Chapter 17 On the Road to the “New Empire”

The Afterlife of Roman and Byzantine Porphyry and the White Marble Tradition in Central Europe during the Early Modern Era

In: The Land between Two Seas: Art on the Move in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea 1300–1700
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Michał Wardzyński
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The three centuries of the early modern era found the Balkans and the southern part of Central Europe in a state of tremendous geopolitical crisis, destructive military conflicts, and the related revision of state borderlines. The process was preceded by fundamental changes, most importantly the extinction of the successive local dynasties: the Trpimirovićs in Croatia (1091); the Babenbergs in Austria (1246); the Árpáds in Hungary (1301); the Přemyslids in Bohemia (1306); the Piasts in Poland (1370), whose thrones and states became a battling field with the French Angevins (from 1290); the German Luxembourgs (from 1310); and the Wittelsbachs, the Lithuanian-Polish Jagiellons (from 1385). Ultimately, in the early sixteenth century, all the aforementioned dynasties were succeeded by the Habsburgs (from 1526 in Hungary, Croatia, and Bohemia under Emperor Ferdinand I), with the continued influence of “national” rulers—Matthias Corvinus (1443–90) being the most prominent among them. All of these new dynasties sought to legitimize their reign among the social elite of each respective state by exercising measures that included deliberately continuing their predecessors’ patronage.1 First and foremost was the construction or renovation of the grand royal gravestones of the Přemyslids, the Árpáds, and the Piasts, funded by Emperor Charles IV of Luxembourg at Hradčany in Prague (post 1352–70) and by the Angevins in Székesfehérvár and at Wawel in Krakow (1370–82).2 This deliberate policy contributed to the longue durée of a medieval artistic tradition from the Middle Ages during the early modern era. The far-reaching repercussions of the Ottoman invasions of Serbia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina (during the reign of Sultan Mehmet II, 1459–81), and Hungary (during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent, 1526–66), compounded by the death of King Louis II Jagiellon in 1526 during the Battle of Mohács and the subsequent collapse of the kingdom, as well as the transformation of neighboring Wallachia, Moldavia, and Transylvania (1541) into Turkish dependencies, affected the entire European region in question and involved all the bordering countries both diplomatically and militarily. These events also represent a watershed in the history of the region’s early modern art and culture. The subsequent conflicts over a united Hungary between loyalists gathered around the Habsburgs and the emperors of the Holy Roman Empire on the one hand and the national faction supporting the efforts of John and John Sigismund of the Zápolya dynasty (1526–71) and, in turn, the successive princes of Transylvania on the other, were brought to an end by the victorious Battle of Vienna in 1683 and the War of the Holy League (1684–99), which resulted in the reunification of Hungary under the reign of the Habsburgs. Simultaneously, Dalmatia and the Mediterranean became a theater of hostilities between the Venetian Republic and the Ottomans, causing the former to undergo a progressive economic and political decline beginning in the early eighteenth century, which the Habsburgs took advantage of.

Given these fraught sociopolitical conditions, construction and artistic projects were only possible during brief intervals of peace and relative prosperity. A major breakthrough in victorious Austria under Emperor Leopold I, as well as in Croatia, Dalmatia, and Upper Hungary occurred only in the 1680s and 1690s, and Baroque marble sculpture began to flourish only in the eighteenth century.3 From early on, the scope and dynamics of stone carving were determined by the type of material used and the accessibility of its source, whether directly from quarrying sites or indirectly via affordable and convenient modes of transportation. Careful scrutiny of the entire sculpture production in the Balkans and Hungary between the thirteenth century and the end of the seventeenth century demonstrates that figural works were sculpted from two groups of ornamental rock available throughout the region: reddish nodular limestone4 and white and whitish marble and tight limestone.5 This essay concentrates on the circulation of these materials and the shifting iconographic associations associated with them and their availability in these regions. Since early modern empires always looked back to previous empires for legitimation and symbolic devices, not only forms but also the selection of stone for dynastic monuments became laden with meaning. At the crossroads between red (local) limestone and white (Mediterranean) marble, the dynasties bordering the Danube fashioned varying narratives.

1 Porphyry and Red Stone

These materials were first quarried in the second century AD when the Roman provinces of Pannonia and Noricum on the Danube, Tardos near Esztergom,6 and Adnet near the future city of Salzburg (Roman Iuvavum)7—all of which were located in the immediate vicinity of the Danube and Salzach Rivers—witnessed the commencement of quarrying of local deposits. These produced red varieties of Jurassic nodular limestone of the ammonitico rosso type and conglomerates,8 which due to their lively color and easy carving—they were treated as marble by contemporaries—were perfectly suited for figural and architectural sculpture. Due to their visual properties, mainly color and texture, this stone could be considered a local equivalents of African porphyry,9 which enjoyed an elite status in the Roman Empire and was customarily reserved for the imperial family from the first century AD.10 Concurrently with Tardos and Adnet, the quarrying of white and whitish marble was launched by the Romans at Laas (Lasa) and Sterzing in South Tyrolia (the Roman province of Raetia)11 and at Sölk in Styria,12 while several varieties of light-beige Jurassic limestone were quarried at Untersberg (Fürstenbrunn) near Salzburg.13 All of these materials could successfully imitate the famous white Apuan marble from Carrara, hardly available on the Danube, which was commonly used in the buildings and sculptures of Ancient Rome from the second century BC. In Istria and Dalmatia the same function was fulfilled by whitish-beige Jurassic and Cretaceous limestone present along the coast of the Adriatic Sea, which was obtained from the quarries between Rovinj and Poreč from the area of Trogir and the isles of Brač and Hvar.14 In subsequent centuries, the region supplied significant quantities of construction and ornamental stone to Venice15 and several other Italian cities on the Adriatic coast: Ravenna, Rimini, Pesaro, and Ancona.

The scale of the exploitation of the individual quarries depended on the fame of the stone which they supplied, and of course, on transportation costs. Owing to the sheer tonnage of the blocks, water transport (by sea or by river) had been preferred since antiquity. In both cases, transfers of shipments occurred at selected strategic sites, including major ports, such as Venice, Trieste, Pula, and Ragusa, or at the bifurcation of the main rivers at Passau, Linz, Vienna, Hainburg, and Esztergom. The great popularity of the aforementioned materials depended also on the unique features of the drainage basin of the Danube and other rivers of the Balkans and the southern part of Central Europe. In the west, these waterways ran in a latitudinal direction as determined by the lines of the consecutive ranges of Alpine and Dinaric Alps formations, and in a largely longitudinal direction in the northern and eastern regions (with their upper reaches curving eastwards) due to the Carpathian arc and the location of the Apuseni Mountains (in the Western Romanian Carpathians). The sea and river ports involved in the economy of stone were also the starting points for overland transport of materials and finished works. These continued north, for example from Passau to Bohemia and the Upper Palatinate, or from Hainburg and Esztergom down the Morava and Gron Rivers to Moravia16 and across the depression of the Moravian Gate or the Carpathian passes to Krakow in the province of Lesser Poland, and further into Poland.17 Elite gravestones and marble epitaphs from the famous South German studios at Solnhofen and Eichstätt, as well as those produced by Netherlandish and Italian masters based in Gdańsk (Danzig) and Krakow were sent in the opposite direction, southwards or southeastwards, to the Balkans and Upper Hungary and to Transylvania, down the Danube or up the Polish Vistula and San Rivers respectively and then across the mountain passes of the Carpathians.18 For example, the epitaphs commissioned in the late sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth century for four Transylvanian princes of the Báthory, Bethlen, and Rákóczi dynasties, and which were destined for the cathedral in Gyulaféhérvar (modern-day Alba Iulia in Transylvania),19 are unprecedented in the region for the length and logistic complexity of the route covered.

The Ottoman conquest and the ultimate collapse of Hungary after 1541 disrupted a centuries-old tradition, as the great quarries at Tardos, Piszke, and Siklós near Pécs became part of an Ottoman pashalik. The Italian Renaissance workshops that had been operating in the region were accordingly forced to move to the neighboring countries. Beginning in the 1540s, efforts were made in Upper Hungary (ruled by the Habsburgs) to compensate for the deficit of limestone from Tardos (and from Siklós on a local scale) with local replacements from Marmon near Stará L’ubovňa in the Polish Spiš region,20 in Borzova near Košice (present Slovakia),21 and from the quarry in Novosielitza near Tachov on the Tisza River (present-day Ukraine),22 then part of the Principality of Transylvania. Until the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century the production originating from those centers, which were located mainly in the mountains with inadequate access to a navigable network of rivers, was targeted mainly at local clients in Upper Hungary and Poland, particularly in Krakow and Lvov in Ruthenia. In contrast to those peripheral regions, in the areas closer to Austria and the metropolitan city of Vienna, Tardos limestone was replaced by analogous reddish stone from Adnet and from Kramsach in Tyrolia and from Spital am Pyhrn in Styria as early as the 1530s and 1540s, a phenomenon that coincided with the first imports of whitish limestone from Untersberg (Fürstenbrunn) and Solnhofen. Quantities of limestone were floated to Vienna and Pozsony (Pressburg, present-day Bratislava) down the Altmühl, Salzach, Inn, and Danube Rivers. The new masonry-sculpture tradition nurtured by South German and Austrian artists and craftsmen was preserved here as late as the close of the seventeenth century.23

The aforementioned supremacy of reddish, and to a much lesser extent whitish, ornamental stone in Hungary and in the neighboring states of Central Europe in the thirteenth through sixteenth centuries was not simply a matter of the geological structure of the area in question or of the accessibility of the specific “marble” varieties described. The imperial preference for red limestone from Tardos, Adnet, and other locations within the context of figural and ornamental sculpture was profoundly semantic, closely tied to the symbolic value of red and purple. As early as the Egyptian Ptolemaic dynasty, these colors had been identified with the holy fire of the cult of deities and the holy blood of the reigning family, and more broadly, with the universal symbol of holiness and inviolability of dynastic power. The first mausoleum crafted in this precious material was thought to have been the second tomb of Alexander the Great in Alexandria, known as Mnema, built in c.215 AD by the Ptolemy II Philadelphus, King of Egypt.24 In the elite (albeit puritan) patrician circles of the senate in republican Rome, porphyry gradually acquired new meaning as a symbol of luxury and success, which, in conjunction with the ostentatious political propaganda of the Julio-Claudian and Flavian dynasties during the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, and Nero ultimately gave rise to an association between the color purple and the figure of the emperor. Purple was similarly representative of the state cult, and the emperor as an absolute ruler and deity, values that were already developed in the Roman Empire’s heyday during the reigns of the Antonines, Trajan, and Hadrian, and subsequently, the rulers of the Syrian (Severan) dynasty.25 Emperor Constantine I the Great is credited with introducing a new official meaning for purple as part of a religious reform movement and the granting of privileges to Christians, and the color was subsequently associated with senior clergy, pertaining to the hierarchies of the state apparatus of the empire. Gradually, purple began to be symbolically linked to the torments and the royal blood of the crucified Christ, an interpretation that was fueled by early Christian theologians.26 Beginning with Constantine’s reign, all successive emperors in Rome, Milan, and Ravenna, as well as Nicomedia and Byzantium (Constantinople) decorated all state and public structures that they commissioned with porphyry. In addition, porphyry became the principal material in which statues and other imperial likenesses were cut.27

Following the demise of the Western empire, the Roman and Byzantine color purple and porphyry—with its abundant elitist political and religious meanings—became the symbol of antiquity and the lofty political legacy of Rome. It was thus an ideal artistic tool in the renovatio Imperii process between the fourth and tenth centuries and mirrored the case of Carrara marble, which experienced a similar popularity. Pretenders—conscious of the importance of elitist trappings in legitimizing and sacralizing a new monarch’s authority—exploited these associations of the material, which was also used by the Rome-crowned Emperors Otto I the Great and Otto II in Magdeburg Cathedral,28 as well as by Henry VI and Frederic II of Hohenstaufen and King Roger II of Sicily in Palermo, who created their own mausoleums in those locations with the use of numerous porphyry spolia originating mainly from Rome: sarcophagi, columns, and architectural details.29

Two hundred years later, this tradition was reprised by the consecutive rulers of the Holy Roman Empire from the new Habsburg dynasty in their own prestigious artistic initiatives: Frederick III, crowned in Rome by Pope Nicholas V as the last ruler of the Reich, and his son Maximilian I. One of the core ideas favoring the legitimation of Frederic—an heir of the Wittelsbachs and Luxembourgs, who had previously ruled the Reich and, temporarily, Bohemia and Hungary—was an emphasis on the special family connections with the distinguished twelfth-century Swabian dynasty of the Hohenstaufen. The most significant material expression of those efforts was the commission given in 1467 to Niclaus Gerhaert van Leyden, then famous across the Reich, to craft his monumental marble tomb in Vienna’s St. Stephen’s Cathedral. The project was to be carried out in the characteristic Rot-grau Scheck conglomerate from Adnet, and its sophisticated architectural and sculptural program made indirect references to porphyry forms of imperial sarcophagi in Rome, Constantinople, and Palermo. Maximilian I, in turn, is credited with entrusting Hans Valkenauer of Salzburg in 1514 with the construction of a unique tholos-shaped tomb in the cathedral of Speyer, a red-marble imperial monument intended to simulate porphyry, which commemorated the rulers of the Reich buried in the imperial vault situated under the cathedral’s floor.30 The private commemorative foundations of the individual lines of the Habsburg dynasty once again exploited the iconography of imperial porphyry at the close of the sixteenth century and in the early seventeenth century in the consecutive mausoleums of the three different lines of the dynasty—in Innsbruck (Archduke Ferdinand III of Tyrolia),31 in the Escorial (Emperor Charles V and King Philip II),32 and in Graz (Archduke Charles II of Styria)33—where local “marble” equivalents from Adnet, Kramsach, Tirol, and Espejón were used to imitate porphyry.

Concurrent with the imperial foundations during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the reception of porphyry and red marble as both concept and material experienced a dramatic rise in the Kingdom of Hungary. The origins of that process can be traced to the aftermath of the highly prestigious marriage between the future King Béla II Árpád of Magyars and Croatia and the Antiochian Princess Anna de Chatillon, the younger sister of Mary, Emperor John I Komnenos’s wife, celebrated sometime between 1168 and 1172 in Constantinople. The queen brought many elements of Byzantine imperial ceremonial to the Hungarian court. The propaganda associated with the couple’s reign, which consciously exploited artistic means to express their power and glorify their dynasty, coincided with the commencement of the most intense mining of limestone at Tardos, which soon earned the title of “royal stone,” thus deliberately alluding to imperial porphyry.34 The material reached the peak of its popularity in the latter half of the fifteenth century and in the early sixteenth century under the reign of Matthias Corvinus, who possessed high political ambitions as well as sophisticated artistic sensibilities drawn from his deep humanistic learning. He extended his patronage to several renowned Renaissance masters from Italy and Dalmatia, including Ivan Duknovič (Giovanni Dalmata) (active in Buda from 1488–90),35 Giorgio di Lorenzo,36 and the Fiorentino brothers. Under the aegis of Ladislaus II Jagiellon, a proposal to erect a monumental all’antica column in Buda Castle finally materialized around 1520 to commemorate his famous predecessor. The porphyry column of Emperor Constantine I the Great, erected on his eponymous forum in Byzantium, provides a clear model for that intervention.37

The prestigious “royal stone” began to be more commonly used in art and architecture throughout the vast territory of the Kingdom of Hungary only around 1500 thanks to numerous works crafted in the Esztergom workshop of Giovanni Fiorentino. The artist garnered fame by executing an excellent chapel of the Primate of Hungary Tamás Bakócz in Esztergom (see fig. 17.1)38 as well as a number of works in Buda Castle, while simultaneously crafting numerous gravestones, sacraria, altars, and architectural details for a range of clients across Zagreb in Croatia, Upper Hungary, and Transylvania.39 Fiorentino is also associated with the origins of a Renaissance stylistic mode in the Polish city of Krakow, where his younger brother Francesco (d. 1516) was admitted to the royal service.40 Afterwards, the position of the chief builder and sculptor of Sigismund I Jagiellon was taken over by another collaborator with Giovanni Fiorentino and Andrea di Piero Ferrucci from Buda and Esztergom, Bartholomeo Berrecci da Pontassieve from Florence, the author of Sigismund’s Chapel.41 The red “royal stone” used in this remarkable mausoleum clearly proclaims the Jagiellons as the sovereign rulers of Poland—a political message that makes reference to antiquity and the Roman Empire, thus invoking the family’s most important foundations. The choice of this particular material for the royal gravestone influenced the assimilation of Italian Renaissance and mannerist sculpture throughout the country until the latter half of the seventeenth century.42

Figure 17.1
Figure 17.1

Giovanni Fiorentino’s workshop, Primate Tamás Bakócz’s funerary chapel, general view of the altar niche, cathedral, Esztergom/Gran (Hungary), 1507–9. Marmo ammonitico rosso of Tardos (interior), marmo statuario of Carrara (altar)

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2009

2 White Stone and Marble

In the western Balkans and historic Hungary, the early modern period witnessed the beginning of the importation and dynamic growth of the artistic use of the famed Apuan marble from Massa di Carrara. The process, however, was gradual and multifaceted, and its protagonist was Venice, the most important recipient of the material in the Adriatic and the center of trade and processing in the region. The Venetians’ extensive trade networks across the Mediterranean Sea guaranteed the low cost of the marble’s sea freight from the dispatching ports of Pisa, Genoa, and Livorno.43 The republic’s political control over Istria and the Dalmatian coast during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries soon resulted in the exchange of both stone and artists and craftsmen, thus permanently incorporating Pola (Pula), Fiume (Rijeka), Zara (Zadar), Sebenico (Šibenik), Spalato (Split), the maritime Republic of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) and Perast, Cattaro, and Durazzo (in today’s Albania) into the orbit of Renaissance art and culture on the Italian Peninsula, especially in Venetian and Florentine circles. It must be noted, however, that renowned artists such as Georgius Matthei Dalmaticus (Giorgio Dalmata),44 Niccoló di Giovanni Fiorentino (see fig. 17.2)45 and Ivan Duknovič (Giovanni Dalmata)46 and the like did not use Carrara marble, instead making recourse to the wealth of the highly accessible local deposits of Istrian stone (a whitish limestone). The first Venetian imports featuring marble from the Italian Alps accordingly arrived in the region only in the mid-seventeenth century.47

Figure 17.2
Figure 17.2

Andrea Alessi and Niccolò di Giovanni Fiorentino with workshops, Chapel of the Blessed Giovanni Orsini, Trogil Cathedral, 1468-88, Trogir/Trau (Dalmatia/Croatia)

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2014

The presence of talented sculptors from Venice and Florence and their local imitators in fifteenth-century Dalmatia greatly influenced the development of the early Renaissance in the Kingdom of Hungary. The artists who arrived in Buda and Esztergom from the Adriatic in the closing years of the sixteenth century included Ivan Duknovič from Trogir, Gregorio di Lorenzo (see fig. 17.3), the Fiorentino brothers, and Andrea di Piero Ferrucci, all of whom brought a taste for Carrara marble to the court of King Matthias Corvinus.48 Such efforts were accompanied by the purchase of ancient sculpture and fragments made of the same material for royal collections, as well as by prestigious commissions from Andrea del Verocchio, the most lauded Florentine master of the day.49 These artists determined the style of the Hungarian Renaissance until 1526, indirectly affecting its further growth in Poland and Upper Hungary until the seventeenth century.

It is worth noting, however, that prior to the fourth quarter of the seventeenth century, the presence of Carrara marble in the capital cities of Vienna and Prague was predominantly incidental, and its scarce examples—dedicated to members of the political elite of the Habsburg monarchy—represent imports from outside of Austria dating to as late as the latter half of the seventeenth century and the early seventeenth century. The basic materials intended to imitate Carrara marble in figural sculpture were the whitish limestone from Solnhofen (the work of Loy Hering from Eichstätt)50 and Untersberg, which German and Italian-Swiss masters from Salzburg (see fig. 17.4), Linz, and Vienna, typically combined with limestone from Adnet, Kramsach, and other locations in Tyrolia to produce a bicolored whitish-red range of materials.51

Figure 17.3
Figure 17.3

Giorgio di Lorenzo, attr., Madonna with the Child, (Báthori Madonna), 1526. Magyar Nemzeti Gáleria, Budapest, Hungary. Dalmatian whitish limestone

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2011
Figure 17.4
Figure 17.4

High altar, Salzburg cathedral, 1628, designed by Santino Solari, executed by Hans Waldburger and Hans Pernegger the Younger of Salzburg. Reddish Jurassic nodular limestones Rot and Rot-grau Scheck of Adnet, whitish limestone Forellenmarmor of Untersberg

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2011

As heirs to the throne of Corvinus and the Jagiellons in Hungary and Bohemia, the Habsburgs inherited this tradition—fundamental to the history of culture and sculpture in the early modern period—of utilizing “antique” white marble to promote their own imperial power and dynasty. This tradition, however, emerged only in the early 1560s, in the form of designs to erect two marble mausoleums of the emperors Maximillian I at the Hofkirche in Innsbruck (see fig. 17.5) and Ferdinand I in Prague’s cathedral. As the attempts to purchase Carrara marble in Italy had failed, the Netherlandish sculptor Alexander Colijn of Mechelen—then the court sculptor of the Tyrolian capital—decided to use South Tyrolean marble from Laas (Lasa) instead. The worked blocks intended for the latter memorial were floated from there down the Inn River to the Danube and to Passau, from which they were transported to Prague on special sleighs in winter.52 In the 1580s and 1590s, Colijn and the Italian-Swiss sculptor Sebastiano Carlone, employed by the Styrian line of the Habsburgs, used the same variety of marble in the four mausoleums of the archdukes of the same dynasty in Innsbruck and Seckau in Styria.53

The very same preference for the use of “antique” white marble for the funerary monuments of crowned rulers can also be traced to the eastern part of Hungary, a region ruled by the “national” kings from the Zápolya dynasty. For instance, the mannerist tombstones of John I’s wife Isabella Jagiellon and their son John Sigismund in the capital cathedral in Gyulaféhérvar (Alba Iulia) in Transylvania were cut in the local white-grey marble quarried in Gyergyószárhegy (Lazarea).54 In the case of other memorials from the late sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth century, local artists—led by the Netherlandish artist Elias Nicolai—made do with less expensive whitish alabaster from Poland’s Podolia and locally available limestone and sandstone, which were richly polychromed and gilded.55

Figure 17.5
Figure 17.5

Alexander Colijn of Mechelen and workshop, sarcophagus of Emperor Maximilian I of Habsburg, Hofkirche, 1563–83, Innsbruck, Austria. Black homogenic limestone of Dinant, white marble of Laas (Lasa) in Tirol and a reddish limestone of Kramsach.

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2012

The year 1683—during which the empire and Poland emerged as victors in the battles of Vienna and Párkány (Esztergom)—marks the major turning point in the history of quarrying and the artistic use of the Hungarian “royal stone” and white marble in the territory of the Habsburg monarchy. As early as 1686, Buda and the area of the Gerecse Mountains with Tardos were ultimately recaptured due to the offensive of the Austrian army, allowing for the resumption of quarrying and the regional trading of the material shortly thereafter; indeed, in 1689 and 1700–01 shipments to Krakow and other destinations were already on their way.56 As a result of the general changes in Central European Baroque art, which developed dynamically from the end of the Thirty Years’ War under the obvious influence of papal Rome and Venice, the conceptual resonance of the “royal stone” dissipated, and the material accordingly never regained its former position in the creation of figural sculpture. Foremost among these shifts were the inspiration of white marble sculpture of the Spanish Netherlands and the Dutch Republic,57 the political supremacy of the Habsburgs in the entire region by the late seventeenth century, and last but not least the overwhelming influence of the political idea of absolutism derived from the Versailles court of Louis XIV.58

By that point, the main capitals of the region—Vienna, Prague, and Pozsony (Pressburg, Bratislava)—had witnessed the dominance of white marble sculpture inspired by the tradition of antiquity. Its equivalent in the domestic sphere was precious ivory.59 That fundamental change was credited to the South Tyrolean artist Paul Strudel (d. 1708), who was appointed to the position of court sculptor of the emperors Leopold I and Joseph I. Strudel was the brother of the renowned painter Peter and the cofounder of the first private Academy of Fine Arts in Habsburg-reigned territories, which was modeled on the professional and scientific society of St. Luke in Rome and the Royal Academy in Paris. Inspired by Bernini’s work, Strudel, together with other renowned sculptors employed at the court of Vienna, including Matthias Rauchmiller from Rhineland and Matthias Steinl from the area around Salzburg, restored white marble from Laas (Lasa)—a material with which he was closely familiar in Tyrolia, where it constituted the basic medium of figural and portrait sculpture (see fig. 17.6).60 It reached Vienna by means of wheeled transport across the Brenner or Reschen passes to Innsbruck and then down the Inn and Danube Rivers. An especially notable achievement in this context is the famous Apotheosis of Prince Eugene of Savoy (1718–21), carved in a block of Carrara marble by Balthasar Permoser, of Salzburg origin but active in Saxon Dresden. The block was transported from Amsterdam and down the Elbe River,61 which in the seventeenth century represented the greatest center of trade in Carrara marble across Central Europe and Scandinavia.62

Figure 17.6
Figure 17.6

Paul Strudel, bust of Emperor Leopold I of Habsburg, c. 1690–95, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, Austria. White marble of Laas (Lasa) in Tirol

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2017

Carrara marble began to be regularly supplied to Vienna as late as the 1710s, which came as a result of a stylistic shift in the court of Charles VI (r. 1711–40). As a result, a number of renowned Venetian masters settled in Vienna and other cities of the empire, including Ljubljana, Rijeka, and Trieste.63 Two of those transplants—the imperial court sculptors Lorenzo Mattielli and Antonio Corradini64—began a new chapter of late Baroque sculpture across Central Europe, which reached as far as Prague, Dresden, Warsaw, and St. Petersburg in the 1730s and 1740s. In Vienna itself, the scarcity of Carrara marble persisted throughout the eighteenth century, and the individual blocks were thus reserved only for the most prestigious imperial commissions (see fig. 17.7).65 At this time a fashion emerged for simulating Carrara marble in sculptural works intended for the façades and interiors of palaces and churches, as well as for decorating gardens. Indeed, the surfaces of works wrought in the local sandstone or conglomerates (Eggenburg, Zogelsdorf, and Császárkőbánya/ Kaisersteinbruch near Vienna)66 were often covered with a special layer of polished white lime mortar several millimeters thick, which was known as Weißschlämme or Bleiweißfassung.67 This distinctive technique of “refining” stone sculpture—inspired by the work of Swiss-Italian stuccoists influential in the Habsburg land at the time—became popular in Bohemia and Moravia, as well as in Silesia and Hungary, in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, subsequently reaching Prussia and Poland thanks to sculptors trained in Vienna and Austria at large.68 Figural stone sculpture with white polychromy, which was gradually supplanted by stucco lustro beginning in the second quarter of the eighteenth century, became an integral feature of Habsburg and, more widely, Central European Gesamtkunstwerk. Another general change in the choice of materials at the Viennese court occurred only in the 1740s and the 1750s, heralding the arrival of Rococo academic idealism propagated by Georg Raphael Donner and Balthasar Ferdinand Moll, whose ideas were largely materialized in bronze and the tin-lead amalgam casting technique.69 A renewed interest in white marble in the empire would also be experienced during Neoclassicism, during which period Laas marble reestablished itself as the basic sculptural medium from the late eighteenth century to the state’s collapse in 1918.70

The above-described migration of the most talented sculptors from Venice and Veneto, which came as a result of the republic’s serious political and economic crisis in the early eighteenth century, did not only benefit the Habsburg-controlled territories. In Dalmatia itself, which remained under Venetian rule until 1797, such changes were first heralded by the presence of Francesco Penso, also known as Cabianca, in Ragusa and Cattaro, who lived in the region from 1698 to 1708, during which period he was responsible for introducing the late Baroque style and post-Bernini tradition of altar architecture in local monuments. The consecutive visits and longer stays of the leading Venetian sculptors Antonio Viviani (see fig. 17.8), Antonio Corradini, Paolo Callalo, Marino Gropelli, Francesco Robba, and Giovanni Maria Morlaiter in the first three decades of the eighteenth century in Istria and Dalmatia were the result of commissions in the republic’s metropolis and the overall dip in commissions beginning in the late seventeenth century.71 Accordingly, new markets were sought, guaranteeing access to white marble from Carrara for these clients, which remained the most luxurious material across the region. During the very same period, Dalmatia and Habsburg-owned Carniola, Carinthia, and Styria were the only regions in this part of Europe to embrace the tagliapietra (intaglio) and pietra dura techniques, present mainly in Florence, Venice, Naples, and Sicily—an act of appropriation that was orchestrated by the generation of Venetians working in these regions.72 The techniques involved the use of several dozen different varieties of colored marble and ornamental stone, often of exotic origins. Due to the lack of an assortment of colored marble, in Hungary, Austria, Bohemia, and Poland the material was generally replaced by stucco simulacra and pietra dura rendered in a cheaper gypsum-formed scagliola.73

This general analysis of the transformation of material-related traditions in stonemasonry and sculpture of the Western Balkans and the southern part of Central Europe allows us to reconsider the unique status of the region across the entire Continent with respect to the variety of phenomena and processes that defined local artistic culture. The changes that occurred during the period in question revolve around the ideological (political) and artistic (determined by cultural and stylistic transformations of the Italian Renaissance) confrontation between the semantic tradition of African porphyry as the “royal stone,” dating back to the Roman Empire and developing concurrently in Hungary and the German Reich countries, with a rising fashion for “antique” white marble from Carrara transplanted from Renaissance Italy via Venice (and indirectly, Florence and Dalmatia). The distance and associated high cost of land transportation contributed significantly to the limitation of its distribution to the Adriatic coast (Istria and Dalmatia) and to Habsburg-held Carniola, where Venetian sculptors worked from the sixteenth century onwards. Only incidentally did Carrara marble reach the interior across the natural barrier formed by the Alps and the Dinaric Alps, where it was instead more often replaced by the local varieties of similar marble from Laas (Lasa), Sterzing, and Sölk, as well as by limestone from Solnhofen and Untersberg (Fürstenbrunn). The great popularity of those materials in Vienna, and across Austria and Upper Hungary, was due to the convenient location of their source in the Danube basin.

Figure 17.7
Figure 17.7

Antonio Corradini, statue of Emperor Karl VI of Habsburg, 1731, Prunksaal, Hofburg, Vienna, Austria. White marble of Laas (Lasa) in Tirol, Untersberger Gelb limestone of Untersberg (Fürstenbrunn)

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2011
Figure 17.8
Figure 17.8

Antonio Viviani and Francesco Penso vel Cabianca of Venice, view of side altar of the Holiest Sacrament, cathedral, Zadar (Dalmatia), Croatia, 1718–19. Marmo statuario and ordinario di Carrara, colored varieties of marble and limestone from Italy and the French Pyrenees

Photograph by M. Wardzyński, 2014

The magnitude of this confrontation between white and red stone traditions is most clearly seen in the commemorative foundations of the individual lines of the Habsburg dynasty in Austria, Tyrolia, and Styria. The force of the attachment to the postmedieval custom of carving figures of late archdukes in “red marble,” still cherished in the early seventeenth century, is exemplified by the sarcophagus in Graz executed by an Italian artist. Paradoxically, white marble was not promoted in elite circles by Italians but rather by the Antwerp-trained Alexander Colijn of Mechelen, who set the trend for the black-red-white op Nederlandse manier material range in Tyrolean and Austrian sculpture.74 That determined the style and materials employed in sculpture in the Habsburg monarchy until the close of the seventeenth century.

The confrontation witnessed a final turning point only at the end of the seventeenth century as Leopold I Habsburg’s imperial patronage began to flourish in the wake of a series of victories of the Holy League against the Ottoman Turks, as a result of which the bulk of the territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary had been regained and the empire’s political, military, and economic stability reestablished. White marble from Laas (Lasa) in Tyrolia continued to play the main role, since the import of Carrara marble to Vienna by land across the Alps via Venice, Carniola, Carinthia, and Styria—a route used extensively only beginning in the 1710—continued to pose an exorbitant cost. The latter was used exclusively in the restricted elite circles of imperial and aristocratic patrons, who were served mainly by artists from Venice and northern Italy until the 1740s. In the remaining sculptural commissions of the leading Reichstil trend—which comprised the typical Habsburgian (Central European) Gesamtkunstwerk—both sculptors from the empire and the neighboring countries were forced to imitate luxurious white marble by “upgrading” plain sandstone or limestone with white layers of plaster and lime, and solely with stucco lustro.

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Notes

1

Piotr Węcowski, “Dwa przyczynki do piastowskiej legitymizacji władzy Jagiellonów. Imiona i liczebniki w tytulaturze polskich Jagiellonów,” in Świat średniowiecza. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Henrykowi Samsonowiczowi, ed. Agnieszka Bartoszewicz et al. (Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 2010), 562–76.

2

Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot, “Uwagi na temat nagrobka Ludwika Wielkiego z bazyliki w Székesfehérvár,” Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 30 (1968): 45–51; Gerhard Schmidt, “Peter Parler und Heinrich IV. Parler als Bildhauer,” Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 23 (1970): 111–15; Ewa Śnieżyńska-Stolot, “Nagrobek Kazimierza Wielkiego w katedrze wawelskiej,” Studia do dziejów Wawelu 4 (1978): 3, 83–84, 89–92; Livia Varga and Pál Lővei, “Funerary Art in Medieval Hungary,” Acta Historica Artia Hungaricae 35 (1990–92): 132–34, notes 3, 16; Pál Lővei, “Über neu entdeckte Fragmente der Anjou-Grabmäler in Székesfehérvár,” Acta Historiae Artium Hungaricae 52 (2011): 162, 169; and recently Ioan Albu, Memoria epigrafică în Europa Centrală şi de Sud-Est (evul mediu şi epoca premodernă) (Sibiu: Editura “ASTRA Museum,” 2014), 150–64, 183–84, 194–99.

3

Manfred Koller, Die Brüder Strudel. Hofkünstler und Gründer der Wiener Kunstakademie (Innsbruck-Wien: Tyrolia, 1993), 73, 75, 78, 81–82, 85–86, 185–86, 189, 196–97, 199; Matej Klemenčič, “‘In partenza per lo Stato Imperiale.’ Venezianische Bildhauer und die österreichischen Länder in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts,” Barockberichte 61 (2013): 60–61, 69, figs. 1–6.

4

Pál Lővei, “A tömött mészkő—‘vörös márvány’—a középkori magyarországi művészetben (Der dichte rote Kalkstein—der ‘rote Marmor’—in der Kunst des mittelalterischen Ungarn),” Ars Hungarica 20, no. 2 (1992): 3–29; Pál Lővei, “Routes and Meaning. The Use of Red Marble in Medieval Central Europe,” in Crossing Cultures: Conflict, Migration and Convergence. The Proceedings of the 32nd International Congress in the History of Art (CIHA), The University of Melbourne, 13–18 January 2008, ed. Jaynie Anderson (Melbourne: Miegunyah Press, Melbourne University Publishing, 2009), 477–81; Pál Lővei, “Renaissance in Red and White. The Use of Coloured Stone in Hungary Art at the Turn of the 16th Century,” in Bonum et pulchrum. Essays in Art History in Honour of Ernő Marosi on His Seventieth Birthday, eds. Livia Varga et al. (Budapest: Argumentum, 2010), 433–42; Farkas Pintér et al., “The Provenance of ‘Red Marble’ Monuments from the 12th–18th Centuries in Hungary,” European Journal of Mineralogy 16 (2004): 619–29.

5

Nicolas Penny, The Materials of Sculpture (New Heaven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 58; La pietra d’Istria e Venezia: Atti del seminario di studio, Venezia, 3 ottobre 2003, ed. Nedo Fiorentin (Venezia: Sommacampagna, 2006); Gergely Buzás, “A diósgyőri oltár,” in Reneszánsz látványtár. Virtuális utazás a múltba, ed. Tibor Kovács (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2009), 473, cat. 92–93, fig. 1; Lőveí, “Renaissance in Red and White,” 438, note 12; Goran Nikšić, “The Influence of Building Materials on Architectural Design: Dalmatian Stone at the Cathedrals in Korčula and Šibenik,” in Dalmatia and the Mediterranean: Portable Archaeology and the Poetics of Influence, ed. Alina Payne (Boston: Brill, 2014), 396–99, fig. 12.

6

Arnold Schober, Die römischen Grabsteie von Noricum und Pannonien (Wien: E. Hölzel & Company, Ges. M.B.H., 1923) [= Sonderschriften des Österreichschen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien, 10 (1923)], passim; László Gerevich, “Johannes Fiorentinus und die pannonische Renaissace,” Acta Historiae Artium Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 6 (1959): 331–37, figs. 37–42.

7

Alois Kieslinger, Die nutzbaren Gesteine Salzburgs (Salzburg: Bergland-Buch, 1964), 209; Frantz Kretschmer, Marmor aus Adnet. Heimatbuch Adnet, 2nd ed. (Adnet: Gemeinde Adnet, 1990), 31–32, taf. vii–viii; Christian Uhlir, Adneter Marmor. Entstehung, Material, Abbau, Geschichte und seine Bedeutung als Kulturerbe, 2nd ed. (Salzburg: Books on Demand, 2011), 32–33, abb. 28–29.

8

Alois Kieslinger, Die Steine von St. Stephan (Wien: Herold, 1949), 74–75; László Trunkó, Geologie von Ungarn. Beiträge zur Regionalen Geologie des Erde (Berlin-Stuttgart: Gebr. Borntraeger, 1960), 8: 198–99; Lővei, “A tömött mészkő,” 4–7, 26–27. According to the most famous variety of ammonitico rosso limestone from the Verona district, cf. Giovanni Albertini, “The Geology of Veronese Marbles,” in Marble in Verona, ed. Fabrizio Rossini (Verona: ASMAVE, 1987), 28–33.

9

Pál Lővei, “‘Virtus, Es, Marmor, Scripta’ Red Marble and Bronze Letters,” Acta Historica Artium Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 42 (2001): 39–55; “Salzburg und Gran versus Krakau, Gnesen und Wilna: Die Lieferung des Rotmarmors im Fernhandel Mitteleuropas,” in Die Jagiellonen. Kunst und Kultur einer europäischen Dynastie an der Wende zur Neuzeit, eds. Dietmar Popp and Robert Suckale (Nürnberg: Germanisches Nationalmuseum, 2002), 411–13, abb. 1–7; Michał Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster w rzeźbie i małej architekturze Rzeczypospolitej. Studium historyczno-materiałoznawcze przemian tradycji artystycznych od XVI do początku XVIII wieku [Marble and alabaster in sculpture and small-scale architecture in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. 16th–early 18th-century transformation of artistic traditions through the lens of history and materials science] (Warszawa: Fundacja “Hereditas,” 2015), 132–33.

10

Dario Del Bufalo, Porphyry: Rosso imperiale; potere e religione [Porphyry: Red imperial porphyry; power and religion] (Torino: U. Allemandi & C., 2012), 20–22.

11

Lois Köll, “Laaser Marmor: Gewinnung und Verwentung,” Tiroler Wirtschaftsstudien 19 (1964): 1–115; Hugo Dressler, “Alexander Colin” (PhD diss., Universität Karlsruhe, 1973), 65–6, 180, notes 372–74, figs. 138–48, 151–53.

12

Georg Kodolitsch, “Drei steirische Mausoleen: Seckau, Graz und Ehrenhausen,” in Innerösterreich 1564–1619, eds. Alexander Novotny and Berthold Sutter (Graz: Das Steiermärkische Landesmuseum, 1967), 325–32.

13

Kieslinger, Die Steine von St. Stephan, 77–79, 386; Die nutzbaren Gesteine Salzburgs, 262–74, 280–92, 303–17; Christian Uhlir and Peter Danner, Untersberger Marmor. Entstehung, Abbau, Verwendung, Geschichte, 2nd ed. (Hamburg: BoD—Books on Demand, 2008), 16–21, 40–48, 57–60; Christian Uhlir, Ryszard Kryza and Volker Höck, “Salzburg Building and Ornamental Stones—Tradition and the Present,” Geological Quarterly 38 (2010): 472–75, figs. 6a–d and 7.

14

Miroslav Bertoša, “L’avorio istriano per Donatello,” Jurina i Franina, rivista di varia cultura istriana 51 (1992): 38–41; Penny, Materials of Sculpture, 58; Nikšić, “Influence of Building Materials,” 396–99, fig. 12.

15

Lorenzo Lazzarini, “Pietra d’Istria: Genesi, proprietà e cavatura della pietra di Venezia,” in La pietra d’Istria e Venezia, ed. Nedo Fiorentin, 23–46.

16

Alois Kieslinger, “Zur Geschichte der Steinverfrachtung auf der Donau,” Österreichische Ingenieur-Zeitschrift 7 (1964): 253–60; Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz, “Salzburger Marmor und Zogelsdorfer Kalksandstein—Zwei signifikante Steinsorten des Barock im Donauraum,“ in Barocke Kunst und Kultur im Donauraum. Beiträge zum Internationalen Wissenschaftskongress 9–13 April 2013 in Passau und Linz, eds. Karl Möseneder, Michael Thimann and Adolf Hofstetter (Petersberg: Imhof, 2014) 2: 643–55.

17

Lővei, “Salzburg und Gran versus Krakau,” 408–17; Michał Wardzyński, “The Great Competitors: The Import and Use of ‘Red’ Marble from Hungary, Adnet, Stara Lubowla and Upper Hungary/Transylvania in Small Architecture and Sculpture in the Commonwealth from the Fourteenth Century to the First Half of the Seventeenth Century,” in Actes du XVIe Colloque International de Glyptographie à Münsterschwarzach (Schwarzach-am-Main), 7–12 juillet 2008, ed. Jean-Louis Van Belle (Braine-le-Château: C.I.R.G., 2009), 334, 336.

18

Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster, 109–12, figs. 77, 85.

19

Mihály Détshy, “Nagrobki Rakoczych w Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia) zamówione w Krakowie w połowie XVII wieku,” Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 50 (1988): 105–11; Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster, 221, 270–71, figs. 779–80.

20

Wardzyński, “The Great Competitors,” 338–40, figs. 18–21; Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster, 197–98, figs. 458–64.

21

Peter Ružička, “Zhodnotenie možností plastického kamenárskeho spracovania karbonátových hornín Slovenska,” Acta Montanistica Slovaca 11 (2006): 205–6, fig. 3; Daniel Pivko, “Stavebný a dekoračný kameň a jeho opracovanie na stredovekom Slovensku,” Archaeologia historica 2 (2012): 619–20.

22

Roman Aubrecht et al., “Jurassic Stromatactis Mud- Mounds in the Pieniny Klippen Belt (Western Carpathians—Petrography and Stratigraphy),” in Research Advances on Calcareous Algae and Microbial Carbonates, eds. Ioan I. Bucur and Sorin Filipescu (Cluj-Napoca: Cluj University Press, 2002), 7–9, pl. IV.1–4; Daniela Reháková et al., “Stratigraphy and Microfacies of the Jurassic and Lowermost Cretaceous of the Veliky Kamenets Section (Pieniny Klippen Belt, Carpathians, Western Ukraine),” Volumina Jurassica 9 (2011): passim, figs. 1–3.

23

Zuzana Ludiková, “Sochárstvo,” in Renesancia. Umienie medzi neskorou gotikou a barokom. Dejiny slovenského výtvarného umienia, eds. Ivan Rusina et al. (Bratislava: Slovart, 2009), 271–82; Schemper-Sparholz, “Salzburger Marmor und Zogelsdorfer Kalksandstein,” 644–51.

24

Del Bufalo, Porphyry, 17–19, figs. 9–11.

25

John B. Ward-Perkins, “Dalmatia and the Marble Trade,” in Marble in Antiquity: Collected Papers of John B. Ward-Perkins, eds. Hazel Dodge and John B. Ward-Perkins (London: British School at Rome, 1992), 115–19; Del Bufalo, Porphyry, 20–26, 86–92, figs. 14–20b.

26

Del Bufalo, Porphyry, 30–38.

27

Del Bufalo, Porphyry, 30–34, figs. 26–28, 31, 41.

28

Cord Meckseper, “Antike Spolien in der ottonischen Architektur,” in Antike Spolien in der Architektur des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, ed. Joachim Poeschke (München: Hirmer, 1996), 179–80, 188, fig. 2.

29

Joachim Poeschke, “Architekturästhetik und Spolienintegration im 13. Jahrhundert,” in Antike Spolien in der Architektur, 229, 233, 235, notes 28–29, figs. 8–9; Dario Del Bufalo, Marmi colorati. Le pietre e l’architettura dall’Antico al Barocco (Milano: Federico Motta Editore, 2003), 43, 48. Cf. Maria A. Mastelloni, “Verde, rosso e bianco: I colori del regno di Ruggero II,” in Atti del XVI Colloquio dell’Associazione Italiana per lo Studio e la Conservazione del Mosaico, con il patrocionio del Ministerio per i Beni e le Attività Culturali e del Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (Palermo, 17–19 marzo 2010—Piazza Armerina, 20 marzo 2010), ed. Claudia Angelelli (Tivoli: Scripta manent Ed., 2011), 355–66.

30

Kretschmer, Marmor aus Adnet, 63, 72–73.

31

Dorothea Diemer, “Kaiser Maximilians Kenotaph in der Innsbrucker Hofkirche—seine Vorgeschichte, seine Entstehung und seine Künstler,” in Maximilian I. Der Kenotaph in der Hofkirche zu Innsbruck, eds. Christoph Haidacher and Dorothea Diemer (Innsbruck- Wien: Haymon Verlag, 2004), 35–36, 46, 54.

32

Rosemarie Mulcahy, The Decoration of the Royal Basilica of El Escorial (Cambridge: University Press, 1994), 137–38, 140, 163, 196–97, fig. 58, 86–87, pl. 5–6.

33

Die Domkirche zum hl. Ägidius—Die Katharinenkirche—Das Mausoleum Kaiser Ferdinands II, ed. Wilhelm Steinböck (Graz: Kathedralkirche der Diözese Graz- Seckau, 1989), 72.

34

Lővei, “Salzburg und Gran versus Krakau,” 412; Lővei, “Routes and Meaning,” 478.

35

Johannes Röll, Giovanni Dalmata (Worms am Rhein: Wernersche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1994) (= Römischen Studien der Bibliotheca Herziana, vol. 10), 124–26, 128–29, figs. 127–35; Gergely Buzás, “A diósgyőri oltár,” 473–74; Johannes Röll, “Giovanni Dalmata at the Court of Matthias Corvinus in Hungary,” in Italy and Hungary: Humanism and Art in the Early Renaissance, eds. Péter Farbáky and Louis W. Waldman (Florence: Harvard University Press, 2011), passim, figs. 1–6, 11–12.

36

Alfredo Bellandi, “L’attività dello scultore Gegorio di Lorenzo per Mattia Corvino e due episodi sulla fortuna del Rinascimento nel collezionismo unghrese. Il San Giovannino e un Salvatore coronato di spine al Museo di Belle Arti (Szépművészeti Múzeum) di Budapest,” in Italy and Hungary: Humanism and Art, passim, figs. 1–4, 7, 9–10.

37

Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster, 222, figs. 589–90.

38

Cornelio Budinis, Gli artisti italiani in Ungheria (Roma: La Libreria dello Stato, 1936), 66–69, pls. 81–87; Miklós Horler, Die Bakócz-Kapelle im Dom zu Esztergom (Budapest: Corvina-Helikon, 1990), 23–25, 48–55.

39

Milan Pelc, “Ugarske kiparske radionice i renesasa u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj,” Radovi Instituta za Povijest Umjetnosti 30 (2006): 67–80; Péter Farbáky, “Az esztergomi Bakócz-kápolna,” in Reneszánsz látványtár. Virtuális utazás a múltba, ed. Tibor Kovács (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2009), 271, figs. 1–12; László Klinger, “Colligite fragmenta! Az esztergomi Bakócz-kápolna bejárati keretarchitektúrájának építészeti töredékei,” in Reneszánsz látványtár. Virtuális utazás a múltba, ed. Tibor Kovács (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2009), 299, figs. 2–3, cat. 48–51.b, 56–61; Maritta Iseler, Sophie Lorenz-Rupsch and Markus Hörsch, Künstler der Jagiellonen Ära in Mitteleuropa (Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2013), 2: 147–50.

40

Budinis, Gli artisti italiani, 96; Andrzej Fischinger, “Nagrobek Jana Olbrachta i początki rzeźby renesansowej w Polsce,” in Renesans. Sztuka i ideologia, ed. Teresa Hrankowska (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1976), 457–60, fig. 1; Helena Kozakiewiczowa, Rzeźba XVI wieku w Polsce (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1984), 11–17, figs. 1–4; recently Iseler, Lorenz-Rupsch and Hörsch, Künstler der Jagiellonen Ära, 2: 143–46; Renata Sulewska, “Początki włoskiej rzeźby figuralnej w Polsce XVI wieku,” in Sztuka około 1500, ed. Teresa Hrankowska (Warszawa: Arx Regia, 1997), 183–87; “Szesnastowieczne pomniki nagrobne biskupów krakowskich i ich fundacje sepulkralne,” in Działalność fundacyjna biskupów krakowskich, ed. Marek Walczak (Kraków: Societas Vistulana, 2016) 1: 103–5.

41

Kozakiewiczowa, Rzeźba XVI wieku, 25–30, 32–34, 36–46, figs. 37–53, 56; recently Stanisław Mossakowski, Kaplica Zygmuntowska (1515–1533): Problematyka artystyczna i ideowa mauzoleum króla Zygmunta (Warszawa: Liber pro arte, 2007), 195–222.

42

Wardzyński, “The Great Competitors,” 336, 341–44, figs. 9–11, 36–37; Marmur i alabaster, 193–221, 307–8, figs. 443–56, 465–92, 536–84; recently, “L’égal des césars ? L’idée du porphyre comme manifestation impériale dans les fondations monarchiques de la République des Deux-Nations aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles,” in La sculpture au service du pouvoir dans l’Europe de l’époque moderne, eds. Sabine Frommel, Paweł Migasiewicz and Claudio Castellani (Paris-Rome-Varsovie: Campisano Editore, 2019), 167–74.

43

Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, Les maîtres du marbre: Carrare 1300–1600 (Paris: SEVPEN, 1969), 186–207; Luziana Mannoni and Tiziano Mannoni, Marble: The History of a Culture (Genoa: Sagep Publishers, 1984), 221–24; recently Fausta Franchini-Guelfi, “Les marbres génois entrepreneurs et marchands. Les routes du marbre, de l’Italie aux demeures d’Europe,” in Marbres de Rois, ed. Pascal Julien (Aix-en-Province: Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2013), 166–76.

44

Cvito Fisković, “Georges de Dalmate (Jurai Dalmatinac), architecte et sculpteur,” in Interpretazioni veneziane, ed. David Rosand (Venezia: Arsenale Editrice, 1984), passim; Milan Pelc, Povijest umjetnosti u Hrvatskoj. Renesanca (Zagreb: Naklada Ljevak, 2007), 323–38.

45

Samo Štefanac, Kiparstvo Nikole Firentinca i njegovov kruga (Split: Književni krug, 2006), passim; Radoslav Bužančić, Nikola Ivanov Firentinac i trogirska renovatio urbis (Split: Književni krug, 2012), passim.

46

Cvito Fisković, Ivan Duknović, Ioannes Dalmata u domovini (Split: Književni krug, 1990), passim, figs. 26–27; Röll, Giovanni Dalmata, 133–39, 145, 165–66, figs. 135–53, 174–75.

47

Radoslav Tomić, “La sculpture en Dalmatie, en Istrie et dans le Kvarner,” in Croatie le temps du baroque et des lumières: Trésors d’art et de culture (XVIIe–XVIIIe siècle), eds. Ivan Golub and Ivan Supičić (Rennes-Zagreb: Académie croate des sciences et des arts—Školska knjiga, 2011) (= La Croatie et l’Europe, vol. 3), 527–28.

48

Budinis, Gli artisti italiani, 66–69; Horler, Die Bakócz- Kapelle, s. 25–30, 62–88; Francesco Quinterio, “Il ‘Rinascimentoo scarlatto’ da Esztergom a Cracovia: I maestri fiorentini alla corte degli Jagielloni,” Quasar. Quaderni di storia dell’architettura e restauro 8/9 (1992/1993): 19.

49

Dániel Pócs, “White Marble Sculptures from the Buda Castle: Reconsidering Some Facts about an Antique Statue and a Fountain by Verrocchio,” in Italy and Hungary: Humanism and Art, 591–608, figs. 1–2, 4, 11–15; Francesco Caglioti, “Andrea del Verocchio e i profili di condottieri antichi per Mattia Corvino,” in Italy and Hungary: Humanism and Art, passim, fig. 3, 7.

50

Ludiková, “Sochárstvo,” 280; Renesancia. Umenie medzi neskorou gotikou a barokom. Dejiny slovenského výtvarného umenia, eds. Ivan Rusina et al. (Bratislava: Slovart, 2009), 785–86, 789–90, fig. 120, 148.

51

Peter Reindl, “Loy Hering: Zur Rezeption der Renaissance in Süddeutschland“ (PhD diss., Universität Regensburg, Basel, 1977), 7, 484–85, cat. F 72; Kretschmer, Marmor aus Adnet, 99, fig. on p. 118.

52

Dressler, Alexander Colin, 65, 180, notes 372–74, figs. 138–48, 151–53.

53

Benno Roth, Das Habsburger-Mausoleum in der Seckauer Basilika (Seckau: Selbstverlag, 1958) (= Seckauer geschichtliche Studien, vol. 14), 3–4, fig. 3; Kodolitsch, Drei steirische Mausoleen, 325–32.

54

Jolán Balogh, Kolozsvári kőfaragó műhelyek XVI. Század (Budapest: A Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Művészettörténeti Kutató Csoportja, 1985), 299–302, figs. 265–66, 271.

55

Gustav Gündisch, “Der Hermannstädter Bildhauer und Steinmetz Elias Nicolai,” in Gustav Gündisch et al., Studien zur Siebenbürgischen Kunstgeschichte (Bukarest: Kriterion, 1976), passim; Ioan Albu, “Vixi Dum Volui: An Unknown Work of the Sculptor Elias Nicolai—the Funerary Plate of Pastor Thomas Bordannus (†1633),” Brukenthal. Acta Musei 7, no. 2 (2012): 254–55, figs. 12–13.

56

Michał Kurzej, “Budowa i dekoracja krakowskiego kościoła pw. Św. Anny w świetle źródeł archiwalnych,” in Fides—Ars—Scientia. Studia dedykowane pamięci Księdza Kanonika Augustyna Mednisa, eds. Andrzej Betlej and Józef Skrabski (Tarnów: Muzeum Okręgowe, 2008), 295–96; Michał Wardzyński, “Organizacja pracy i praktyka warsztatowa w kamieniołomach dębnickich od 2 ćw. XVII do pocz. XVIII w. a ‘długie trwanie’ form późnomanierystycznych i wczesnobarokowych,” in Studia nad sztuką renesansu i baroku, eds. Irena Rolska-Boruch and Krzysztof Gombin (Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2012), 2: 354, note 77.

57

Frits Scholten, “De Nederlandse handel in Italians marmer in de 17de eeuw,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisk Jaarboek 44 (1993): 197–214.

58

Geneviève Bresc-Bautier, “L’importation du marbre de Carrare à la cour de Louis XIV. Rivalités des marchands et échecs des compagnies,” in Marbres de Rois, ed. Pascal Julien (Aix-en-Province: Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2013), 123–50; Franchini-Guelfi, “Les marbres génois entrepreneurs et marchands,” 165–82.

59

Leonore Pühringer-Zwanowetz, Matthias Steinl (Wien-München: Herold Verlag, 1966), 42–56, 62–63, 207–11, figs. 70–72, 74–95, 178–83; Sabine Haag, “>> … Das artigste … alss Ich mein Tage wass gesehen habe … << Elfenbeinkunst im kaiserlichen Wien der Barockzeit,” in Elfenbein: Barocke Pracht am Wiener Hof, eds. Maraike Bückling and Sabine Haag, Liebieghaus Skulpturensammlung, Frankfurt am Main, 3. Februar bis 26. Juni 2011, Eine Ausstellung der Liebieghaus Skulpturensammlung in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Kunsthistorischen Museum Wien (München: Imhof, 2011), 15–34.

60

Koller, Die Brüder Strudel, 75–78, figs. 39–41, 76–86, 169–210, 298–331; Manfred Koller, “Strudeliana—Neues zum Werk von Peter und Paul Strudel,” Barockberichte 55/56 (2010): 567–69, figs. 14–18.

61

Alfred Stix, Balthasar Permoser: Die Apotheose des Prinzen Eugen (Berlin: Mann, 1946), passim; Sigfried Asche, “Bemerkungen zu Balthasar Permoser,” in Jörg Rassmussen, Barockplastik in Norddeutschland (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1977), 194–95.

62

Frits Schloten, Sumptuous Memories: Studies in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Tomb Sculpture (Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 2003), 46–51, figs. 40–41.

63

Matej Klemenčič, “Scultori veneti nel Settecento a Lubiana,” in Arte, storia, cultura e musica in Friuli nell’età del Tiepolo, Atti del convegno internazionale di studi (Udine, 19–20 dicembre 1996), eds. Catherina Furlan et al. (Udine: Forum, 1998), 107–15; “Scultura barocca in Istria tra Venezia, Gorizia, Lubiana e Fiume,” Saggi e memorie di storia dell’arte 30 (2006–8): 251–88.

64

Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz, Der Bildhauer Lorenzo Mattielli. Die Wiener Schaffensperiode 1711–1738. Skulptur als Medium höfischer und sakraler Repräsentation unter Kaiser Karl VI. (Habilitationsschrift Universität Wien, 2003); Konstanze Rudert, Lorenzo Mattielli—ein italienischer Bildhauer am Dresdner Hof,” in Elbflorenz, ed. Barbara Marx (Dresden: Verlag der Kunst, 2002), 203–20; Regina Deckers, “Antonio Corradini als Virtuose der Bildhauerei und seine Rezeption nördlich der Alpen,” Barockberichte 61 (2013): 48–58, abb. 2–3, 6, 8, 12.

65

Luigi A. Ronzoni, “Georg Wilhelm von Kirchner und die Apotheose Kaiser Karls VI. von Georg Raphael Donner,” Barockberichte 31 (2001): 105–6, figs. 2–4; Monika Weber, “Das Standbild Kaiser Karls VI. im Prunksaal der Nationalbibliothek in Wien: ein neuentdecktes Werk des Venezianers Antonio Corradini,” in Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino izd. Umetnostno Zgodovinsko Društvo v Ljubljani N.S. 41 (2005): 105, 109–11, 118–23, fig. 4, 6, 13, 15, 17.

66

Manfred Koller, “Lorenzo Mattielli—Beobachtungen zu Material, Technik, Zustand und Restaurierung seiner Skulpturen im Wiener Raum,” Barockberichte 61 (2013): 32–35, abb. 2–4; Schemper-Sparholz, “Salzburger Marmor und Zogelsdorfer Kalksandstein,” 643–50, fig. 1, 4, 7, 9–10.

67

Koller, “Lorenzo Mattielli—Beobachtungen zu Material,” 35–37, abb. 10–19.

68

Michał Wardzyński, “Lorenzo Mattiellis stilistische Auswirkung auf die Tätigkeit von Johann Albrecht Siegwitz und Franz Joseph Mangoldt in Schlesien und Polen,” Barockberichte 61 (2013): 108–9, 113, figs. 1–2, 5, 11, 15.

69

Gisela M.A. Richter, “Kleinkunst in Blei von Raphael Donner: Entwürfe und Kabinettstücke,” Weltkunst 54 (1984): 979–81; Maria Pötzl-Maliková, “Zu Leben und Werk von Georg Raphael Donner,” in Georg Raphael Donner 1693–1741, Unteres Belvedere 2. Juni bis 30. September 1993, Österreichische Galerie Wien (Wien: Österreichische Galerie, 1993), 49, 55, 74, figs. 24–27, 33–34; Ingeborg Schemper-Sparholz, “Georg Raphael Donner und seine Rezeption an der ‘Kaiserl. Freyen Hof-Academie der Mahlerey/Bildhauerey/und Bau-Kunst’ im 18. Jahrhundert in Wien,” in Georg Raphael Donner 1693–1741, Unteres Belvedere 2. Juni bis 30. September 1993, Österreichische Galerie Wien (Wien: Österreichische Galerie, 1993), 142, 144, 149, 152, figs. 68–73; Luigi A. Ronzoni, “Jacob Gabriel de Mollinarolo detto Müler Polycletes Austriacus,” in Georg Raphael Donner 1693–1741, Unteres Belvedere 2. Juni bis 30. September 1993, Österreichische Galerie Wien (Wien: Österreichische Galerie, 1993), 168–69, 172, figs. 81–82, 88–91.

70

Köll, Laaser Marmor, 48–73, 100–3.

71

Tomić, “La sculpture en Dalmatie,” 527–41; Milan Pelc, Povijest umjetnosti u Hrvatskoj (Zagreb: Naklada Ljevak, 2012), 319–20, 323–24.

72

Radoslav Tomić, “Novi doprinosi o oltarima i skulpturi 18. stoljeća u Dalmaciji,” in Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 38 (1999/2000): passim; Tomić, “La sculpture en Dalmatie,” 529–31, 536–37.

73

Wanja Wedekind, “Scagliola: Auf die Spuren zu möglichen Ursprüngen und Verbreitungen einer europäischen Kunsttechnik,” in Stuck des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts: Geschichte—Technik—Erhaltung. Internationale Fachtagung des Deutschen Nationalkomitees von ICOMOS in Zusammenarbeit mit der Bayerischen Verwaltung der Staatlichen Schlösser, Gärten und Seen, Würzburg 4.–6. Dezember 2008, ed. Jürgen Purschke (Berlin: ICOMOS, Nationalkomitee der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 2010), 213–21; Mariusz Karpowicz, Artisti ticinesi in Polonia nella prima metà del ‘700 (Bellinzona: Stato del Cantone del Ticino, 1999), 25–29, figs. 2–11.

74

Diemer, Kaiser Maximilians Kenotaph, 46–55; Wardzyński, Marmur i alabaster, 231, fig. 203, 236–39, 616.

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