During the 21st Dynasty, coffins played a bold role in the Theban society. Despite the economic and socio-political crisis, the corpus of anthropoid coffins crafted during this period outnumbered the previous types of body containers. Moreover, the so-called ‘yellow’ coffins bear witness to an astonishing rise in complexity in terms of their decoration. A significant part of this documental corpus originates from a single archaeological site, the collective Tomb of the Priests of Amun, at Deir el-Bahari, in Thebes. In this undisturbed tomb, more than 250 coffins and mummy-covers were uncovered in 1891, forming the widest sample of coffins originating from the same burial ground.1
In this study, we examine the coffin sets that were shipped to Italy (Lot V) in 1893 from an art historical perspective in order to identify the peculiar organization of each object in terms of layout, style, and design. We will use in this examination the typological approach we developed,2 which is consistent with the topography used in the ‘Catalogue’ to describe the coffins.3
1 The Burial Assemblages of Lot V
The five burial assemblages examined in this book were found in the first sector of the main gallery (see the tomb plan—Fig. 6). Three of them (A.15, A.20 and A.22) were found not far from the entrance and were used as part of the defense system of the tomb, blocking the way to its inner areas. A.15, and A.20, in particular, were grouped together with other coffin sets, forming the second and the third barrier of coffins. The coffin sets A.56 and A.60 were found after these sets of barriers. Here, the crowded assemblage of burials gave place to a very organized arrangement, with the coffin sets carefully positioned against the walls. Both these coffin sets were positioned against the western wall.
From the artistic point of view, the sample of coffins gathered in Lot V is extremely heterogeneous both in terms of quality and in terms of dating. Since in the ‘yellow’ corpus, the lids and the cases were decorated independently from each other, we examined separately the layout of these objects. Given the high rates of reuse identified by Kathlyn Cooney, it is also a good practice not assuming from the start that the lid and the case from a particular burial set were crafted together. This precaution is even more important when we deal with coffins from the Foreign Lots of the Tomb of the Priests, as during the preparation for shipment, a number of mistakes occurred and objects from different coffin sets became wrongly assembled in the same group. In these circumstances, when examining a particular coffin set one has to consider if it is indeed an ancient assemblage or a modern one.
The results obtained in this way will be used to understand how each burial assemblage was formed, contributing to reveal the dynamics of use of the funerary goods during the 21st Dynasty.
1.1 Lids and Mummy-Covers
A.20 The Lid and Mummy-Cover
The layout of these objects offers a glimpse on the earliest design of ‘yellow’ coffins found in the objects from the Lot V, the so-called ‘basic scheme’ (Figs. 68/85).4 This is indicated by a wide sample of features. The forearms display a variety of bracelets and the floral collar is equipped with falcon-headed terminals.5 The central panel is designed according to the basic scheme, displaying two registers.6 The lower section displays two lateral partitions flanking a longitudinal band of text, another key-feature pointing to an early dating.7 However, the lateral partitions of the lower section already show a sequence of deities (Osiris and avian form of Ptah-Sokar) typically found slightly before the mid-21st Dynasty.
The carpentry work involved in the craftsmanship of the object is mediocre with the anatomical volumes poorly shaped. The pictorial work is slightly better. The style of the decoration is naturalistic,8 but the composition is highly informal. Despite that, the pictorial tableaux are well executed, and the iconographic repertoire of each scene is faithfully reproduced in its most essential features. The central panel is a good example of this, displaying all the expected key-features.9 The craftsmen working in this object were focused in observing the most basic conventions but clearly avoided any risk by introducing variations.
When compared with the lid, the mummy-cover from A.20 displays subtle differences. The central panel follows the same layout observed on the lid but it lacks the centripetal blocks. Moreover, the centrifugal god is now the avian form of Sokaris and not Osiris. Differences like these are often detected, with mummy-covers normally displaying a simpler layout.10 Perhaps more meaningful is the fact that it does not display breasts, suggesting, as Kathlyn Cooney points out, that it might have been recycled from an object previously crafted for a man. Despite that, the level of craftsmanship is equivalent to the lid, not to speak of the close resemblance of the inscriptions.
The decoration of the lower section provides the most striking contrast with the lid, as it is entirely decorated with a beaded pattern outlined in white against a reddish background. Although not exactly exceptional,11 this irregular layout represents a clear break with the most basic conventions ruling the lower section. Instead of the usual partitions decorated with deities, the object depicts the mummy, thus creating a ‘transparency’ effect that blurs the materiality of the object and gives ‘full’ visibility to the hidden mummy.12
Despite the crudeness of the craftsmanship involved in the decoration of both objects, it is clear that they were carefully designed in order to observe the ‘official’ guidelines that made these objects ‘effective’ from the magical and ritual point of view.
A.22 Lid and Mummy-Cover
The lid and mummy-cover of the burial A.22 were clearly produced together to form a burial assemblage of fine quality (Figs. 94/111). On both objects, the upper section and the central panel feature the layout of the ‘basic scheme’, typical of the first half of 21st Dynasty: the floral collar is relatively short (6 bands) and it is equipped with falcon-headed terminals, the forearms are visible, the central panel displays two registers.
And yet, the level of complexity of the compositions is already increasing. On the lid, the central panel makes use of additional blocks on the edges of the tableau, attesting the beginning of a trend that eventually originated the miniaturist and highly detailed compositions which became typical during the second half of the 21st Dynasty.13 The density of depiction increased but this effect is achieved by using inscription-labels. Liminal elements are conspicuously absent.14
The lower section of the lid is designed after the ‘classical’ scheme introduced shortly before the mid-21st Dynasty.15 This area is now designed as a triptych, featuring a typical sequence of deities involving Osirian gods and the avian form of Ptah-Sokar (lateral partitions)16 and sacred totems (central partition).
On the footboard of the lid, innovative features are detected, such as the depiction of Osiris, standing before the mourning goddesses, a motif that also became typical from the mid-21st Dynasty onwards.17
The style is fairly naturalistic but we already sense the schematic design which will become prevalent during the second half of the 21st Dynasty. Despite that the quality of the pictorial work is excellent.
The headboard and the upper section reveal traces of secondary interventions aiming at the recycling of the object.18 These interventions mainly consisted in the addition of female attributes.19 Otherwise the object reveals typical male features, such as the striped wig with terminals and geometric headband. Moreover, on the pictorial tableaux of the lid and the case, the deceased is always depicted as a male: in the central panel he is featured as a male ba-bird and in the lower section he figures as a justified god, clad in white festive garments.
The quality of the object is excellent in terms of craftsmanship. The face is beautifully carved. The pictorial work observes the sculptural rendering of the face and the anatomical details are outlined in red, such as the eye-lid, the lips, and a double horizontal line depicting creases on the throat. Red paint was added to decorate the nostrils and the corners of the lips, creating interesting shadowy effects. Note that the ears have been removed.
Inscriptions are interestingly used to border the edges of the lid. The name of the original owner was erased on the right side (Inscription 1), but it was kept on the left side (Inscription 2).
The mummy-cover also reveals traces of secondary interventions aiming at the recycling of the object: earrings were painted over the original decoration, the ears were removed and the area was restored with new painting, the hands (originally fists) are open (a female attribute).
The layout of the mummy-cover follows the scheme of decoration observed on the lid: the floral patterns used in the decoration of the large collar are very similar to those used to decorate the lid, as well as the central marker of the upper section, which is the same. The decoration of the forearms is also very similar. The composition of the central panel was adapted, clearly displaying a simpler version of the panel depicted on the lid (additional blocks were avoided). On the lower section, the central partition was not included either and a double band of inscriptions was added instead. The result is an object formally rooted in the scheme of decoration of the lid but displaying a rather conservative layout, as many of the innovative features displayed on the lid were not included on the mummy-cover.
A.60 Inner Lid and Mummy-Cover
The inner lid found in the burial A.60 is clearly a transition work towards the ‘classical scheme’, the design typically found in the mid-21st Dynasty (Fig. 169). The scheme of decoration still includes the depiction of the forearms, but the lower section already displays three longitudinal partitions featuring the diversified sequence of motifs seen in the ‘classical scheme’. Most interesting is the central panel, featuring a transitional layout between the basic scheme (two registers) and the classical scheme (three registers). In this particular situation, this transition is essayed by introducing secondary motifs under the wings of the main goddess, forming a new register. The experimental character of this register is detected in its spontaneity. Quite unlike the expected motifs used in the central panel, this composition shows surprisingly innovative motifs involving ba-birds drinking from the water spitted out by frogs flanking the primeval lotus, from where the heavenly mother goddess rises.20 It is interesting to detect this sophisticated symbolism in an object so poorly crafted, both in terms of the carpentry and pictorial work.
In this highly experimental context, the remaining features of the object display a very conservative layout. The footboard, the lower section, and the upper section remain fully attached to the usual conventions.21 Also conservative is the transversal alignment of the hieroglyphs in the longitudinal bands of text, a feature still rooted in the decorative scheme of the Ramesside coffins and early 21st-Dynasty.
The mummy-cover also reveals poor levels of craftsmanship (Fig. 191). The style is informal and the pictorial work is crudely executed. The layout dates from the mid-21st Dynasty, with the lateral partitions of the lower section displaying a very typical sequence of registers involving an enthroned Osiris, the avian form of Ptah-Sokar and the ba-bird.22 However, it is clear that this object was not manufactured together with the lid, as it was originally crafted for a man. In fact, the object reveals abundant traces of a careless process of recycling, such as the odd and rare circumstance of displaying ears together with earrings.23 The open hands were crudely molded in plaster and the breasts were summarily sketched. The object was thus originally crafted for a man, and later on, it was adapted to be used by a woman.
A.15 Inner Coffin and Mummy-Cover
The inner lid and mummy-cover from A.15 were designed after the ‘complex scheme’, a layout typically found during the second half of the 21st Dynasty. The objects were clearly crafted together to be part of the same burial assemblage (Figs. 39/61). In fact, on both objects the wigs display a checkered decoration, the same central marker is found on the chest (winged scarab) and a similar composition is detected on the short collar and on the floral collar. The later in particular, plays a bold role in the overall decoration of the lid given its size, the outstanding use of colour and the minacious depiction of the floral patterns. Although surprisingly limited, the few patterns used in the decoration of the twelve bands of the collar (checkered motifs, persea-tree buds, lotus petals) are intertwined in such an effective way that its impact overshadows the remaining composition of the object.
On both objects the central panel is so exceptionally extended (nine registers on the lid and eight registers on the mummy-cover) that the lower section was excluded.24 The decoration of these remarkable tableaux provides a good example of the informal and sketchy style increasingly detected during the second half of the 21st Dynasty. When we compare with the sophistication of the pictorial work produced on the upper section, one has the impression of looking at juxtaposed images and this clearly shows how independently the different pictorial areas were decorated. Despite the reigning ‘clumsy’ atmosphere, the composition of each register not only observes the existing guidelines as it shows learned ways of downsizing the registers while keeping their significance intact. This is particularly clear in the 7th register where, instead of the centripetal winged goddess, a winged udjat-eye is depicted allowing the ba-bird to be featured on a larger scale than in the previous registers (Fig. 44).
The texts reveal the same ‘cursive’ layout and one has the impression that the pictorial decoration has been shaped exactly under this ‘cursive’ style. Given the exceptional quality of the decoration involved in the craftsmanship of these objects, one has to admit that this ‘cursive’ pictorial work was probably not seen as a minor achievement.
A.15 Outer Lid
This lid is an imposing object profusely decorated with the typical miniaturist and highly schematic style dating from the late 21st Dynasty (Fig. 12). The prevalence of dark pigments in the colouration of the motifs and the prevalent role of the block-friezes as a bounding element also attests a very late dating. Not surprisingly, the design follows all the key-features of the ‘complex scheme’.25 The large floral collar fully covers the forearms, the central panel is headed by the winged solar disk displaying four registers, and the lower section is designed as a triptych panel with the lateral partitions exclusively decorated with mummiform gods. Last but not least, the footboard features multiple registers.
One of the most interesting features of the upper section is the central marker consisting in a pectoral displaying a solar-heart amulet, which is a later development resulting from the increasing Osirification of coffin decoration during the 21st Dynasty.26 Moreover, the size and diversity of the floral patterns featured on the lid,27 clearly shows the boldness of their role in the overall layout of the object.
The structure of the central panel is apparently conservative, displaying all the expected iconographic sequences. The notable exceptions are the large winged deity (here conspicuously depicted as a falcon) and the nuclear block of the third register, where the typical scarab is missing. Variations like these were frequently introduced in the later versions of the central panel, normally involving secondary motifs, probably aiming at making the object unique and ‘exceptional’. However, in this particular case, the variations affect the core elements of the tableau. The result is a new reading of the central panel, featuring the heavenly goddess fully in avian form, literally flying over the deceased as the raptor is interestingly depicted from above, and not from below as it was more usual.
Given the differences between this object and the lid of the inner coffin, it is unlikely that it was crafted to be part of the same burial set.
A.60 Outer Lid
The outer coffin from A.60 is designed after the later versions of the ‘complex’ scheme (Figs. 144–303). The face is heavily moulded in plaster, but preserves a fine sense of proportion. The wig was striped and the large floral collar displays a monotonous and yet impressive sequence of patterns. Seemingly, a pectoral (a heart-amulet?) seems to have been painted over the floral collar on the chest.
The central panel displays three registers showing a profusion of additional blocks. Selected motifs introduce subtle variations to the expected sequences. For example, in the centrifugal blocks of the symmetric registers, a divine couple is featured, both enthroned. The long sequence of liminal elements depicted above the wings of the main goddess includes traditional motifs (such as the shetjit-shrine, the sacred cobras and sacred vultures) and new symbols (such as the falcon over the nebu-sign, scarabs and squatted mummiform gods), showing the increasing ‘liminalization’ of the composition typically found in the late 21st Dynasty.28
The lower section is arranged as a triptych panel, displaying all the key-features pointing out to a later dating, such as the prevalent use of block-friezes to bind the vignettes and the columns of text. The lateral partitions display ritual scenes depicting the deceased clad in royal garments performing rites escorted by other gods before the enthroned Osiris.29
Despite the severe damages that affect the object, it is clear that it was once an imposing artefact (Fig. 303). The pictorial work is schematic, as it is the rule in later coffins. The tableaux of the lower section revolve around the participation of the deceased in the cult of Osiris, while the central panel enhances the Osirian atmosphere by highlighting the majesty of the enthroned gods flanking the main axis of the tableau. Together, these features attest the increasing ‘Osirification’ of coffin decoration that shapes the last stages of the ‘yellow’ coffins.30
A.56 Outer Lid
This coffin is designed after the later versions of the ‘complex’ scheme (Figs. 120/300). The style, in particular, betrays a later dating, as the pictorial work is rather schematic and rigorous, revealing a careful arrangement of the composition. The main motifs are highlighted by moulded plaster and painted black against a yellow background, but the density of depiction is such that the dark motifs overshadow the lightful background creating a vivid contrast, which in Antiquity must have been even more impressive.
The face, in particular, presents an exceptional sculptural work, with the anatomical details boldly rendered, such as the nostrils. The nose and the lips are elegantly carved, reminding of the royal portraits dating from the reign of Hatshepsut.
The floral collar was not provided with terminals and the typical short collar was not depicted between the lappets either, nor was any central marker included in the upper section. The result is a heavy but nevertheless imposing composition of a massive floral collar displaying up to 22 bands monotonously decorated with just two or three different patterns.
The central panel displays a composition displayed in just three registers. A profusion of additional blocks was added to the main registers, especially on the edges. The composition is conservative and surprisingly reproduces all the key-features typically found in the ‘classical’ versions of the tableau.31 And yet, subtle details betray a later dating. For example, in the nuclear block of the third register frogs are included. However, the most interesting aspect in this composition is the role performed by the liminal elements. As usual they concentrate over the wings of the main goddess but they literally fill in all the interstitial areas of the tableau. Besides the usual motifs, such as vultures, shentjit-shrines, cobras and falcons, the repertoire of the liminal elements includes a mummiform god, depicted either squatting or enthroned, perhaps the deceased himself.32 The minute attention to detail makes this composition an impressive and imposing tableau.
In the lower section, the central columns of text running down the footboard are inserted within block-friezes, which is a conspicuously late feature, already announcing the layout typically found in stola-coffins. The columns of text divide the lower section into three partitions arranged in three registers. The central partition displays symmetric compositions, some of them observing the usual layout, using the scarab as the nuclear block, while others already display innovative arrangements making use of hieroglyphic signs (such as tjet-sign) as nuclear blocks,33 which is a conspicuously late feature.
The lateral partitions reveal a far more interesting composition, displaying ritual scenes depicting the deceased clad in royal garments performing rites before the enthroned Osiris, protected by a large winged deity.
The overall impact of the lid is outstanding, with the dark and profuse winged motifs predominating all over the object, suggesting, perhaps in a ‘subliminal’ manner, a subtle and suggestive association with a rishi coffin. Such prevalence of winged motifs is difficult to match in contemporary artefacts.34
As it is usual in later coffins, the deceased wears dark tight royal garments (typically kilt and shirt) instead of the white festive garments found early on (see inner lids from A.22 and A.60). These changes are naturally related to the perceived differences in the status of the deceased who is no longer depicted simply as a priest, but rather as a god provided of ‘royal’ dignity.
1.2 The Cases
A.20 Inner Case
The features of the case are highly consistent with those found on the lid, suggesting an early dating. The most conspicuous feature in this respect is the absence of decorative friezes bordering the upper edges, which would be expected in objects dating from the late Ramesside Period (Figs. 75/79). The decorative program however, seems rather ‘intrusive’ in such an early context, as we find a relatively large repertoire of scenes, instead of the usual depiction of the four Sons of Horus, Osiris and other deities from the netherworld.35
The style is roughly executed and the depictions of the deceased show her clad in white folded garments, also features suggesting an early dating. The decoration of the sides is almost symmetrical. The upper sections are designed exactly in the same way,36 while the lower sections display subtle differences, playing with complementary meaning.37 Despite the crudeness of the execution, the iconographic program of the sides observes a well-planned scheme of decoration, with the upper section celebrating the resurrection of Osiris and the lower section featuring the initiation of the deceased in solar-Osirian rituals and her admission before the mother goddess of the necropolis.
The textual corpus is highly consistent with the iconographic program, mentioning exactly the same deities featured in the vignettes, including invocations of Osiris, as the king of the netherworld (left side) and Re-Atum-Kepri, as primeval deity (right side), thus reinforcing the Osirian significance of the left side and the solar association of the right side.
A.60 Inner Case
The decoration of the case reveals key-features clearly dating from the first half of the 21st Dynasty. The upper edge shows the typical frieze featuring alternating cobras and feathers (Figs. 179–183). The style is naturalistic, slightly informal and sketchy, but beautifully executed. The compositions are harmonious and the figurative depictions are expressive. The deceased wears white festive garments and she is gracefully depicted, revealing a skilled pictorial work.
The inscriptions reproduce the classical repertoire of texts, closely resembling the scheme used in the case from A.20. The decoration of the sides is highly symmetrical,38 with the major difference detected next to the footboard: the last vignette of each side introduces the idea of a blessed afterlife either in the form of a successful outcome in the judgement of the dead (Vignette 16) or by being admitted before the tree/mother goddess (Vignette 9).39
The interior of the case features a sole and imposing depiction of the mother goddess, presiding over the West, painted on a red background with the edges marked in yellow (Fig. 302). Although this would be the expected composition in an earlier coffin, it is clear that this ‘archaizing’ atmosphere was the result of a later arrangement. In fact, behind the layer of red paint, one can detect motifs and inscriptions that had been covered up with red paint. This operation clearly aimed at giving to the object an ‘archaizing’ look, perhaps with the purpose of enhancing its value as an antique.
It is interesting to point out the quality of the pictorial work in contrast with the carpentry work, which is mediocre. The painter wonderfully succeeded in transforming a poor artefact into a beautifully designed work of funerary art. One should also note that this mastery is not equaled in the decoration of the lid, suggesting a different provenance.
A.22 Inner Case
The features of the case are highly consistent with those found on the lid, dating from the mid-21st Dynasty. The typical frieze featuring alternating cobras and feathers is found along the upper edge, the style is naturalistic, detailed, and well executed (Fig. 103/106). The deceased wears white festive garments. Despite the superior levels of craftsmanship, it is surprising to find a repertoire of texts poorer than in the coffins previously discussed, including rather repetitive invocations of Thoth, Osiris, and Isis.
The most interesting fact to retain about this object is the layout observed on the sides. The upper section, on both sides, features Thoth witnessing to the cosmological scene of Geb, Shu, and Nut (Vignettes 5–6) or to the mysteries of the Osirian mound (Vignettes 2–3). However, the lower section is designed as a single pictorial tableau featuring juxtaposed scenes: adoration to Osiris and the manifestation of Hathor as a divine cow (Vignette 4); judgement scene, winged scarab, divine triad on the Mehen serpent, and the tree-goddess (Vignette 7). In this innovative scenario the decoration of the side-panels of the headboard is strikingly conservative, featuring a striped pattern which would be expected in much older coffins.40
A.15 Inner Case
The scheme of decoration of the case is consistent with the layout found on the lid, pointing out to the second half of the 21st Dynasty (Figs. 50/53). The upper edge of the sides display alternating cobras and feathers, a band of inscriptions and block friezes. The style is schematic, informal, sketchy and crudely executed. The compositions are carelessly designed and the proportions are unbalanced.
Despite naming the title Chantress of Amun in the inscriptions, the deceased is always depicted as a male, wearing tight dark garments, showing a clear inspiration on royal archetypes (only once the deceased is depicted wearing white garments and the heart amulet). He is also depicted as a mummiform god and as a male ba-bird. The depiction of the deceased as a male may have been intentional, even if the targeted user of the coffin was a woman. In fact, the male depiction of the deceased possibly aimed at stressing the royal status achieved in the afterlife.
Oddly enough, liminal elements are not included yet, as would be expected given the later dating of the object. The quality of the inscriptions, both on the case and on the lid, is also very sketchy, with the hieroglyphs summarily traced, in a rather cursive way.
The layout of the sides reveals a full horizontal arrangement, with the multiple scenes packed under the same vignette, a trend already detected in the arrangement of the scenes on the case of A.22. The traditional division between the upper section and the lower section is totally blurred and with that the position of the motifs seems to become more fluid than before.41 The scenes included in the repertoire of this case form an iconographic compendium merging traditional solar motifs such as the cosmological scene of Geb and Nut, the victory of the solar barque over Apopis, with the new motifs borrowed from the repertoire of the royal Books of the Amduat, featuring endless variations of mummiform gods of the netherworld.42
The interior decoration could not be more contrasting, revealing, one could say, a timeless atmosphere clearly embedded in the Ramesside pictorial tradition. The impressive effigy of the goddess Neith is beautifully depicted, shining against a starry reddish sky.43 The imposing frontal view of a raptor heads this outstanding composition, heavily decorated with large-scale liminal elements (vultures and cobras) and deities of the netherworld.
The decoration of the floorboard suggests a narrative reading allusive to the solar regeneration in the Amduat. The lower register shows the rise of the sun disk in the netherworld and the first register features the ascent of the solar barque to the sky, flanked by ba-birds. The going forth by day is vividly suggested by the raptor rising on the headboard.
The sophistication reached in the interior decoration of this coffin is outstanding and it is even more surprising when we consider the ‘cursive’ pictorial work detected on the exterior decoration of the sides. Such contrast is observed in other burial assemblages found in Bab el-Gasus and it was certainly not accidental.44
A.15 Outer Case
The exterior decoration of the case reveals key-features consistent with the layout found on the lid, dating from the second half of the 21st Dynasty (Figs. 24/28). The edges of the sides display the typical frieze featuring alternating cobras and feathers, and a long band of inscriptions. The style is naturalistic, rigorous, extremely well executed. The compositions are carefully designed and the proportions are good. The deceased always wears dark tight garments and liminal elements are parsimoniously used.
The iconographic program carries out an update of the traditional scheme in use during the first half of the dynasty. On both sides, the upper section includes two vignettes, forming a single scene depicting the god Thoth (Vignette 4, Vignette 9) standing before a shrine. However, instead of the expected depictions of Osiris or Ptah-Sokar, two mummiform cobra-headed gods borrowed from the repertoire of the Books of the Amduat are featured (Vignette 5, Vignette 10). The decoration of the lower section replicates very closely the models of old,45 but again, two mummiform enthroned cobra-headed gods (Vignette 14) betray the later design of the object.46
The depiction of the gods of the netherworld described in the Amduat on the sides of the cases is attested slightly after the mid-21st Dynasty.47 The interesting fact about this program is the attempt to achieve a learned synthesis between the new visions of the hereafter with the old archetype.
The corpus of texts provides a similar picture. The calligraphy is excellent and the repertoire of texts observes the tradition by including the usual inscriptions alluding to the protection granted by Thoth, Re-Atum-Kepri and Ptah-Sokar. At the same time, ‘new’ and fairly diversified texts are introduced referring to the gods of the netherworld, here associated with the Manu Mountain, the West and the necropolis. However, the most innovative texts are surely those inscribed on the bands of text found along the edges, associating the deceased to the solar circuit in the sky and to the community of gods resting in the netherworld. This is by far the best repertoire of texts found on the coffins from Lot V.
The interior decoration is outstanding. The repertoire includes traditional motifs such as the depiction of the large ba-bird on the headboard and the imposing depiction of Osiris as a djed-pillar on the floorboard. Other motifs found on the floorboard form sophisticated cryptographic compositions, such as the depiction of the sun-disk springing from a panther’s head flanked by sphinxes, allusive to the ‘horizon of light’. Inside the sun disk, protected by the twisted body of the serpent Mehen, figures the udjat-eye and the ba depicted as a stork. Below the large Osirian djed-pillar figures another cryptographic depiction with the Mehen serpent involving a squatting donkey-headed god.
This lavish atmosphere seems rather ‘timeless’ as the interior decoration remained less affected by the constant change of the principles of composition. In a way, the sacredness involving this area preserved it from constant additions. The sides of the walls however reveal subtle clues attesting to the later dating of the object. The sides are arranged into three registers, each one depicting an enthroned god inside a shrine. Here, the block-friezes are conspicuously included in order to highlight the scenes. This unexpected use of block-friezes in the interior decoration is consistent with the prevalent role they play in the decoration of the lid and the exterior walls of the case.
A.60 Outer Case
The key-features detected in the exterior decoration are consistent with those found on the lid, suggesting a later dating (Figs. 154/158). The edges of the sides display the typical frieze featuring alternating cobras and feathers, together with a band of inscriptions. The style is schematic, fairly executed. The compositions are informally designed but the proportions are good. The deceased wears the same dark tight garments shown on the lid.
The layout of the sides reveals a full horizontal arrangement. The exceptionally long vignettes (Vignettes 4–5 on the left side, Vignette 6 on the right side) illustrate the performance of rituals, reminding the repertoire of temple decoration.48 Even if traditional motifs are depicted—such as the cow goddess—one has to keep in mind that this subject is borrowed from temple decoration, namely from the Hathoric shrines at Deir el-Bahari.49
In the bands of text inscribed along the edges of the case the association between Re-Horakthy-Atum and Osiris prevail, which is consistent with the iconographic program.
It is noteworthy the clear identification of the deceased with Anubis, here depicted as the divine archetype of the ritual performer/deceased. The result achieved by this program is the symbolic equation of the outer coffin with a sacred chamber where the deceased is provided with ‘royal’ dignity, performing a variety of rituals before Osiris and a wide assembly of solar gods. This association of the coffin with temple scenes engage the deceased in the reenactment of the cosmic order and gives him a ‘royal’ aura.
From the artistic point of view, the interior decoration of the case does not match the high standards previously discussed regarding the cases from A.15. The composition is highly unbalanced with the floorboard featuring a standing Osiris flanked by large liminal elements arranged in multiple registers, instead of being loosely depicted around the main figure, as it was the rule. Moreover, other netherworld deities were included in the registers below. The result is a rigid organization of the floorboard in several sub-registers, a trend which will be further continued in stola-coffins with much better results.50
When taken together, both the interior and the exterior decoration are deeply embedded in the models provided by temple decoration and result from a new understanding of the coffin as a (private?) sacred chamber.
A.56 Outer Case
The exterior decoration of the case reveals key-features clearly dating from the late-21st Dynasty. Both edges of the sides display block friezes and a band of inscriptions (Fig. 131–135). The calligraphy is sketched. The style is schematic, and roughly executed. The compositions are informally designed and the proportions are unbalanced. The deceased always wears dark tight garments. Liminal elements are parsimoniously used, but ritual objects and offerings are prevalent as space-fillers. These elements are carelessly displayed creating a confusing atmosphere that disturbs the composition as a whole.
The layout of the sides is strongly asymmetrical. The right side reveals a conscious update of the traditional scheme in use during the first half of the dynasty, keeping the distinction between the upper section and the lower section. Besides traditional scenes featuring the Ta-wer totem (Vignette 10), the recumbent Osiris (Vignette 7), and an abbreviated judgement scene (Vignette 8), ritual scenes involving the gods of the netherworld are included (Vignettes 9–11). The left side displays only three vignettes, showing a predominant horizontal arrangement. The Vignette 2 gathers a variety of ritual scenes where the gods of the netherworld play a prevalent role. Moreover, on both sides, the deceased is largely outnumbered by goddesses, who play a bold role in the cult.51
In this context, the deceased is depicted only on three occasions: in one circumstance he is escorted by goddesses (Vignette 4) and in two others he performs rituals (Vignette 4, Vignette 8). The profuse depiction of these netherworld goddesses seems to be related to the Theban manifestation of Hathor (Vignette 5). This unusual program is an achievement of its own, despite the poor levels of execution, which hardly match the quality detected on the lid. The two objects thus must have been crafted separately.
The interior decoration must have been truly impressive. The sides display excellent levels of quality in terms of pictorial work and the use of block-friezes to bind the registers also betrays a late dating.52 The floorboard is severely damaged.53
2 The Funerary Assemblages
2.1 Coffin Set of Djedmutiuesankh (A.15)
The outer coffin is the latest object of this coffin set. This is clear in the formal arrangement of the scenes as well as in the prevalence of the block-friezes on both the lid and the case. Although also from a later date, but slightly earlier, the inner coffin and the mummy-cover were visibly crafted together to be part of the same burial assemblage. The organization of the scenes is highly informal both on the lid and on the sides, with the different elements drawn or painted in a very sketchy way. Despite this hasty atmosphere, the design of the inner coffin, as a whole, did not result in careless work. In fact, the blur of the frontiers between different sections, is consistently observed on the sides, on the lid and on the mummy-cover. In this process, the scheme of decoration of the central panel prevailed and the ‘cursive’ layout detected in the pictorial work perhaps served this purpose.
Any of the objects of this coffin set was produced under commission. All the objects remained anonymous despite the spaces left blank to write down the name of the deceased. The assemblage of the outer coffin with the older coffin set certainly occurred shortly before the burial in the Tomb of the Priests. The name of its ultimate owner, the Chantress of Amun Djedmutiuesankh, was found by Georges Daressy only on the Osirian shroud that covered the mummy.54 Given the outstanding quality of the coffins involved in this burial set, it is surprising that the notes provided by Daressy describe a poor funerary equipment, consisting in eight long robes wrapped around the corpse and a simple undecorated stone positioned on the chest, instead of the heart scarab.
2.2 Coffin Set of Tauhenut (A.20)
This coffin set poses interesting questions on the funerary pragmatics of the late 21st Dynasty. The coffin seems to have been crafted in the early 21st Dynasty and it is doubtless the earliest artefact found in this collection. Its mediocre quality is perhaps one of its most interesting features, as it is uncommon finding at this early stage objects produced with such inferior levels of craftsmanship.55 One of the few parallels is the coffin of Pahereniset, found in Deir el-Medina,56 which shows striking similarities in the proportions and treatment of the face. Both objects show that, at this early stage, the production of body containers started to include less luxurious objects, a trend that would only be quantitatively expressive during the second half of the 21st Dynasty. Despite the poor levels of craftsmanship, the iconographic program of the coffin provides a meaningful set of images and texts suggesting that it was crafted in a workshop that started to address the needs of a lower elite, which otherwise could not afford the luxurious items that were predominately available.
It is uncertain whether the coffin remained anonymous or not since the footboard of the lid was lost.
The coffin was surely removed from its original burial ground and became later available to be reused.
As Kathlyn Cooney pointed out, the mummy-cover shows traces of having been recycled in order to be used by a woman. Given the similarity between the inscriptions of the lid and the mummy-cover, it is possible that both objects were inscribed during this operation aiming at creating a coffin set.
At the moment of its reuse in Bab el-Gasus, the coffin set was used to bury the mummy of a young woman. It is noteworthy that the ritual gloves and the funerary scroll remained the most important artefacts found with this mummy, both meaningful in terms of her priestly service. Given this context it is not clear the purpose of lime and natron found inside the case, surrounding the mummy.57
We are fortunate enough to have a short report published by Daressy on his examination of the this mummy.58 The mummy was covered with an undecorated shroud wrapped up with two longitudinal bands and five transversal bands, together with uninscribed linen mummy braces. Inside, another piece of cloth was found, this one covered with an Osirian effigy outlined in black and a hieratic inscription bearing an offering formula dedicated to the “Lady of the House, the chantress Tauhenut”.59 Over this shroud leader mummy braces were found with illegible inscriptions. Only two layers of linen cloths were wrapped around the mummy. Daressy reports the low quality of these cloths and observes that the right arm was wrapped with a pair of long gloves adorned with a blue band, while the left arm was also covered with a pair of undecorated gloves. Between the legs, Daressy found a funerary papyrus and on the embalmer’s incision, a wax plate was found.60 The mummy was found in a good state of preservation and revealed a young woman, 1,60 m tall with long black hair. The ears were abnormally long due to the use of heavy earrings during her life. Nevertheless, insects were found in her mummy suggesting that it remained ‘in storage’ during an undetermined length of time before its definitive wrapping.61
The description provided by Daressy suggests that the corpse was very well preserved. The quality of the mummification procedures and the elongated ears suggest, if not a high rank, at least an important social status achieved by this woman during her short life. The poor coffin set provides an interesting contrast with the relatively rich funerary equipment associated with the mummy and seems to have been purely opportunistic, rather impersonal and it probably occurred shortly before the burial in the tomb.
2.3 Coffin Set of Khonsumes (A.22)
The coffin set dates from the mid-21st Dynasty. The most interesting feature of this coffin set is the decoration of the sides, showing a semi-horizontal arrangement. The lower sections, in particular, are decorated with a single vignette compiling several scenes. This arrangement of the decoration reminds the layout seen in unfolded papyri.62 In fact, this resemblance is particularly striking with the so-called ‘mythological papyri’, or Amduat papyri, consisting in iconographic compilations of the scenes of the hereafter. This subtle association of the coffin sides with a funerary book perhaps is not accidental and possibly aimed at highlighting the ‘intellectual’ or ‘erudite’ status of the owner, originally Khonsumes, a scribe in the temple of Amun.
At a certain moment, this burial equipment was removed from its original burial ground. It was then recycled aiming to be used by a woman. Some changes have been carried out such as the removal of the fists, ears, and beard. Consequently, open hands were added, as well as the depiction of earings. However, many of the male features were kept, such as the striped wig, as well as the depictions of the deceased on the lid and on the sides. This is probably due to the perceived value of the coffin set as it was, by the time it was recycled. Since the examination of the mummy was not recorded by Daressy, we don’t have any information about the last owner of this burial set, who remained anonymous.
2.4 Outer Coffin of an Anonymous Man (A.56)
This outer coffin presents transitional features close to the stola-type and it is certainly the later object of this collection. The lid displays, by far, a much better work than that observed on the case itself, which suggests that they were crafted independently.
The nose and the lips featured on the lid are elegantly carved, reminding of the royal portraits dating from the reign of Hatshepsut. This resemblance may not be hazardous and, Kathlyn Cooney points out in the same direction adding that the coffin once displayed a headdress, which, given this early context, could only have been a vulture headdress. If so, the object in question was most likely part of a rishi coffin, thus with a royal provenance. If so, the object was certainly ‘rescued’ from the royal necropolis during the 21st Dynasty and, after having its original (gilded?) decoration ripped off, it was prepared to be reused. Typically, female rishi coffins did not include ears, and those depicted on the lid are moulded, resulting from the recycling work carried out during the late 21st Dynasty, which originated the outstanding piece seen today.
The case, on the other hand, is crudely crafted. Yet, the iconographic elaboration achieved in this object is an achievement on its own—celebrating the role of the mother goddess in the Osirian regeneration—even if the artistic skills did not match the high standards detected on the lid. The object seems to have been reused and taken from another burial assemblage. The reuse of this object is partially explained due to the fact that the recycling of the lid required the acquisition of a new case, as royal rishi coffins would have rounded boxes, thus inadequate when rectangular coffins were no longer in use.
Once finished, the coffin was seemingly very valuable and that might explain why it was not used together with further equipment. It is noteworthy that the empty space for the name of the deceased remained uninscribed on the lid.
2.5 Coffin Set of an Anonymous Woman (A.60)
Any of the objects found in this burial assemblage was crafted together to be part of the same coffin set. The differences in style are striking. The oldest object found in this burial assemblage is the inner case dating from the first half of the 21st Dynasty. The lid of the inner coffin is a slightly later work, dating from the mid-21st Dynasty. Both were crafted to be used by women.
The mummy-cover dates from the mid-21st Dynasty. The object was originally crafted for a man, but it was later recycled and adapted to be used by a woman. Perhaps at this stage, it was inscribed with the name Ankhsenmut.
The final decoration of the outer coffin dates from the late 21st Dynasty. At some point, it was prepared to be used by a man. The name of a man, Ankhefenkhonsu, was indeed found on the case (Inscription 1).
Given this scenario, it is clear that the objects belonging to this burial set were assembled at a later date, probably shortly before its deposition in Bab el-Gasus. The burial assemblage as a whole seems particularly careless in the way it groups male and female objects, as well as highly asymmetric objects in terms of quality and dating. The outer coffin has a relatively good craftsmanship, the inner coffin show fair levels of execution, while the mummy-cover displays nothing but a mediocre quality.
Perhaps more important is the assemblage of objects visibly old (inner coffin and mummy-cover) with others that would be perceived as ‘new’ (outer coffin). The inner coffin in particular, was recycled in order to look even older than it was. Not only the case had the interior decoration rearranged, as another lid, displaying a rather ‘excentric’ central panel, was associated with it. It is also to be noted that the longitudinal bands of text of the inner lid observe the transversal alignment of the hieroglyphs, which would be recognized as a very archaic feature.
These contrasting features truly make this coffin set, an assemblage worthy of a connoisseur, which in any case remained anonymous. It is very unlikely that the name inscribed on the mummy-cover corresponds to the final owner of this coffin set. Daressy reports that among the burial equipment of this mummy, a shroud inscribed in hieratic with the name Djedmut was found. This clew alone, hardly provides the identity of the deceased, as Daressy found among the linen wrappings of the mummy, a tunic inscribed with yet another name, Henuttaui.63 Given these elements, the only thing we can be sure about is the extension of reuse of funerary goods, which was extended to shrouds and cloths. It is likely that the deceased buried in this coffin set was a woman.
One final word should be addressed regarding these burial assemblages. This reconstructed scenario has necessarily to consider the position of these burials in the tomb. For the moment, the hastiness detected in most of these assemblages cannot be extrapolated to the whole tomb. Based on this examination alone, it would be dangerous to consider that all the burial sets found in Bab el-Gasus were gathered in a similar (careless) way. On the contrary, this seems to be the result of the circumstances that surrounded the definite closing of the tomb. Evidence found in the tomb suggests that it was sealed before its full capacity has been achieved, perhaps to avoid the plundering of the main burials kept in the funerary chambers.64 The burials positioned next to the entrance, such as those examined in this book, would have been, for practical reasons, the last ones to have been positioned in the tomb and probably were assembled hastily given the imminent need to seal Bab el-Gasus.
3 The Tomb of the Priests and the Corporative Values of the Priesthood of Amun during the Late 21st Dynasty
The stylistic analysis of the burial assemblages from the Lot V makes clear that there is no uniformity in terms of chronology in the objects found in Bab el-Gasus. Unlike the usual pattern, this undisturbed archaeological site did not reveal a sample of objects dating from the same period, as we could expect from a burial ground that was active during a relatively short period of time. On the contrary, the tomb revealed objects dating back from the late Ramesside Period to the late 21st Dynasty. In fact, even in the same coffin set objects with different dating can be easily found. Stylistic data thus confirm the idea put forward by Kathlyn Cooney that most of the coffins buried in Bab el-Gasus had been previously used, normally in a repeated manner, during the 21st Dynasty.65
In most of the burial assemblages from Lot V it is relatively clear that the objects were assembled shortly before their deposition in the galleries of Bab el-Gasus. At this stage of our knowledge, it is difficult to grasp the criteria underlying the decisions behind the assemblage of each coffin set. In some cases, the burial assemblage seems to be the result of a quite hazardous process.
The Italian Lot clearly shows different ways to form a coffin set. In general, the inner coffin and the mummy-cover were taken from an original funerary ensemble. This leads us to the idea that once the coffin sets were recovered from the original burial ground where they were stored together, probably with the mummy-covers kept inside the inner coffins.
The burial sets thus seem to have been methodically assembled out of the resources available at a given—certainly huge—storeroom, and not from the simple reuse of coffins from older caches. In fact, evidence of a careful management of the funerary goods is found in the Lot V. In some situations, these storerooms kept the integrity of the original assemblages, while in others, the cases, lids and mummy-covers seem to have been stored separately. This explains the ecletic combination of cases, lids, and mummy-covers from different burial sets.
Moreover, strategies regarding the recycling of an object also seem to have been decided and coordinated centrally, perhaps by the same individuals that managed the storerooms of the necropolis.
The use of outer coffins seems to have increased by the late 21st Dynasty and that might explain the combination of older objects with later outer coffins (such as we observe in A.15 and A.60).
At this stage, when a burial assemblage was formed, the available objects were combined most probably according to practical reasons. Such a pattern leads us to the obvious conclusion that in most of the coffin sets, the study of the symbolic associations between the inner and the outer coffin is difficult to grasp, if not impossible, as in most of the cases they result from a hazardous and opportunistic association.
This is even more disturbing when we realize the tremendous effort put forward in the craftsmanship of these objects. Despite the political and economic hardships affecting the Egyptian territory, Theban workshops excelled both in terms of the technical skills and conceptual work.
The stylistic evidence from Lot V suggests that, despite the huge number of objects in storage, Theban workshops remained fully active during the late 21st Dynasty. The coffins produced at this later stage show a consistent sample of features. The figures are rendered with highly standardized features as if depicting hieroglyphs, rather than individuals. Another common feature is the dark colouration of the garments and the inclusion of an increasing number of liminal elements between the figures. The depiction of the deceased is often impersonal and a kingly figure is depicted instead (coffin A.56, outer coffin from A.60 and inner coffin from A.15).66
This trend is consistent with the increasingly anonymous character of the coffins as we approach the end of the 21st Dynasty. One of the most intriguing aspects of the coffins examined in the Lot V is the anonymous character of the objects, even in the most splendid ones. The outer coffin from A.15 is particularly revealing. Although this is visibly a high quality item, the object remained anonymous despite the spaces left blank to write down the name of the deceased in the inscriptions of the lid and the case. The name of its ultimate owner, the chantress of Amun Djedmutiuesankh, was found by Georges Daressy on the Osirian shroud only.
A similar situation is observed in the remaining burial assemblages. The identity of the owner of the coffin set from A.20, the lady Tahumet, is only suggested by the inscription found within the mummy wrappings and a similar situation occurs with the coffin set from A.60, where the identity of the final owner remains unknown. The coffin set from Khonsumes (A.22) was recycled to be used by a woman, but we don’t have any information about its final owner. A similar situation might have occurred to the coffin from A.56, which remained anonymous. With the exception of A.56, it is thus likely that all the mummies buried in the coffin sets from Lot V might actually have been women.
These occurrences make clear that these superb coffins were produced without the previous commission of specific individuals. The anonymous character of these objects suggests that their assignment to a particular individual did not result from an individual acquisition—in that case, we should expect that at least the name of the deceased would be written over it.
Quite unlike the usual pattern detected during the New Kingdom and possibly still active during the beginning of the 21st Dynasty, coffin manufacture during the second half of the 21st Dynasty was no longer dictated by the commission of private individuals. Instead, the examination of the documental corpus from Bab el-Gasus suggests that coffin production was centrally managed by the priesthood of Amun, who, from the middle of the dynasty onwards, managed the craftsmanship of new coffins, the recycling of reused coffins and the storage of reused objects. These goods could then be used (possibly indefinitely as Kathlyn Cooney rightly suggests) as retribution to its own members, not in a personal way, but according to their rank in the priesthood of Amun.
This process, certainly required the storage of coffins and funerary artefacts which were assembled in the storerooms of the necropolis so that they could be periodically recycled and re-distributed.67 While doing so, the priesthood of Amun established new patterns not only in the use of the burial grounds of the necropolis—which became corporative as the Tomb of the Priests superbly shows, rather than familial as it happened during the New Kingdom—but also in the way funerary goods were acquired. These were no longer bought by an individual or a family, but redistributed by a professional corporation to its own members. In this process, the redistribution of the burial equipment to a certain individual was decided according to his/her rank in the priestly corporation and probably he/she did not play any role in this process. This certainly explains the anonymous character of most of the coffins dating from the late 21st Dynasty.
Given these circumstances, it is surprising to find that coffin decoration did not turn itself into a meaningless process. The personal attachment between an individual and the body container was definitely gone and with that, the deceased becomes depicted in a rather impersonal manner.
It is the collective identity of the priests and priestesses of Amun that is celebrated in these coffins and not the individual himself. This explains why coffin decoration evolved continuously in its quest for meaning. Certainly the individuals did not play any role in the decoration of coffins, but exactly because of that, each one of the priests could relate to the scenes featured on the coffins as if they were sacred chambers where he was acclaimed with kingly or divine honours.68 Not hazardously, the inspiration in the royal Books of the Amduat is behind many of the iconographic elaborations involved in coffin decoration,69 but perhaps more important is the increasing sacredness associated with the coffin itself. In most of the coffin sets, the decoration of the interior walls reveals a retrograde taste, featuring a level of quality in terms of pictorial work much higher than the exterior walls. This contrast enhanced the sacredness of the interior of the coffin, which is truly seen as a sacred chamber. It is in this context where we find some of the most outstanding achievements in terms of pictorial art, such as the wonderful work carried out in the inner coffin from A.15. It is this sacred atmosphere, so fully rich in meaning and magic that explains the boldness of the role performed by coffin decoration in the corporation of Amun. Being cocooned, nourished and protected in such splendor would be the ultimate reward for those who served in the Temple of Amun.
Sousa 2018a.
Sousa 2017b.
This topography is based on the concept of ‘architectonisation’ proposed by René Van Walsem. See Van Walsem 1997.
Sousa 2018b, 201–202.
See typology of the upper section, in Sousa 2018b, 172, 277.
See typology of the central panel, in Sousa 2018b, 173, 277. For symbolism of this layout see Sousa 2018b, 201.
See typology of the lower section, in Sousa 2018b, 173/278.
Regarding the style in coffin decoration see Sousa 2018b, 175.
Sousa 2018b, 99–105.
See, for example, mummy-cover from A.22 and compare with the lid from the same coffin set.
See mummy-cover of Tjenetpenherunefer (A.47), in Mann, Greco, Weiss 2018, 45. See mummy-cover of Ankhefenmut (A.68). Lacovara, Haynes 2018, 69 (fig. 49).
Regarding the meaning of ‘transparency’ in coffin decoration see Liptay 2017, 269. See also Sousa 2018b, 198.
See central panel from A.15 (outer coffin), A.60 and A.65 (outer coffin).
Regarding these features see Sousa 2018b, 108.
See Sousa 2018b, 138.
See Sousa 2018b, 135.
See Sousa 2018b, 159.
See the study by Kathlyn Cooney in this volume.
Earrings were painted over the original striped decoration of the wig, the ears were removed and the area was restored with new painting, the fists were removed, as well as the divine beard. See in this volume the text by Cooney.
See coffin A.18 in Brussels. In Delvaux, Therasse 2015, 93.
The lower section, for example, is designed as a triptych with the central partition featuring a variety of sacred totems and the lateral partitions displaying Osiris, the avian form of Ptah-Sokar, the sacred ram, and mummiform gods. This design is typical of the classical scheme, dating from the mid-21st Dynasty. See Sousa 2018b, 136, 140.
See Sousa 2018b, 136.
The ears are typically a male attribute and were normally removed when the coffin set was adapted for a female owner. See the coffin set A.22, where the ears were removed.
See also coffin in Budapest (Inv. No. 51.2093/1) in Liptay 2011, Pl. 87. For the symbolism of this particular layout see Sousa 2018b, 203.
For the symbolism of this layout see Sousa 2018b, 203.
During the 21st Dynasty, this type of pectoral is used as a symbol of the justification of the deceased, with the heart amulet illustrating the Osirian identity of the deceased and the solar disk alluding to his rebirth. See Sousa 2007, 59–70. On the Osirification of coffin decoration see Sousa 2018b, 205.
The floral patterns used include lotus petals, persea-tree fruits, lotus flowers and papyrus, and the checkerboard motif. See Sousa 2018b, 59.
See Sousa 2018b, 204.
See Sousa 2018b, 138. For the symbolism of this layout see Sousa 2018b, 203.
Sousa 2018b, 205.
See Sousa 2018b, 107/202.
Note that this figure is depicted in the centripetal blocks of the symmetric registers, the location where the deceased is normally depicted as a ba-bird.
See Sousa 2018b, 142.
A similar design can be found on the outer case of A.142. See Egner, Haslauer 2009, Pl. 29.
See coffin of Nesiamun (Leeds City Museum D. 426–426a.1960) in Cooney 2007, fig. 187. See also coffin of Tabasety, in Sousa, Nørskov (forthcoming).
Thoth is depicted before Osiris laying on a bed (Vignettes 4–5, Vignettes 10–11).
The deceased is depicted performing rituals before the solar barque (Vignettes 12–13) or before the Ta-wer totem (Vignettes 6–7). Next to the foot-board, the mother goddess is featured as a sacred tree (Vignette 15) or as a sacred cow (Vignette 9).
Both upper sections depict Osirian scenes—as an enthroned god on the right side (Vignette 12) or as the Ta-wer totem on the left side (Vignette 5). The lower section of both sides display the same scenes: the deceased (Vignettes 6, 13) before the solar barque (Vignettes 7, 14) and the divine triad over Mehen (Vignettes 8, 15).
A variation to this scheme can be found in the case of Ankhesenmut. See Dodson 2015, 20.
See coffin of Tabasety, in Sousa, Nørskov (forthcoming).
The noticeable exceptions are the scenes of the cow and the goddesses which retain their traditional association with the foot-board, as well as the Geb and Nut scene, here associated with the upper section.
The inner coffin of Gautseshen in Leiden provides striking resemblances with this layout. See Mann, Greco, Weiss 2018, 41.
The dress is decorated with a sophisticated pattern painted with contrasting yellow and white motifs. It is interesting to note that the yellowish effect was here added by simply using varnish in selected areas of the composition. See inner coffin of Gautseshen in Leiden. See Mann, Greco, Weiss 2018, 41.
See the inner coffin of Gautseshen in Leiden. See Mann, Greco, Weiss 2018, 41.
On both sides, two vignettes (Vignettes 6–7, Vignettes 11–12), form a single scene depicting the deceased offering before the solar barque. This scene is reproduced on both sides with subtle variations: on the right side, the triumph over Apopis is illustrated (Vignette 12), while on the left side the regeneration of Osiris is depicted (Vignette 7). On the left side, the closing scene depicts Hathor in her Theban bovine manifestation next to the tomb and the desert mountain (Vignette 8), while on the right side figures the triad on the twisted body of Mehen (Vignette 13), which is also a traditional motif.
A similar program is detected in the outer coffin of Ikhy (Vatican 25035). See Gasse 1996, Pl. XVI. See also Cooney 2014, 57.
One of the earliest coffins almost entirely decorated with these motifs is the coffin of Djedmutiuesankh (A.110) in Sousa 2017a, Pl. 54–55. This trend was further developed along the second half of the 21st Dynasty. Later examples are to be found in the anonymous coffin (A.27) in Sousa 2017a, Pl. 28–29, and in the anonymous coffin kept in Florence (2157) in Cooney 2014, 61.
This type of program is normally associated with a horizontal arrangement of the scenes, fully suggesting the association of the sides with walls. For a similar program see the outer case of A.131 in Delvaux, Therasse 2015, 105.
The scene with the solar barque (right side) introduces yet another subject, being a subtle allusion to the Book of the Amduat here quoting the 11th Hour (see Hornung, 1999, 52). For the use of the motifs of the Book of the Amduat in coffin decoration see Araújo Duarte 2017. See also inner case of Butherkhonsu (A.52) in Küffer 2017, 252, and outer case (A.131) in Delvaux, Therrase 2015, 105.
The last register is particularly interesting, illustrating a ritual performed by a goddess before two enthroned gods. Scenes like these, almost independent from the rest of the composition, will also become frequently depicted in stola-coffins.
A slightly similar program is detected on the inner case of A.26. See Egner, Haslauer 1994, Pl. 24.
See Walsem, 1997.
Unfortunately, Daressy did not report any information concerning the examination of this mummy, but it is likely that the corrosion detected on the floor-board resulted from the use of lime and natron, such as it was reported in the burial of A.20.
Daressy, 1907, 22.
See Cooney 2014.
Egyptian Museum in Turin (10108.a-b). See Niwiński 2004, Tav. XIV.
Daressy 1908, 23.
Daressy, 1903, 155.
Daressy, 1907, 23.
Daressy, 1903, 155.
Daressy 1907, 23.
See, for exemple, the funerary papyrus of Khonsumes in Vienna (Piankoff 1957, 143–147) or the funerary papyrus of Nesipakashuty in the Louvre Museum (Piankoff 1957, 104–109).
Daressy 1907, 27.
Sousa 2018a, 25.
See text by Cooney in this volume.
Older objects are more naturalistic in style. In such objects, the artist pays great attention to the depiction of the anatomical details and the figures are depicted in relatively spontaneous compositions. The garments are white and liminal elements are not used. See Sousa 2018b, 175. Short inscriptions are used instead, filling in the upper areas of the vignettes or the empty space between the figures. The coffin from A.20 displays a rough version of this style, featuring a sketchy and rather informal composition, while the inner case from A.60, although not exactly of high quality, showcases a much better work in terms of execution. In our sample, perhaps the best version of this style is detected on the objects from A.22.
Sousa 2014, 106–107.
In the outer cases from A.60 and A.56, the iconographic program is clearly borrowed from temple decoration in order to suggest the identification of the coffin with a temple. Identical process is used in the coffin 25021, kept in the Vatican Museums. See Gasse 1996, Pl. XXVIII.
See Araújo Duarte 2014, 89. See also Liptay 2014, 75–76 and Taylor 2010, 132–140.