Burn the Witch! A Comparison between the Portrayal of Sorceress Babylon in Isaiah 47 and the Figure of the Witch in Maqlû

In chapter 47 of the Book of Isaiah the fall of Babylon is described in metaphorical language: the arrogant queen Babylon is condemned for having practiced witchcraft since her youth. The evil which she inflicted on her victims will befall herself, and her downfall will be swift and without warning. Her dire fate follows that of her fellow sorcerers, who have perished in fire and flames. This article compares the portrayal of Babylon and her demise in Isa 47 with the Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft series Maqlû and discusses the shared terminology and the striking similarity of themes, such as the indictment of the witch, the gender-stereotype, the reversal of fate, and the condemnation to death by burning. The thematic, and sometimes lexical, overlap may indicate that Deutero-Isaiah incorporated Mesopotamian ideas about (counter-)witchcraft in his own composition, being exposed to local magico-religious thought whilst maintaining a critical stance towards it.

In loving memory of my father, the Rev. Andries Jacob Damsma, and our time in "Babylon" ∵ In the middle of Deutero-Isaiah's composition we find a foreign-nation oracle which is directed against Babylon: Isa 47 announces the city's imminent downfall and humiliation, which will pave the way for the salvation and exaltation of Zion.1 Babylon's demise is depicted in metaphorical language. The city is personified as a woman, an arrogant, majestically enthroned queen, who revels in earthly pleasures and oppresses the weak.2 She is accused of having practiced sorcery from her youth; with the help of magical knowledge and aided by her fellow sorcerers she wreaked havoc and deemed herself untouchable, thanks to her craft. However, all the evil which queen Babylon inflicted on her victims will befall herself, and this reversal of fortune will end in her swift and sudden destruction, just like the fate of her companions, who have perished in fire and flames. Deutero-Isaiah's portrayal of Babylon as a witch contains intriguing, thematic (and sometimes lexical) allusions to Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft materials, most notably to the Maqlû series of incantations, which is not only the longest but also the most important text directed against witchcraft from Mesopotamia.3 1 On the identification of Isa 40-55 as an authorial or at least redactional unity from the Middle Ages onward, see Blenkinsopp,[69][70][71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78][79][80][81]cf. Goldingay and Payne,[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]. However, there has been a tendency in the last few decades to reassert the unity of the book of Isaiah; for a critical discussion of this trend and further literature, see Rendtorff, "Book of Isaiah." 2 On the personification of cities as royal female figures in the Hebrew Bible and the supposed mythological origin of this imagery, see Fitzgerald, "Mythological Background." On the frequent usage of the terms ‫ה‬ ‫תּולָ‬ ‫ּבְ‬ and ‫ת‬ ‫ּבַ‬ as titles for capital cities, see Fitzgerald, "BTWLT and BT." 3 For a general discussion on Mesopotamian beliefs in magic and divination, see Farber, "Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination"; Schwemer, "Mesopotamia"; and Thomsen, "Witchcraft and Magic." On the vast Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft corpus, see Abusch, "Witchcraft Literature"; Abusch and Schwemer, Corpus. For an introduction to the Maqlû series in particular, see Abusch,Witchcraft Series Maqlû,. It is beyond the scope of the present study to discuss the treatment of witchcraft in the Babylonian and Assyrian law collections, or the rare attestations of actual witchcraft accusations. For a discussion on these topics, see Rollin,"Women and Witchcraft,[42][43]Schwemer,"Mesopotamia,[41][42][55][56][57]cf. Hamori,Women's Divination,211 n. 16. 4 As a member of the temple clergy, the āšipu was an expert in defensive, protective rituals to ward off illness and other misfortune caused by supernatural forces and fellow human beings; as such he was the primary opponent of the witch. For a discussion of the āšipu and his craft, see Ritter, "Magical-expert"; Scurlock, "Physician, Exorcist." It is important to realize that magic per se was not frowned upon in Babylonia, and it was by no means synonymous with witchcraft or black magic. The āšipu and the witch used the same incantations and ritual techniques, yet the witch practiced magic with evil intentions and in secret, which rendered her craft illegitimate; cf. Farber, "Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination," 1898; Rollin, "Women and Witchcraft," 35. 5 Abusch, Witchcraft Series Maqlû, 5. However, according to Abusch's reconstruction of Maqlû's textual history, a shorter proto-form of Maqlû may have already existed in Assur by the end of the Middle Assyrian period. 6 For an extensive, recent overview of the scholarly discussion on Deutero-Isaiah's date and provenance, see Silverman, Persian Royal-Judaean Elite Engagements, 61-87 and the literature cited therein. 7 The textual basis for the biblical verses is the BHS, and the English translation is my own. You showed them no mercy; on the elderly you made your yoke exceedingly heavy.
The harsh treatment of the aged shows the extent of Babylon's abuse of power. Moreover, the power granted to Babylon made her arrogant, and in subsequent verses she claims to be eternal (v. 7 ‫ד‬ ‫עַ‬ ‫ת‬ ֶ ‫ר‬ ‫בָ‬ ‫גְ‬ ‫ה‬ ‫יֶ‬ ‫הְ‬ ֶ ‫א‬ ‫ם‬ ‫עֹולָ‬ "I shall be forever an everlasting mistress"8) and divine (vv. 8, 10 ‫עֹוד‬ ‫י‬ ‫סִ‬ ‫פְ‬ ‫אַ‬ ‫וְ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נִ‬ ‫אֲ‬ "I am, and there is no one besides me"9). Now queen Babylon must face judgment for her hubris and merciless treatment of the Judahites. According to Baltzer, the indictment standard text simply cannot follow one and the same manuscript due to the poor preservation of the extant sources; Abusch, Magical Ceremony Maqlû, 281. For a synoptic overview of the Maqlû lines quoted in this study and their transliteration, I would like to refer the reader to Parts I-II of the aforementioned text-critical edition. 8 Following the critical apparatus, I read ‫ד‬ ‫עַ‬ ‫ת‬ ֶ ‫ר‬ ֑ ‫בָ‬ ‫גְ‬ in Codex Leningradensis as a genitival phrase: ‫עד‬ ‫רת‬ ‫;גבֶ‬ cf. GKC, §94g. For a discussion on the syntax of this verse and the interpretation of ‫ד‬ ‫,עַ‬ see Freedman, "Mistress Forever." 9 On the expression ‫עֹוד‬ ‫י‬ ‫סִ‬ ‫פְ‬ ‫אַ‬ ‫וְ‬ ‫י‬ ‫נִ‬ ‫אֲ‬ and the function of the ḥireq in ‫י‬ ‫סִ‬ ‫פְ‬ ‫אַ‬ as a pronominal suffix rather than ḥireq compaginis, see Joüon, §160n; cf. GKC, §90l. We find this expression also in Zeph 2:15a, where the city of Nineveh is portrayed in identical metaphorical language as in against Babylon and her subsequent punishment belong to the "lawcourt scenes" in Deutero-Isaiah.10 Interestingly, legal imagery is also found in Maqlû.11 The victim requests a court hearing,12 and the effigy of the witch has to stand trial (Maqlû V 23-24): lillu lībilma kaššāpta ana dayyāniša dayyānša kīma nēši lissâ eliša May an idiot bring the witch to her judge, And13 may her judge roar at her like a lion.
In Maqlû I 73-121, the incantation that centres on the judgment and the execution of the witch, the fire-god Nuska is called upon to identify the witch, whose identity is unknown to the victim, and to establish the criminal nature of her deeds. The witch's execution-death by fire-is subsequently carried out by Girra, another fire-god, who is often associated with Nuska due to their overlapping roles. As observed by Abusch, the witch has broken the social contract, the set of rules which form the foundation of human society and the whole, universal community of the living and the dead.14 The witch thus poses a threat to society, and the punishment for transgressing the agreement is total destruction. We can infer from Isa 47 that Babylon was also under obligation as the agent of God's judgment of his people, but she broke the terms of agreement with her cruel and arrogant behaviour and now she must stand trial.

2
Magical and Divinatory Terminology 2.1 ‫ים‬ ‫פִ‬ ָ ‫שׁ‬ ְ ‫כּ‬ "sorceries, witchcraft" and ‫ים‬ ִ ‫ר‬ ‫בָ‬ ֲ ‫ח‬ "enchantments, spells" (vv. 9, 12) We read in Isa 47:9a that Babylon will suffer loss of children and widowhood as a punishment for her misbehaviour. The verse continues as follows: 10 Baltzer ( On the use of ‫ר‬ ‫ׁשֶ‬ ‫אֲ‬ ‫ּבַ‬ instead of ‫ם‬ ‫הֶ‬ ‫ּבָ‬ … ‫ר‬ ‫ׁשֶ‬ ‫אֲ‬ to express "with which," see Joüon, §158m: "Sometimes, by a kind of anticipation, ‫אשר‬ is preceded by ‫את‬ of the accusative or by a preposition, which logically should follow in the relative clause, prefixed to a pronominal suffix referring to the implicit antecedent"; cf. GKC,§138f. 18 In addition to Isa 47:9, 12, we find it in 2 Interestingly, the segolate noun ‫ר‬ ‫בֶ‬ ‫חֶ‬ bears two seemingly different meanings: "company, association" on the one hand, and "spell, enchantment" on the other.26 When we look at the verbal root ‫,חבר√‬ we see the same semantic differences. In the qal ‫חבר√‬ means "to join, ally oneself, be joined," which is a common meaning for *ḥbr in Semitic, but it is also used as a magical term, "to charm, cast spells," albeit rarely ( The Hebrew Bible in general does not elaborate on the exact nature of magical practices or on the various types of diviners, which could be explained by the polemical stance of many biblical passages. In her discussion of the root ‫כׁשף√‬ and its derivatives, Jeffers observes the following: "Little is shown by these texts except that the practitioners of kšp are described in an increasingly derogatory fashion, where their original function seems to have been forgotten" (Magic and Divination, 68). 25 In the ancient versions ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫פַ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ ‫ּכְ‬ is rendered as follows in Isa 47:9, 12: LXX φαρμακείᾳ σου; In the understandable attempt to reconcile all occurrences of the stem with the basic meaning of "to tie, bind, etc.," the ḥōbēr ḥeber has been connected with the magical practice of the tying of knots, which is well attested in ancient Near Eastern religions. Others have seen in it rather an extension of the literal meaning "to bind" to the realm of speech; the reference would then be to one who combines words together in artful ways in casting a spell, a spellbinder.28 These interpretations are supported by the Akkadian cognate ubburu "to bind" (*ḥbr), which is also used to convey magical binding, of which we find evidence in Maqlû.29 However, Finkelstein derived the meaning of ‫ר‬ ‫בֶ‬ ֶ ‫ח‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֺבֵ‬ ‫ח‬ from the root sense of the Akkadian verb ḫabāru "to be noisy, make noise" instead.30 Because of the merger of the phonemes /ḫ/ and /ḥ/ in Hebrew, the verbal root ‫חבר‬ could go back to etymological *ḫbr rather than *ḥbr when used in a divinatory context. In that case, the ‫ר‬ ‫בֶ‬ ‫חֶ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֺבֵ‬ ‫ח‬ does not cast spells through the act of binding, as in sympathetic magic, but through the act of speech, by making a sound. Due to the lack of a clear etymology and the few biblical attestations of the terms, the exact activity of the ‫ר‬ ‫בֶ‬ ‫חֶ‬ ‫ר‬ ‫ֺבֵ‬ ‫ח‬ remains unknown.31 We seem to be dealing with a practitioner, male or female, who would cast spells either through some sort of binding magic or through the power of speech. In Maqlû the witch is also accused of casting spells. See for example Maqlû I 27 (cf. V 140):

tȗša ša kaššāpti lemutte
Her spell being that of an evil witch32 In the above example the Akkadian term tȗ "incantation, spell" is used in the context of black magic.33 In contrast to the noun ‫ף*‬ ‫ׁשֶ‬ ‫,ּכֶ‬ there are no cognate parallels between ‫ר*‬ ‫בֶ‬ ‫חֶ‬ in Isa 47:9, 12 and the terminology used in Maqlû for denoting spells (and counter spells).34 28 Finkelstein Evil shall come upon you, which you do not know how to bewitch away disaster shall fall upon you, which you will not be able to ward off At first sight ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ seems to denote "its dawn,"36 referring to the dawning of evil.37 When taking the poetic structure of v. 11a into account, the form ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ might rather be construed as an infinitive construct with 3fsg object suffix, parallel to ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫ּפְ‬ ‫,ּכַ‬ a piel infinitive construct of ‫כפר√‬ with 3fsg object suffix. Targum Jonathan to Isaiah interprets the form exactly as such and reads ‫למבעי‬ ‫תידעין‬ ‫לא‬ ‫עלה‬ "you will not know how to pray it away." In a similar vein, the BHS apparatus suggests to read the form as ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חֲ‬ ‫,ׁשַ‬ a piel infinitive construct of ‫ׁשחר√‬ "to seek, beseech" (used here in the sense of "to pray"). However, the etymology and meaning of the root are still subject of debate. Perhaps ‫ׁשחר√‬ goes back to a root cognate to Akkadian saḫāru "to turn (around), encircle,"38 which is also used in the sense of "to seek, beseech"39 and even in the magical sense of evil that is surrounding a person, i.e., "to bewitch, enchant."40 The verb saḫāru is attested in Maqlû III 120 (cf. II 199): on the verb roots ‫כׁשף√‬ and ‫חבר√‬ and their correspondence, both etymologically and semantically, to the Akkadian verbs kašāpu and ubburu, see Held, "Studies in Biblical Lexicography," 78-79; cf. Smith, "Magic of Kothar," 379 and n. 11. 35 1QIsaa reads ‫,ובאה‬ which solves the gender disagreement between the subject and the verb. On this type of disagreement, see Joüon, §150j. 36 Syntactically, the absence of the object marker before ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ would not be a complicating factor due to the lack of prosaic features in Biblical Hebrew poetry. 37 Cf. Vulgate veniet super te malum et nescies ortum eius "evil will come upon you, and you will not know its dawning"; Peshitta ‫ܬܕܥܝܢ‬ ‫ܘܠܐ‬ ‫ܒܫܦܪܐ‬ ‫ܒܝܫܬܐ‬ ‫ܥܠܝܟܝ‬ ‫ܬܐܬܐ‬ "evil will come upon you at dawn and you will not know." The LXX, by contrast, seems to read ‫ת‬ ‫חַ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ "pit" instead of ‫ר‬ ‫חַ‬ ‫,ׁשַ‬ given its rendering with βόθυνος. 38 HALOT, s.v. ‫ׁשחר‬ II and ‫ׁשחר‬ III. The shift from etymological /ḫ/ to /ḥ/ can be explained by the merger of /ḫ/ with /ḥ/ in Hebrew, and the sound change of /š/ to /s/ has been attested in Neo-Assyrian; see Luukko,Grammatical Variation,[74][75]  ana sāḫerti suḫrīma iqbû Has said41 "enchant" to an enchantress In the example above the root saḫāru is clearly used in the context of black magic, and we may thus have stumbled upon another linguistic parallel between Isa 47 and Maqlû.42 The reading of ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ as ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חֲ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ "to bewitch it away" is to be favoured over the emendation in BDB, which proposes ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ד‬ ‫חֲ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ "to buy it off," a qal infinitive construct of ‫ׁשחד√‬ "to give a present, bribe."43 In that case, the root letter ‫ר‬ in ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ was a scribal error for ‫.ד‬ Despite all her riches and luxuries, queen Babylon will be unable to bribe off the evil that is about to strike her. However, the reading ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חֲ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ fits the divinatory context better than ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ד‬ ‫חֲ‬ ‫,ׁשַ‬ especially because the following infinitive construct, ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫ּפְ‬ ‫,ּכַ‬ may have been used in a magical sense as well.
The piel of ‫כפר√‬ has traditionally been understood as "to cover, atone," which does not fit the context of our verse.44 However, in his in-depth study on the usage of ‫כפר√‬ in the Hebrew Bible and in cognate Semitic languages, Levine convincingly argued that the meaning of ‫כפר√‬ in Biblical Hebrew closely parallels the Akkadian verb kapāru "to wipe off," which also denotes "to purify magically."45 Following Levine's hypothesis, the verb ‫כפר√‬ refers in our verse to an act of magical character: Babylon is unable to avert disaster through magical means. 41 I.e., the witch has said (to her companion). 42 In my discussion of ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ס‬ in v. 15 I will come back to sāḫertu "enchantress, sorceress," the substantivized feminine participle of the same verb, and its masculine equivalent sāḫiru "enchanter, sorcerer." 43 BDB, 1005a. 44 In We are dealing here with a ketiv/qere issue: ‫הברו‬ should be read as ‫י‬ ֵ ‫ר‬ ‫ֺבְ‬ ‫,ה‬ a participle construct of the hapax verb ‫,הבר√‬ which may be cognate to Arabic habara "to cut (to pieces)."48 In that case we can understand ‫ם‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫מַ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ ‫י‬ ֵ ‫ר‬ ‫ֺבְ‬ ‫ה‬ as "the ones who divide the heavens," i.e., they divide the sky into segments, or "houses."49 The rest of v. 13b also seems to refer to these Babylonian specialists who deal with all sorts of astrological matters: they are stargazers, and new moon after new moon they give celestial forecasts concerning matters of state. We may thus be dealing here with a class of palace scholars who interpreted celestial omens and advised queen Babylon accordingly.
Instead of the ketiv ‫הברו‬ 1QIsaa reads ‫,חוברי‬ the root of which ‫)חבר√(‬ can mean "to charm, cast spells," as seen above. We encountered its derivative, ‫ים‬ ִ ‫ר‬ ‫בָ‬ ‫חֲ‬ "enchantments, spells," in vv. 9 and 12. The reading ‫שמים‬ ‫חוברי‬ in 1QIsaa can thus be understood as "conjurers of the heavens."50 If the root ‫חבר√‬ is indeed related to Akkadian ubburu "to bind (magically)," we may have stumbled upon 46 The BHS apparatus suggests to read ‫ר‬ ‫ׁשֶ‬ ‫.אֲ‬ Dittography is probable given the occurrence of the letter mem at the end of the preceding word. For further discussion, see Goldingay and Payne,2:111. 47 The LXX, Peshitta, Targum, and 1QIsaa read the form as the singular ‫יָבֹוא‬ instead. 48 HALOT, s.v. ‫.הבר‬ BDB, 211a is doubtful about the cognate evidence from Arabic ("text prob. corrupt"). See also Blau's critique of this hypothesis; instead, he proposes a link between ‫הבר√‬ and the Ugaritic verb hbr "to bow," used in Isa 47:13 in the sense of "to worship," i.e., "those who worship the heavens" (Blau, "Hōḇǝrē Šāmājim," 183-184); cf. Ullendorff, "Ugaritic Marginalia II," 339-340. 49 In the ancient versions ‫יִם‬ ‫מַ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ ‫הברו‬ is rendered as follows in another case of lexical affinity between Isa 47 and Maqlû, because ubburu is repeatedly employed in the latter source.51 However, although ‫חוברי‬ is an interesting variant, which fits well into the magical context of this Isaianic passage, it is unclear what type of magic the "conjurers of the heavens" are involved in. In what sense are they casting a spell on the heavens? Could the phrase hint at the invocation of astral deities, of which we find evidence in Maqlû?52 An alternative reading of the ketiv betrays an even more intriguing lexical parallel with Maqlû. Several scholars favour the emendation of ‫הברו‬ to ‫,ברי‬ explaining the latter form as a Hebraized loan from the Akkadian root barû "to look upon, check," which is also used in a divinatory and revelatory sense,53 or from the substantivized participle bārû "diviner" (f. bārītu).54 The term bārû was used for the learned specialist, and although a bārû usually performed extispicy, libanomancy, or lecanomancy, in the Neo-Assyrian period he may have also been associated with the study of celestial omens.55 Interestingly, in a variant reading of Maqlû III 45 the witch is called bārītu ša mūši "diviner of the night" instead of bayyārtu ša mūši "huntress of the night."56 Hence, this variant reading in Maqlû refers to the bārītu "female diviner" in a sinister context and possibly alludes to the witch's performance of black astral magic. Night time was considered to be a favourable time for the witch because at night she could invoke the astral deities for her evil rituals. In Maqlû IV 52-60 reference is made to the witch's performance of Zikurrudâ ("cutting-of-thethroat") magic in the presence of the moon, Jupiter, Cygnus, Lyra, Leo, Ursa Major, Scorpio, Orion, and Centaurus, respectively. According to Schwemer Entries in the older Diagnostic Handbook show that the calendrical date at which "cutting-of-the-throat" had been carried out was regarded as significant. According to a few texts, the symbolic killing of the patient by zikurudû is achieved by pouring water as a funerary offering at the time when a "star" (planet or constellation) sets and thus, according to Mesopotamian cosmology, enters the underworld. An anonymous 51 Cf. n. 29. 52 In the following I will discuss this Mesopotamian witchcraft concept in more detail. 53 CAD, 2:115a. 54 The Akkadian loan hypothesis is suggested in Morgenstern, "Message of Deutero-Isaiah," Neo-Assyrian letter that makes accusations against a family in the city of Guzana and states that "their women bring down the moon from the sky" may well refer to the same concept.57 Schwemer further discusses the importance of the day of the new moon for Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft rituals.58 It seems to have been an auspicious time for rituals combatting the witch and her witchcraft.59 Perhaps because the witch was thought to be less powerful when the moon was absent, her craft being dependent on the invocation of astral deities. Alternatively, the new moon may have been the most suitable time for sending the witch to the netherworld because at that time the veil between the earthly and the lower world was lifted, as evidenced by the funerary offerings made during the new moon. Therefore, according to Mesopotamian magico-religious thought, the witch used her knowledge of celestial phenomena for sinister purposes, and perhaps we should understand the ‫ם‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫מַ‬ ָ ‫ׁש‬ ‫,הברו‬ emended to ‫ם‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫מַ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ ‫,ברי‬ in Isa 47:13 in a similar vein. They are the evil companions of sorceress Babylon who help her to inflict harm on her victims with their understanding of the astral bodies in the night sky. In addition, the reference to the new moon in the final clause of v. 13 ‫ְך(‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫לָ‬ ‫עָ‬ ‫ֹאּו‬ ‫יָב‬ ‫ר‬ ֶ ‫ׁש‬ ‫אֲ‬ ‫מֵ‬ ‫ים‬ ִ ‫ׁש‬ ָ ‫ד‬ ֳ ‫ח‬ ‫לֶ‬ ‫ם‬ ‫יעִ‬ ִ ‫מֹוד‬ "who declare each new moon what will befall you") may be better understood if we take the importance of the new moon in the Mesopotamian witchcraft concept into account. The ‫ברי‬ ‫ם‬ ‫יִ‬ ‫מַ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ forewarn sorceress Babylon of any counter-attacks that will be performed against her during the new moon, so she will be able to ward them off.
Interestingly, the negative view of these long-time companions of sorceress Babylon is emphasized in v. 15: The BHS apparatus suggests to read ‫ר‬ ‫ׁשֶ‬ ‫אֲ‬ ‫ּבַ‬ "with whom" (cf. Peshitta, TgJon, and the Vulgate); see also n. 17. and therefore the term has been understood as "your traders."61 However, this interpretation does not fit the context, and it is now commonly accepted to relate ‫סחר√‬ in this verse to Akkadian saḫāru, which can be used in the sense of "to bewitch, enchant," as already observed in our discussion on the meaning of ‫ּה‬ ָ ‫ר‬ ‫חְ‬ ‫ׁשַ‬ in v. 11.62 Crucially, the verb saḫāru is also attested in Maqlû I 77 in the form of the substantivized participles sāḫiru "sorcerer, enchanter" and sāḫertu "sorceress, enchantress" (cf. II 41; III 120, 129): The figurines of my enchanter and my enchantress Our overview has thus revealed a significant, shared overlap in magical and divinatory terminology between Isa 47 and Maqlû. Deutero-Isaiah may not have been aware of the exact nuances of the Akkadian terms to which he was exposed, but the fact that his choice of vocabulary is mirrored in Maqlû is intriguing.

Gender-Stereotype
Our analysis of the magical and divinatory terminology in Isa 47 further revealed a marked emphasis on Babylon as the female agent of evil. Granted, her male companions are briefly mentioned towards the end of the chapter (vv. 13, 15), but only in close association with sorceress Babylon, who is seen as the main perpetrator. The depiction of a city as a woman or even as a witch is attested elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible,64 but the extent to which the 61 So BDB, 695; contrast HALOT, s.v. ‫,סחר‬ which emends ‫יְִך‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ס‬ to ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ‫ֹחֲ‬ ‫ׁש‬ (see following for the reason for this emendation). In the ancient versions ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ס‬ is rendered as follows in Isa 47:15: LXX ἐν τῇ μεταβολῇ "in your traffic"; Vulgate negotiatores tui "your merchants"; and Peshitta ‫ܬܓ̈ܪܝܟܝ‬ "your merchants".

62
The link between Akkadian saḫāru and ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ס‬ in Isa 47:15 was already suggested by Driver,"Linguistic and Textual Problems,[400][401]Das Buch Jesaia,328, also interpreted ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫ס‬ as "your sorcerers" but rather under influence of Arabic saḥara "to bewitch, enchant." Further on ‫ְך‬ ‫יִ‬ ַ ‫ר‬ ֲ ‫ֹח‬ ‫,ס‬ see Held, "Studies in Biblical Lexicography," 79; Jeffers,Magic and Divination,[116][117] For other, non-substantivized forms of the verb saḫāru in Maqlû, see II 199 and III 120. 64 On the personification of cities as women, see n. 2. In Nah 3:4 the city of Nineveh is denounced as a ‫ים‬ ‫פִ‬ ‫ׁשָ‬ ‫ּכְ‬ ‫ת‬ ‫לַ‬ ‫עֲ‬ ‫ּבַ‬ "mistress of witchcraft," i.e., "witch." Hence both cities, Nineveh and Babylonia, which represent the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian empires respectively, are associated with witchcraft in the Latter Prophets. Hamori Babylonians and their magical practices are femininized in Isa 47 is striking and begs the question whether this female personification (and defamation) may have been influenced by the female stereotype and the bland portrayal of the witch's male companions in the Mesopotamian anti-witchcraft corpus.
Although Maqlû refers to both male and female agents of evil, and they are often paired together,65 the witch is usually depicted as a dangerous woman and described in much greater detail than her male counterpart, who is mostly a "formulaic companion" to the witch.66 Rollin suggests that the patrilineal societal structure may have contributed to the stereotypical portrayal of the female witch in Mesopotamia.67 A woman would have usually been brought into her husband's household, where she would have been viewed with suspicion as an outsider with divided loyalties, thus making her an easy scapegoat if misfortune struck. Alternatively, according to Abusch, the stereotyped picture of the female witch is the result of the gradual demonization of the witch in the historical development of Mesopotamian witchcraft conceptions.68 When witchcraft beliefs were still rooted in the popular sphere, the witch was not necessarily an agent of evil; (s)he could also take on the role of a "white" witch. However, at some point, Abusch suggests the early second millennium BCE, popular witchcraft beliefs were integrated into normative Mesopotamian religion and underwent change. The witch was transformed into a supernatural demonic force and became the opponent of the āšipu, which may have caused or intensified the male-female antagonism.
mentions Isa 47 and Nah 3:4 in her discussion of the literary "witch and whore" trope in the Bible; Women's Divination,212. 65 See for instance, Maqlû I 73-86; II 39-50. Maqlû III 165 even refers to the witch's clique: lispuḫ illatkunu mār dEa mašmaššu "May the son of Ea, the exorcist, scatter your cohort"; cf. Abusch, "Demonic Image," 31. Grand Girra, pure god, Now in the presence of your great godhead Two bronze figurines of the warlock and the witch I have fashioned with your power. In your presence I cross them, and to you I hand them over. May they die, but I live May they be bound, but I be acquitted, May they come to an end, but I increase, May they weaken, but I become strong.
See also Maqlû VII 69-71:71 ipšu tēpušīnni ēpuški miḫer tušamḫirīnni ušamḫerki gimil tagmilīnni utēr agmilki The sorcery that you have performed against me I perform against you, The (ominous) encounter that you have caused me to encounter I make you take over, The vengeance that you have wreaked on me I wreak back on you. 69 Schwemer, "Mesopotamia," 49; cf. Abusch,Witchcraft Series Maqlû,[26][27] On the anonymity of the witch, see In Isa 47:3b we read about God's vengeance being wreaked on sorceress Babylon: ‫ם‬ ָ ‫ד‬ ‫אָ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ּגַ‬ ‫פְ‬ ‫אֶ‬ ‫ֹא‬ ‫ל‬ ‫וְ‬ ‫ח‬ ָ ‫ּק‬ ‫אֶ‬ ‫ם‬ ‫קָ‬ ‫נָ‬ "I will take vengeance, and I will spare noone."72 The punishment is the same which Babylon once bestowed upon the Judahites: exile (v. 2), slavery (v. 2), (sexual?) humiliation (v. 3a), loss of children (v. 9), and widowhood (v. 9). The reversal of fortune becomes even more apparent if we take the Zion texts in Deutero-Isaiah into account (Isa 49,51,and 54). In a sense, we can regard lady Zion as the victim of sorceress Babylon. Zion will be restored to her former glory, whereas Babylon faces ruin and destruction, experiencing the same misfortune which she had once inflicted on Zion. Franke has extensively studied the theme of the reversals of fortune in the Book of Isaiah, and regarding our chapter he observes: Chapter 47 is the key to the reversal of fortune of Daughter Zion. It functions as a pivot for Second Isaiah in that it is the point in the book where Judah/Israel changes places with the oppressor, Babylon. In ch. 47 Babylon descends into darkness, loses power and status, is clothed like a slave, has no hope for salvation, and now becomes the oppressed. 73 The reversal of fortune, which is such a key theme in Deutero-Isaiah, is even better understood if we take Mesopotamian ideas about counter-witchcraft into consideration. The reversal of the victim's and the witch's fate, which features prominently in Maqlû, is mirrored in the downfall of sorceress Babylon and the salvation of her victim, lady Zion.

Burning and Destruction of the Witch and her Warlock
In v. 14 sorceress Babylon is told about the dire fate of the "diviners of the heavens," who are denounced as "sorcerers" in the final verse, as noted above: On the rendering of ‫ם‬ ‫דָ‬ ‫אָ‬ ‫ע‬ ‫ּגַ‬ ‫פְ‬ ‫אֶ‬ ‫ֹא‬ ‫ל‬ ‫וְ‬ with "I will spare no-one" and suggested emendations, see HALOT, s.v. ‫;פגע‬ cf. Blenkinsopp,277;Goldingay and Payne,2:98. 73 Franke, "Reversals of Fortune," 119-120. 74 On the peculiar vocalization of the qal infinitive construct of ‫לחם√‬ "to be, become warm," see GKC, §28b. Interestingly, Deutero-Isaiah may have incorporated references to sorceress Babylon's dwelling in the netherworld in Isa 47. Some discrepancy is noticeable among scholars in their interpretation of Babylon's dire fate in the first half of Isa 47: she will either be subjected to exile and enslavement,80 or descends into the underworld where she languishes in darkness.81 The latter interpretation is based on the use of terms such as ‫ירד‬ "to descend" (v. 1), ‫עפר‬ "dust" (v. 1), ‫עבר‬ ‫נהרות‬ "to wade through rivers" (v. 2), ‫דומם‬ "silence" (v. 5), and ‫חשך‬ "darkness" (v. 5), which are characteristic for biblical and Ancient Near Eastern descriptions of the underworld.82 If Isa 47 indeed hints at sorceress Babylon's conveyance to the netherworld, we may have stumbled upon an additional thematic overlap between Isa 47 and Mesopotamian witchcraft beliefs.

Concluding Observations
Other scholars have also noticed similarities between the Hebrew Bible and Maqlû.83 Especially Ezek 13:17-23 has been linked to Maqlû. Ezekiel's diatribe against the false female prophets is preserved in a highly complex text, riddled For biblical and extra-biblical references, see the sources mentioned in the previous footnote. 83 Jeffers ("Wicked Witches") discusses the concept of space in the Deuteronomistic History in relation to the Maqlû ritual, without suggesting a direct link between both sources. Jeffers further suggests that some of the imagery in Zech 5:5-11, which describes the prophet's vision of a woman in a basket, may pertain to the Maqlû ritual; private communication dated September 6, 2020. Hamori (Women's Divination,[207][208] finds the portrayal of the dangerous woman in Prov 7, who preys on men and seduces them, reminiscent of Maqlû III 1-12. She does not propose a direct link between the two sources, but regards the similar imagery as proof that the literary trope of the spiritually and sexually dangerous woman was very common and widespread.
with text-critical issues and hapaxes. The aforementioned views are relevant for our topic because Deutero-Isaiah's situation seems to have been similar to that of Ezekiel. They were both living in Judean communities in sixth-century BCE Babylonia, and their work shows clear evidence of acculturation given the frequent Akkadian loanwords and references to local beliefs and practices.89 I am hesitant, though, to state that Deutero-Isaiah had direct access to Maqlû, either in text-form or by attending the ceremony in person. It is questionable whether a first-or secondgeneration exile, notwithstanding his high level of literacy in Akkadian, which in itself is already debatable, would have had easy access to such a learned text as Maqlû, which does not seem to have circulated widely. My hesitation is further based on the scant evidence for the actual performance of the ceremony. The Maqlû ritual is mentioned in a letter written by an exorcist to the Neo-Assyrian king Esarhaddon in August 670 BCE,90 which may underline the idea that the practical use of the Maqlû incantations and techniques was restricted to the upper social stratum.91 Apart from this letter, no archaeological evidence has been discovered in the sands of time that bears witness to the actual performance of Maqlû.92 Although Deutero-Isaiah may not have had direct access to the actual Maqlû text or ceremony, he seems to have been aware of the main ideas reflected in them, either through common knowledge or by witnessing similar, yet simplified and popularized rites. This would explain why Deutero-Isaiah lacks the sophisticated knowledge of Maqlû and there is no one-to-one correspondence between the two sources, but rather a lexical and thematic overlap. Notwithstanding the vastly different genres of the two texts,93 his polemical stance towards Babylonian magical beliefs and practices may have also prevented him from adding further Maqlû related material. Nevertheless, Deutero-Isaiah conjures up an image of sorceress Babylon that mirrors the 90 ABL 56 (= LAS 208); cf. Abusch, "Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Literature," 259. 91 The average citizen may nevertheless have resorted to simplified and popularised anti-witchcraft rites. Further on the social setting of the Maqlû ceremony, see Abusch, "Demonic Image," 32, 53 n. 12;Farber, "Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination," 1903. 92 In 1974 Gasche excavated a small male clay figurine at Tell ed-Dēr (Sippar-Amnanum in the Old-Babylonian period). The figurine, dated to the seventeenth century BCE, had been perforated; hence Gasche's suggestion that it may have been used in a magical ritual, thereby referring to Maqlû (see, for example, VIII 39); Gasche, "Une figurine d'envoûtement paléobabylonienne"; cf. Schwemer, Abwehrzauber, 209-214. Schmandt-Besserat ("Human Clay Figurines") has discussed 49 Pre-Pottery Neolithic B and Yarmoukian anthropomorphic clay figurines excavated between 1982 until 1998 at 'Ain Ghazal, Jordan. Some of the figurines were pierced, showed traces of string, or were burned before the clay had even dried. Although these figurines are from a far-more-distant past than the Mesopotamian antiwitchcraft corpus, the author suggests that some of the rituals may have been similar. 93 I agree with Bowen, who observed the following, with regard to the different genres of Ezek 13 and Maqlû: "It should be taken into account that the primary differences between the oracle in Ezekiel and the Maqlû incantations are in genre and voice. It is the difference between an oracle and a prayer and the difference between an address by the deity and an address to the deity" ("Daughters of Your People," 421). Exactly the same can be said for Isa 47 and Maqlû.