Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria


 The tomb of the Burgundian duke Philip the Bold in Dijon, designed by the Haarlem-born sculptor Claus Sluter, holds a key position in the development of Western funerary art, especially on account of the lively and moving depiction of the cortège of weepers around the tomb. In this monument it is they who provide an example to their beholders – namely, how to mourn the deceased ruler. Not only do these expressive statuettes encourage the viewer to pray for Philip’s soul, but they also evoke the actual funeral liturgy of the duke. While the clerical mourners move in a single direction and form a procession, the lay figures seem to move more freely, directing themselves towards the tomb’s onlookers and stimulating them to pray for Philip’s afterlife. This conflation of transitional and everlasting rituals expresses a duality in late Gothic attitudes towards death.

These included chapels at the eastern sanctuary built and furnished by Philip the Bold's brother, John of Berry; 15 as well as the chapel of Saint Peter, founded by Guy de la Trémoille (d.1397), 16 a favoured knight of Philip the Bold who had his tomb placed in the monks' choir. 17In the choir there was a paved slab for Archambaut de Fois (d.1419), a knight who died with John the Fearless when he was assassinated. 18Like Philip, John was also interred in the crypt, as was his son, Philip the Good, as well as the wives and children of these three dukes. 19These monuments attracted the family members, allies and descendants of those they commemorated. 20The liturgical participation of such visitors in the monks' choir is perhaps indicated by the 72 seats in choir stalls to the north and south of the ducal tombs, three times as many as there were Carthusians. 21Furthermore, visitors to the choir might not always be noble.A brief description of the charterhouse and the ducal tombs survive from 1486 in the travel diary of Georges Lengherand, who was once the mayor of Mons in Hainault. 22 hosted at the charterhouse's guesthouse, and the 21 lead rings at the gatehouse anticipate large groups. 23e second reason why railings were needed to hold off visitors is that the mourners invite close looking through an aesthetics of concealment, obscuration, and withdrawal.They are fully rounded with multiple viewpoints that cannot all be seen from one position.Those viewpoints are often obscured by the pillars of the arcades framing the mourners.The mourners further invite a closer inspection of their faces and hands by partially or fully concealing them with robes.Two eighteenth-century images by Jean-Baptiste Allemand showing the ducal tombs in situ in the church of the Champmol depict visitors kneeling on the ground to get a closer look at the mourners (figs.11 and 12). 24Allemand might have represented visual habits that would not have been shared with fifteenth-century viewers, for instance, in treating the tomb as an object for an Enlightened display of historical knowledge and erudition.There are also multiple eighteenth and nineteenth-century artworks showing visitors standing. 25But the mourners regularly bring some of its visitors into an uncomfortable physical position of crouching for a closer inspection because they encourage the viewer to look for what is obscured from a greater distance or a single viewpoint.Anyone who watches current visitors to the tombs from the balcony above the Salle des Gardes will regularly see some visitors kneel before it.Similar to the barrier originally installed around the tomb, the Musée has installed its own to keep these visitors at a suitable distance and has done since 1826 when the tombs were finally restored on this site. 26e argument of this article is that the two factors that have led to the recurring installation of a barrier around the mourners -their exposure to a combined monastic and lay viewing public and their appearance of being obscured, concealed and withdrawn -are related to one another.The ducal tombs occupied and defined a space whose organisation and use were negotiated between clerical and lay groups, a point that has been particularly emphasised by Sherry Lindquist. 27By comparing the mourners of the ducal tombs with earlier and later This argument relies on a close reading of the visual evidence of the mourners themselves, which I interpret in relation to anthropological concepts for thinking about ritual, notably that of liminality, as well as late medieval ideas for death and the afterlife.This method of moving between the visual evidence of the mourners on the one hand and more general fifteenth-century ideas and behaviours towards death on the other is necessitated by the fact that the mourners do not clearly represent or symbolise a particular set of rituals, either a procession or a burial (this point, well established in the literature, will be discussed below).
Rather than illustrate specific theological texts or rituals protocols, these images instead encouraged the viewer into and guiding their ritual behaviour.My method is therefore similar to one Craig Harbison has used in his analysis of Jan van Eyck's images of the Virgin and Child, images which, for Harbison, acted as visual agents within a ritual (by providing direct sight of the literal body of Christ) rather than represented a ritual (symbolise the Eucharist). 30Similarly, the mourners have to be taken as our primary evidence with their visual qualities closely read in terms of how they actively guide their viewers into ritual activity.They do so neither by simply representing a procession on the one hand or rituals of remembrance and prayer on the other, as others have argued, but rather by conflating these two activities.Through this conflation, they reassure the viewer of the clerical stewardship over the duke's soul and over the community of people who pray for him, as well as encourage the viewer to participate in that community of remembrance.This conflation of two forms of ritual -a procession guided by the clergy and the everlasting rituals of prayer and memory of the living -is the result of nonordered forms of religious behaviour, one in which the laity have some agency in assisting the deceased, while accepting the leadership and reassurance of the church's faith and institutions.
The Orientation of the Mourners and their Ritual Behaviour The history of the mourner's displacements and reinstallation has left small but significant alterations in how these figures are oriented.While most of the mourners have been restored to their original space in the arcades surrounding the ducal tombs, for reasons of conservation, some of the figures are oriented slightly differently than they would have been originally so that they are not too close to the pillars of the arcades. 31Pre-revolutionary images of Philip's tomb show the last chorister (no.8) turned approximately forty degrees clockwise from its current position, so that it shared a book with the preceding chorister (fig.13). 32The corresponding chorister on John and Margaret's tomb (no.48) is in the correct position, although the one before it (no.47) was not turning backwards to share a book (fig.14).Similarly, the first Carthusian (no.9) on Philip's tomb should also be orientated around forty degrees further clockwise to be in a more outward-facing position (fig.15), just as one finds on John's tomb.
While these changes are slight, they have changed how the ecclesiastical figures interact with the secular ones.Whereas the clergy generally seem to face in the same direction towards the front of the procession (coinciding with the south-east corner) the lay mourners do not.The original position brings the misaligned clerical figures into the more forward-facing position taken by the rest of the clergy.That the last two choristers of each group share a book also explains why the first of them breaks rank with the rest of the clergy to turn behind himself.
However, it has often been noted that the mourners are unlike the clergy in that they do not seem to consistently face in the same direction. 33Two look through their praying hands (nos.39 and 79).Generally, the mourners do not move in a unified processional direction.This is most evident in the lay mourners that do seem to move on their feet, nos.26, 39 and 79. 35 subtle.He seems to be turning to put his weight on his back leg (or otherwise he is walking forward toe-heel, which is unlikely).This means he is turning to his left, also in an anticlockwise direction.
In representing a difference in movement and attention between the clerical and lay mourners, the mourners of the ducal tombs contrast with representations of mourning processions in manuscript illuminations.In fourteenth and fifteenth-century illuminations of funeral rituals, usually appearing in the Office of the Dead of Books of Hours, the mourners are represented as facing in the same direction, either towards the same object of interest, or towards the front of a procession. 36An illumination from a manuscript belonging to the duke of Berry, the Très-Belles-Heures de Notre Dame, made around the beginning of the fifteenth century, shows both these ways in which mourners conduct themselves (fig.16). 37In the main central miniature the mourners stand behind the monks who sit around the coffin praying. 38ilst the monks face in multiple directions, the mourners have their heads bowed and are all facing towards the coffin.Below this scene, and walking across the bas-de-page, is a procession.
The clergy come first, followed by torchbearers, the coffin and coffin-bearers.They are then followed by a group of mourners.The mourners all face in the same direction towards the coffin and in the direction of travel.Because mourners are so consistently represented as facing in the same direction or towards the same object in this and other manuscript illuminations, one should ask why the mourners of the tombs of Philip, John and Margaret are not represented in the same manner.
The comportment of the ducal mourners also does not correspond to the two main methods of representing mourning that precede this tomb.There has been no explanation of the change in the comportment between the clergy and laity among Philip's mourners.Different scholars either emphasise the seemingly stationary appearance of the lay figures or the seemingly processional arrangement of the mourners as a whole.These two sets of interpretations imply alternative account of the functions of the mourning figures: to represent a procession on the one hand, or to engage with rituals that occurred in the Charterhouse on the other.For Ernest Andrieu, the mourners represented Philip's actual funerary ceremony and so commemorated this event. 45While his attempts to identify individual mourners has long been discredited, 46 for Sherry Lindquist it remains plausible that the mourners suggested a ducal funeral procession. 47On the other hand, Renate Prochno claims that the mourners' primary role is to act as figures that provoked an empathetic response from their audience and so engage with the beholder to say prayers for Philip. 48For Michael Grandmontagne, the mourners are not in a procession, but form a continuous loop around the tomb to guide the movement of the viewer around it and, in doing so, communicate the unceasing prayers said and rituals performed for the duke. 49e clear break in the comportment between the clerical and lay figures of the mourners suggests that these readings of the mourners are not exclusive: that two sets of rituals Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 10 Charterhouse -were important reference points for these figures.Xavier Dectot has recently underlined that when mourners re-emerged in European tomb sculpture from the early thirteenth century they not only represented the funerals presided over by the clergy, but also the longer process of prayer and remembrance by the family, friends and descendants of the deceased to ease the latter's purgatorial suffering. 50It is therefore worth considering whether the mourners conflate two different forms of ritual: on the one hand, the transitional rituals of mourning that occur after the death of a loved one, and on the other, the indefinite rituals of continual prayer and memory for the deceased. 51erlasting Ritual and Indefinite Liminality My definition of everlasting and transitional ritual and their difference depends on the concept of liminality, a concept that defines such 'in-between' states.This concept is a cornerstone of modern anthropology first introduced into the subject in 1909 by Arnold van Gennep's work Les Rites de Passage. 52For Van Gennep, a ritual had three moments.They start with rites of separation which remove the persons from their established social position, and end with rites of reintegration during which those persons are re-established into a new stable condition. 53In between these two moments come liminal rites, which produce a space and time in which the person or persons are neither what they were before, nor what they will be.The rite of passage is a transformative process that, during the liminal period, momentarily destabilises the relation of the persons involved to the normal state of themselves and to their community.While Van Gennep's work is now over a century old, this basic tripartite structure of rites, one used to conceptualise them as marking transitions, remains a point of consensus and a theoretical reference for contemporary anthropologists. 54n Gennep noted that the duration of the liminal period could be variable. 55For funerals, he notes that the duration of the period of mourning often correlated to the period in which the dead were believed to travel through the afterlife. 56 durations becoming permanent, leading to 'the institutionalisation of liminality', in Turner's terms. 57The idea of purgatory, that the dead underwent a painful process of purification after death for sins for which they had not done penance, posits such an everlasting liminal period, a period of indefinite duration for the deceased in which they are separated from the community they have left (that of the living), but have not yet achieved a settled status in a new community (that of the blessed). 58tomb that most clearly represents mourners in a state of purgatorial liminality is that for Philibert of Monthoux (c.1453).This a mural tomb in the church of Saint Maurice in Annecy (fig.19). 59The mural represents a series of mourners around Philibert's transi.In his study on Philibert's monument, Pierre Quarré notes that the scroll the transi holds seems pessimistic.In other images of dying and dead bodies, such as the transi of the tomb of Jean de la Grange in Avignon (c.1402) or the dying man in the Rohan Hours (who is very transi-like, fig.20), the last words come out of the mouth. 60A contrast between the words of Philibert's transi and those of the body in the Rohan Hours further demonstrates Philibert's indefinite liminality.The dying man in the Rohan Hours says 'Father, into your hands I commend my spirit.You, my Lord, the Lord of Truth, have redeemed me'. 61These words are from Psalms 30:6.However, the present tense form of 'I commend' is taken from the gospel of Luke, who records the first of these sentences as emitted by the last breath of the crucified Christ. 62These last spoken words of the dying man in the Rohan Hours mark the transitory movement of a last breath, and thus a clear transition of the body's soul from one place to another.This is further indicated by the soul represented above the body.An angel fights a demon to recover this soul from its possession.
Just as the spoken words travelling on the breath of the dying man in the Rohan Hours mirror the soul of the deceased escaping the body, the dead and solid written text in Philibert's hand has a synecdochal relation to the withered husk that is Philibert's body and his indefinite condition between death and resurrection.The words here read 'locus est terribilis iste' (how awe-inspiring/terrible is this place).These words are taken from Genesis 28, where Jacob, one Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 12 of the Patriarchs of the Israelites, has a dream in which he sees a ladder connecting heaven and earth. 63Upon awaking he says, trembling, 'How awe-inspiring is this place?This is no other than the House of God and the Gate of Heaven.' 64 Being a reference to an established House of God, one connecting heaven and earth, the words in the hand of Philibert's transi were incorporated into Roman liturgies for the ritual of consecration, 65 and are occasionally found in the entrances of churches. 66In both patristic and twelfth-century commentary, these words were also usually considered to be a prophecy of the Last Judgement. 67The place where Jacob slept was 'terrible' because it would undergo a transformation in the coming of God's Kingdom. 68By being represented as a transi, Philibert not only awaits the future moment of resurrection, but also demonstrates his fears and humility while in his liminal state.Jean Gerson (1363-1429), a theologian that was highly influential theologian within both the French and Burgundian courts during his career, quoted Genesis 28:17 in his sermons to affirm that the clergy should maintain a fearful and penitential attitude within the church. 69The transi communicates Philibert's apprehensiveness not just with the words 'terribilis est locus iste', but through the decay of his body, and through other banderoles on the mural.A scroll unrolling from the praying hands of the first mourner to the left once read, before suffering damage: 'the learned die just like the unlearned'. 70Another scroll from the mourner furthest to the right claims 'for when a man dies he will inherit serpents and worms'. 71These macabre messages show that Philibert is meek: he has died like any other man, and takes no possessions into the next world.
Pierre Quarré notes the similarity between Philibert's mourners and the lay mourners of the ducal tombs in the thickness and shape of their drapery. 72The painted inscription above the mural describes Philibert as a counsellor (co(n)sillier) to the dukes of Burgundy, which makes it plausible that Philibert and the artist(s) he hired knew of Philip the Bold's tomb (John and Margaret's tomb was completed after Philibert's). 73Therefore, while Philibert's mourners exhibit differences to the ducal ones, notably in how they stand in the presence of the transi, i.e., the object of their mourning, they nevertheless exhibit similarities to the ducal mourners that seem to result from a shared concern for purgatorial suffering.Like the ducal mourners,

Transitional Rituals and Clerical Authority
The lay mourners' concern for the souls of the deceased was a role the laity were obliged to fulfil to aid the souls of Philip, John and Margaret in the years after their deaths.at the end of the funeral during which the body or coffin was sprinkled with holy water and incense. 74But unlike other tombs and manuscript processions in which absolution rites are depicted there is no bier or body represented with the bearers of holy water. 75It seems that the Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 14 specification of the type of ritual performed in the ducal tombs was less critical than the general assertion that the ceremony was authorised and administered by high clerical authority.
Although Augustine of Hippo saw no value in funerals for the soul of the deceased, he tolerated them because of the benefit they had for the wellbeing of the living. 76Such a view was repeated by Jacques de Vitry in the thirteenth century. 77The importance of the assurance that funerals offered is perhaps indicated by the presence of the bishop (no.5).This bishop seeks to comfort the viewer by holding his book open and outward.This manner of holding a book was common in images of saints in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 78Often no words are represented on the pages, it is simply the fact of divine revelation through scripture that is signified.The representation of a bishop as the bearer of that knowledge, and the general relevance of the Christian revelation concerning resurrection and salvation, may have been reassuring to the families of Philip, John and Margaret and others who saw this figure.Only nobles would have their funeral led by such important churchmen. 79The presence of the clergy on the tombs was therefore not to record the actual event and its participants, but rather to reassure the viewer that the bodies and souls of the deceased received the best available care after their death.
There are two Carthusians represented on each tomb (nos.9, 10; 49, 50) and these may have communicated the long-term duties of prayer and memory these monks had towards Philip, John and Margaret.This duty is indicated by the books they carry.These are unlikely to be Books of Hours or breviaries; they are much thicker than the books carried by either the bishop or the singers that precede them (nos.5-8).Furthermore, neither of them appears to sing, unlike the singers whose mouths are open so their teeth and tongues are visible (nos.7 and 8). 80Carthusians were often represented as praying by reading as their life required silence. 81Were these books supposed to be recognised as the necrologies the Carthusians used to record their calendar of prayers?Although the dimensions of these books are not dissimilar to surviving fourteenth-century necrologies, they have no details that can establish recognisability. 82But it is worth noting that the Carthusians' interactions with the books involve acts of memory.No. 9's thumb has been carefully sculpted as inserted into the book, marking a Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 15 page around three quarters in.No. 10 holds onto one page halfway through the book whilst reading a page much further along.A clasp saves another page.These are ways of relating to books that involve referencing and remembering.Through them the sculptures may be communicating the Carthusians' duty to remember the anniversaries and other prayers for their ducal patrons, a duty that necrologies codified and maintained.This duty of remembrance may be why the Carthusians are placed between the lay mourners, with whom they share a similar duty, and the clergy, with whom they share the status of belonging to the first estate.

Mourning as non-ordered religious behaviour
In his survey of Western attitudes to death, Philippe Ariès claimed that the late Middle Ages witnessed a 'clericisation' of death, one where the laity adopted the ideals of the clergy by adopting mourning robes to tone down their outward expressions of grief and pain. 83More recently, Robert Marcoux has developed this argument by shifting the emphasis from the priesthood to the monastic orders: mourning is a state of liminality, and monks provide a model of those living in a state of permanent liminality. 84While both arguments may account for longer changes in mourning practices and their representation in the late Middle Ages, particularly in the widespread adoption of mourning robes, they are not well-suited to the more historically local analysis I have undertaken of the ducal mourners.The clerical and lay groups among the ducal mourners each emphasise alternative side of the medieval response to death due to differences in their responsibility towards the deceased: the former officiating the immediate, transitional response to death, the latter shifting the emphasis to the longer process of memory and prayer.Therefore, while there is a clear division between the clerical, monastic and lay groups on the tombs in their responsibilities and ritual behaviour, there is no firm distinction in their ideals and values.They each simply emphasise a different aspect of general late medieval ideals and practices concerning death: death itself and memory.The ideas of a 'monasticisation', 'clericisation' or even, for Michael Vovelle, a 'secularisation' of death, 85 do not capture this overlap and interpenetration of lay and clerical beliefs and behaviour.
Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 16 A concept that does account for this overlap is R. N. Swanson's notion of non-ordered religious behaviour: religious practices that are adopted and adapted by the laity, even if they are negotiated with the orthodoxy demanded by the church. 86This term allows for the leadership of the clergy (an idea emphasised by the concepts of a 'monasticisation' or 'clericisation' of mourning) while allowing for the agency of the laity in shaping and adapting rituals and relationships that suit their combined social and spiritual needs.This point is demonstrated by the robes of the ducal mourners, and particularly how they conceal their heads.Robert Marcoux has argued these robes place the mourner in a liminal position, suspending their normal social functions, and that monks acted as model for such states of social withdrawal. 87While this argument describes the robes' spiritual significance of withdrawal and contemplation, one should also account for how the robes express grief and pain, those seemingly secular emotions particular to mourning.As well as indicate a state of liminality, of withdrawal from the world for contemplation, these robes emphasised the secular loyalties between the living and dead -friendship, family or fealty -that have just been severed.
Such pain is notably expressed in the robes 'weeping drapery', performing a type of weeping through the extensions of their falling and heavy robes, a gesture Renate Prochno has compared to one sometimes found on images of John the Evangelist at the foot of the Cross. 88In particular, observe the repeated cascading folds on the robes falling from the right hand of no.21 down to his feet (fig.21).Because this hand is raised to his bowed face these long folds seem to suggest the movement of falling tears.While this reading of these robes as 'weeping drapery' is speculative, it is worth noting how the closest relatives of the deceased were expected to wear the grand deuil, the longest mourning robes that extend even beyond the feet. 89urner no.21 demonstrates not only that mourning robes had a dual significationinner, contemplative thought and outwardly expressed pain -but that the sculptors of these figures used sculptural form to present these two connotations as co-extensive: the tears, extended by robes, falling from the concealed face also lead back up to it.This use of folds to shift attention between the outer expression and inner, obscured body can be seen in other tightly around it. 90The mourning robes covering this fist emphasise the tension of its grip rather than diminish it, as this tension is extended into the folds themselves which are drawn and turn towards its clench.There are multiple other mourners that produce folds by drawing their robes into and around their hands and arms (nos.14, 23, 37).The external form of the robes extend and highlight the clutch of the limbs that hold them, giving outer form to the tense feelings of the figure they otherwise conceal.
There are multiple examples of mourners from the early-fourteenth century with completely concealed bodies and faces, 91 including on the tomb of Lucie de Vierville, dame de Hermanville, (d.1315), 92 the tomb of Joan of Montaigu, (d.1316), 93 and a representation of the entombment of Christ by Jean Pucelle made between 1324-28. 94Such examples cast doubt on the thesis that the sculptors of the ducal tombs were inspired by the story of the ancient painter Timanthes who represented Agamemnon veiled to express this figure's grief. 95There is no record of any text in Philip the Bold's library that describes Timanthes's painting, whether such a description be from Pliny the Elder, Cicero or Valerius Maximus. 96However, the extent to which the robes of the ducal mourners described and extended the movements of the imagined physical structure and limbs beneath them was unprecedented.This attention to the relationship between the folds of the mourners' robes on the one hand and the tension and structure of the bodies they conceal on the other show that these robes were not simply a representation of contemporary funeral attire, but also attracted their sculptors' interest as a site of expressive sculptural form.
Attention to how the mourners interacted with the arcades around them further demonstrates that the interplay between the outer movements and imagined inner tensions of the mourners' bodies was a special point of consideration for their sculptors.Susie Nash has compared how the mourners are framed by their arcades with the framing of the prophets on Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 18 the Well of Moses, another monument at the Charterhouse of Champmol designed by the same sculptors who produced Philip the Bold's tomb (fig.23). 97The prophets project from the outerside of the arcades of the Well, interacting across the points of the structure's hexagonal shape so that they do not seem enclosed by the arcaded spaces defined by its sides.The mourners also interact across angles defined by the arcades around them, often turning towards one another, one even putting his hand on another's shoulder (nos.24 and 25).But, as Nash notes, unlike the prophets on the Well of Moses, the mourners seem recessed into those arcades rather than project from them; the mourners interact through the inner sides of the angles defined by the pillars rather than across the outer angle. 98The micro-architecture around the mourners and the shadows they cast therefore seem designed to emphasise the mourners' separation from the viewer and their partial concealment.Particularly notable are the 12 triangular single-vaulted niches on each tomb whose foremost pillar bisect the front-on view of the mourners behind them. 99In sum, just as the robes are used to extend motions and movements of the concealed figure beneath them, so are the arcades evidence of how the sculptors carefully considered how three-dimensional structures, in this case the arcades, create impressions of tense, unresolved

Conclusion
The mourners of the tombs of Philip, John and Margaret encourage their beholder to participate in prayer and remembrance for these Burgundian rulers.They do not do so simply by mirroring their beholders' anticipated behaviour of prayer, but rather by conflating this ritual with that of a procession, one led by clergy.By being ambiguously situated between the everlasting ritual of prayer and the concluded, transitional ritual of a burial, the mourners encourage a consideration for the suffering of the souls of the deceased while also reassuring their viewers that the deceased dukes and duchess have already received the best possible care from the church and continue to receive it from the Carthusians (who are also represented with the clergy).The mourners therefore present a dual and ambiguous attitude to death: that the dead are in a liminal awaiting salvation, but also that their bodies and souls were well-served during the funeral and remain under the prestigious custodianship of the Carthusian order.While the mourners may encourage an emotional response to the fact of death in order to stimulate prayer and remembrance, they also underline the faith, hope and order among the living church that assure salvation.
The dual attitude to death, that it concerns both the immediate and painful separation of the deceased from the living as well as the prospect for resurrection and the process of prayer and remembrance for the salvation of souls, is evident in the mourners' gestures.By concealing their bodies, and especially their heads, the lay mourners' robes represent them in a contemplative state, that is, one concerned with the hidden reality of the afterlife.At the same time, the folds and seeming weight of these robes emphasise the agitation of the bodies below them, their tears, bowed heads and tense limbs.These two significances of the mourning robes show that the mourners can be read as engaged in both transitional and everlasting rituals: as experiencing grief for deceased friends and relatives, but also hopeful for salvation.Rather than Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 20 be distinct interpretations of the same iconography, the form of these robes brings these two readings into contact with one another: the expression of pain through the mourning robes intensifies, rather than detracts from, the seeming withdrawal of the figure, and vice versa, this dialectic being most notable in the falling drapery that leads to and from the hidden face of mourner no. 21.
The fact that mourning robes were increasingly adopted by the laity from the thirteenth Such visitors could have been Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 4

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figures, placed between the clerical and lay figures, are represented with the characteristics of

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Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 7 Rather than walk clockwise around the tomb towards the clergy they turn in the other direction.Nos.39 and Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 8 79 are facing anti-clockwise and clearly leaning forward on his front foot towards nos.40 and 80 and are thereby moving against the direction of the clergy.The movement of no. 26 is more First, there are those tombs in which mourners turn in profile to the viewer, as if in procession.A few examples are the tombs of Louis de France (d.1260) in Saint-Denis (fig.17), Gonzalo de Hinojosa (d.1327) in Burgos Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 9 Cathedral, 39 Hugues de Châtillon (d.1352) in the Chapelle Notre-Dame of Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, 40 and Riccardo Annibaldi in San Giovanni in Laterano, Rome. 41Second, from the fourteenth century onwards, there are tombs in which the mourners face outwards towards the viewer, feet and shoulders parallel to the arcades.A few examples are the tomb of Cardinal Pierre de la Jugie (c.1376) in Narbonne Cathedral (fig.18), 42 the tomb of Aymon de Mollain (c.1382) of which a fragment survives in the Musée de Luxeuil, 43 and the tomb of Jehan de Derval (c.1482), originally in the Cistercian abbey of Vieuville, Brittany. 44The mourners of the tombs of Philip, John and Margaret conform to neither of these two strategies.If the mourners are not facing the viewer, nor engaged in the procession, then what is their attention directed towards?

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Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 17 gestures.Note the clenched fist represented covered over by clothing on no. 15 (fig.22).One can see the tensed, raised knuckles of the left hand clearly showing through the robes pulled movement and emotional withdrawal by overlapping with or partially concealing a figure enclosed beneath them.The mourners' robes do not only indicate a contemplative attitude, but also draw attention to the tense muscles and weeping of the figure beneath them.They represent the mourners as withdrawn from normal social functions, but not only because they imitate contemplative attitude of the clergy and monastic orders.The mourners' turn towards contemplation is caused by the grief of losing a beloved friend or relative, and so is not contrary to or distinct from, their secular social ties, those defined by the family, household or court.Both their spiritual and their secular values -their expressions of concern for the afterlife and of pain over the death of a loved one -are evident in the mourning robes, but without clear distinction.As well as part of a longer 'monasticisation' or 'clericisation' of death in the late Middle Ages, the Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 19 mourners are expressions of and a prompt for non-ordered modes of religious behaviour in which lay and clerical values become indistinct.
century to tone down potentially despairing performances of grief represents a 'clericisation' (Ariès) or 'monasticisation'(Marcoux) of death.Nevertheless, this is a mode of religious behaviour that intersects with and was intensified by secular concerns: unlike monks the mourners are in a contemplative, liminal state because, and not despite, their embeddedness within social, familial and political networks, ones which have been disrupted by death.The religious and secular merge here without a clear point of division, representing a form of nonordered religious behaviour.The iconography of this tomb, as well the wider furnishings of the church of the Charterhouse of Champmol resulted from the interests and requirements of multiple groups: the Carthusian order, their Burgundian dynasty, a broader group of noble patrons, and a wider, indeterminate set of visitors the Carthusians had the means to host.The railings placed around the tomb of Philip suggest that the behaviour of the Carthusians anticipated disrespectful as well as respectful guests.However, the tomb would not have been installed in the charterhouse if there were not considerable mutual respect and even ideological and behavioural continuity between the laity and clergy.Bibliography Adnès 1937-1995 P. Adnès, 'Larmes', in: Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, Paris 1937-1995, vol.9, 287-303.Alexandre-Bidon 1998 Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 21 D. Alexandre-Bidon, La Mort au Moyen Âge, XIIIe-XVIe siècle, Paris 1998.Andrieu 1914 E. Andrieu, 'Les Pleurants aux Tombeaux des Ducs de Bourgogne', Revue de Bourgogne (1914), 95-151.Andrieu 1935 E. Andrieu, 'La Personnalité des Pleurants du Tombeau de Philippe le Hardi.Quelques Identifications', Revue Belge d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Art 5 (1935), 221-230.Ariès 1981 P. Ariès, The Hour of Our Death, Helen Weaver (trans.),London 1981.Baron, Jugie and Lafay 2009 F. Baron, S. Jugie and B. Lafay, Les Tombeaux des ducs de Bourgogne, Dijon 2009.Beaulieu 1955 M. Beaulieu, 'Les Costume de Deuil en Bourgogne au XV e siècle', Actes du XVIII e Congrès international de l'Art (Amsterdam 1952), The Hague 1955, 259-268.Baiocco and Morand (eds.)2013 S. Baiocco and M C. Morand (eds.),Des Saints et des Hommes.L'Image des Saints dans les Alpes Occidentales à la fin du Moyen Âge, Milan 2013.Binski 1996.P. Binski, Medieval Death.Ritual and Representation, London 1996.
Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 11 Later anthropologists, notablyVictor Turner and, more recently, Árpád Szakolczai, considered the consequences of such AndrewMurray - Andrew Murray -Mourning and Non-Ordered Religious Behaviour in the Tombs of Philip the Bold, John the Fearless and Margaret of Bavaria 13 Philibert's are not in a procession moving from one place to another, but stand around Philibert, performing their prayers for the deceased until the end of time, similar to how the ducal mourners surround the dukes and duchess, depicted lying above them on the tombs' chests.The fifth mourner of Philibert's tomb seems to stare upwards in the same manner as many ducal mourners (nos.27, 36, 40, 67, 80).Also the third mourner, like many ducal ones, has his head completely concealed.The fourth of Philibert's mourners seems fixated on his praying hands, as nos.39 and 79 in the ducal tombs.The last two pairs seem to turn towards one another, as do several pairs of the Burgundian mourners (for instance, 11 and 12, 17 and 18, 31 and 32, 37 and 38).Like Philibert's mourners, the diverse points of focus of the mourners of Philip, John and Margaret show they are likewise concerned with the unseen state of the souls of the deceased.