding comprehension. This complex subordinator is entirely absent in the Muslim Middle Arabic renditions of the folk tale.
In one instance in the Judaeo-Arabic manuscripts Cairo JC 104 and T-S Ar. 37.39 (examples 34 and 35), the overwhelming preference for introducing purposive adverbial clauses with complex subordinators is supplanted by the simple bound preposition l-+ 1.c.sg. prefix conjugation verbal forms (= CA: li-+ subjunctive):

Adverbial Subordination in Judaeo-Arabic Letters
In order to gain perspective on the frequency of adverbial clauses and variances displayed in the use of adverbial subordinators in the Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic texts discussed above, it is worth examining examples of adverbial clauses and subordinators in contemporaneous Judaeo-Arabic letters. Drawing examples from three eighteenth-century AD Judaeo-Arabic letters-CUL T-S 10J16.35,66 CUL T-S 13J25.24,67 and Rylands L19268-demonstrates that while there are differences in the use of simple and complex subordinators in the Judaeo-Arabic and Muslim Middle Arabic folk tales, the frequency of adverbial clauses is far greater in this shared genre, than in the genre of Judaeo-Arabic letters.

4.3.1
'When' Adverbial clauses expressing a temporal connection with the main clause occur only in the letter T-S 13J25.24. In this text, neither the Classical Arabic-derived particle lmʾ (= CA: lammā) nor complex subordinators occur, which appear in both the Muslim Middle Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic folk tales. Instead, we find several examples of the substantive-derived subordinator ḥyn (= CA: ḥīna; ECA: ḥīn) used to introduce adverbial clauses denoting 'when' an action or event occurred. The subordinator ḥyn (which appears once in the Muslim Middle Arabic folk tale BnF Arabe 3655, see example 26) is used regularly in colloquial Egyptian Arabic to introduce adverbial clauses, e.g., … but he did not give them to us. Afterwards, when he came to us to take a share from us, we said to him that we will not share with anyone … T-S 13J25.24, col. 1, 10-11 66 As yet, a transcription and translation of CUL T-S 10J16.35 has not been published in full, however, it is referred to by Wagner in her extensive analysis of Judaeo-Arabic letters (Linguistic Variety of Judaeo-Arabic in Letters from the Cairo Genizah). 67 Khan ("A Judaeo-Arabic Commercial Letter from Early Nineteenth Century Egypt") has produced a critical edition of this text, with a transcription, translation into English and grammatical notes. 68 Khan ("A Judaeo-Arabic Document from Ottoman Egypt in the Rylands Genizah Collection") has produced a transcription, English translation and linguistic commentary of the manuscript Rylands L192. 'After' As with all other forms of temporal adverbial subordination examined so far in these late Judaeo-Arabic letters, clauses referring to the point 'after' an event or action took place are extremely infrequent. Finite temporal adverbial clauses denoting 'after' do not occur in T-S 13J25.24, Rylands L192 or T-S 10J16.35. However, there is one instance in the letter T-S 13J25.24 in which a non-finite clause appears:

Conclusion
Through the study of adverbial subordination in roughly contemporaneous adaptations of a folk tale common to both Muslim Middle Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic, this paper questions the tendency, prevalent in contemporary scholarship, to examine confessional varieties of Middle Arabic in isolation to one another. While this study is limited in scope, it demonstrates that temporal and purposive adverbial clauses occur far more frequently in the Muslim Middle Arabic and Judaeo-Arabic folk tales, than in two genres of Judaeo-Arabic. In exploring the subordinators used to introduce adverbial clauses, however, the preference evident in Judaeo-Arabic folk tales for complex subordinators distinguishes the Judaeo-Arabic texts from their Muslim Middle Arabic counterparts. This paper constitutes a minor study of the extent of linguistic variation between two confessional varieties of Middle Arabic on the level of subordination.