The end of the cold war did not begin an era of world peace. The forces of marginalization, civil war, and genocide have uprooted whole societies in Africa, the Balkans and the Caucasus. In fact, the end of superpower competition means that the world now lacks external actors powerful enough to intervene successfully in local conflicts. The early 1990s saw the beginning of a search for possibilities for conflict prevention. This work is one of the first to set the analysis of early warning and conflict prevention firmly in the context of the changes and continuities in the structures of post-Cold War politics.
Early Warning and Conflict Prevention proceeds from the position that sufficient early warning could enable governments and international organizations to intervene at an early stage, rather than waiting until disputes erupt into violence. It analyses the theoretical and practical complexities of timely warning and effective response in conflict resolution. It also investigates the extent to which conflict prevention has become a concrete element in the policies of governments, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations.
The result of an international symposium on early warning and conflict prevention in November 1996, this work examines this significant issue in international relations within the unique political framework of post-Cold War developments, making it an important resource for academics, policymakers, government officials, and others interested in the present and future state of conflict resolution.
This is the first book to focus on media and conflict - primarily international conflict - from multidisciplinary, cross-national and cross-cultural perspectives. Twenty-two contributors from around the globe present original and thought provoking research on media and conflict in the United States, Central America, Europe, the Middle East, Africa, Russia, and Asia.
Media and Conflict includes works both on the traditional print and electronic media and on new media including the Internet. It explores the role media play in different phases of conflict determined by goal and structure including conflict management, conflict resolution, and conflict transformation.
Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.
This book is based on a meeting, held in Geneva from 27 February to 1 March 1995, which challenged the fundamental conceptions behind the original United Nations by launching an entirely new Charter, written by Maurice Bertrand, for a worldwide organization which could replace the UN, the Bretton Woods organizations and the specialised agencies.
The `Bertrand Proposal', the written commentaries which emphasize different aspects of the proposal, and a summary of the discussions are published in this book. The `Bertrand Proposal' is a major contribution to future research and analysis of international organization and organizations and to the attempts to resolve the present crisis of the international system. The book concludes that since the type of threats against peace, economic security and social development have changed, and the international community has not formulated an adequate response, it is up to a worldwide organization to try to organize the prevention of crises and conflicts.
This work brings together the papers presented at a conference on `New Dimensions of Peacekeeping' which was convened at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva in March 1994. The papers address the new role of peacekeeping (including peacekeeping and peace enforcement) which is now emerging and also places an emphasis upon the role of the `newcomers' in peacekeeping, specifically Japan and Germany. The collection of papers, by many distinguished scholars in the field, actively discusses both the strengths and weaknesses of the United Nations peacekeeping efforts in meeting the increasing demands placed upon it due to the enormous upsurge in ethnic, religious and other local conflicts.
`The 1990s have seen wide swings in public opinion towards United Nations Peacekeeping. The euphoria and high expectations regarding what the United Nations can deliver have been replaced by the rude shocks and deflated assessments of its capacity to successfully cope with conflicts. In this context, it would be highly desirable that a judicious balance be struck in the evaluation of United Nations peacekeeping activities, which takes fully into account the great potential they have for contributing to international peace and security and to the reduction of human suffering. At the same time, such a review should include a candid discussion regarding the weaknesses and shortcomings of peacekeeping activities.
' (Excerpt from the Introduction by
Yasushi Akashi,Chiefof Mission of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) inthe former Yugoslavia)
This edition of the
Yearbook on Human Rights in Developing Countries contains contributions on the role of the right to development in the development assistance policies of Norway and of the European Union. These thematic studies will help to provide a better perspective on the place of the right to development, a human right which was recognised by the General Assembly of the United Nations back in 1986. The Yearbook also contains seven country reports, which assess human rights trends in countries in the South, covering civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural rights during the period 1993-1995. The reports follow a common structure to allow for comparisons among countries.
The present volume contains reports on Bhutan, Egypt, El Salvador, Ethiopia, India, Mexico and Uganda.
Yearbook on Human Rights in Developing Countries is a joint project of the Chr. Michelsen Institute, Bergen; the Danish Centre of Human Rights, Copenhagen; the Norwegian Institute of Human Rights, Oslo; the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Lund; the Ludwig Boltzmann Institute of Human Rights (BIM), Vienna; and the Netherlands Institute of Human Rights (SIM), Utrecht.
The US administration’s pursuit of the Al-Qaeda organisation and Taliban régime in Afghanistan, responsible for the September 11, 2001 international terrorist attacks, was supported by an international “coalition of the willing” and backed by the full legal authority of UN Security Council Resolutions. The US bid to follow this successful multilateral initiative with similar armed intervention against Saddam Hussein’s government failed to rally support in the Security Council. The US then proceeded to act unilaterally, and with British military support, to invade Iraq.
The problems for contemporary international law and the UN Charter based World Order system posed by the conflicts within the Security Council and the assorted legal claims advanced, such as a revived doctrine of Humanitarian Intervention;
régime change as a justification for intervention; Preemptive military strikes as an exercise in Self-defence; and Multilateralism versus Unilateralism in the exercise of the Peace and Security powers under the UN Charter, are canvassed in the present collection of legal opinions.
This volume is the up-to-date English version of the fifth Italian edition of a textbook on the United Nations which was first published in 1971 by CEDAM (Padua).
The book aims to provide a comprehensive legal analysis of problems concerning membership, the structure of U.N. organisations, their functions and their acts taking into consideration the text of the Charter, its historical origins, and, particularly, the practice of the organisations. Developments in United Nations practice subsequent to 1971 have obviously been taken into account. As a general working criterion, the more recent practice has been added to the pre-existing one, rather than substituting it, even when past practice may appear to be obsolete. Indeed one of the aims of the book is to trace the `story' of the United Nations from its birth precisely through an analysis of the practice. Moreover, since the Charter has never undergone any substantive modifications, one cannot exclude that what may appear to be old and obsolete today could become of current interest in the future. For this reason the examination of former practice will sooner or later become useful to anyone seeking to interpret the Charter.
For instance, in 1975 the United States proposed the admission of the two Vietnams, which were separate countries at that time, and of the two Koreas, under the `package' technique. Thus the well-known 1948 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the `package' proposed by the Soviet Union for collective admission in the 40s and 50s again became timely, despite its having appeared obsolete.
This legal analysis which is free of dogmatism and firmly linked to practice describes the role played by the United Nations in the past and at present better than many lengthy and inconclusive political or sociological studies. The book is very much focused on the Charter as it stands while it only marginally deals with reforms that might be introduced, such as those concerning the structure of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Indeed, it is difficult to foresee radical reforms, giving the UN an entirely new shape. This is particularly true with regard to endowing the Organisation with the force and efficacy that would be needed for the maintenance of peace and security. Recent events have clearly shown how unfeasible such an endowment would be.
The International IDEA Handbook on Democracy Assessment is a robust and sensitive guide to assessing the quality of democracy and human rights in any country around the world. The
Handbook introduces an easy-to-use and universal methodology for assessing the condition of democracy in any country, or its progress in democratisation, that has been developed in a three-year action programme at IDEA, the inter-governmental Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance in Sweden.
Handbook provides a means to measure systematically the full range of values, institutions and issues relating to modern democracy that is sensitive to the underlying principles and democracy and the differences between democracies themselves. It is therefore both universal in application and capable of responding to particular aspects of any one nation's democratic arrangements. The animating principle of the
Handbook is that only citizens of a nation themselves are qualified to assess the quality of their own democratic arrangements. Thus, it provides a self-help guide, which gives academics, lawyers, political practitioners, journalists and interested citizens the tools to assess the state of their democracy, or any key aspects of their democracy.
Handbook is above all a practical working document that draws on the actual experience of assessing democracy in different countries, comparative knowledge and research, and democratic principles and practice. It gives a
step-by-step guide to the purposes and methods of democracy assessment; who to involve; how to use the research tools; how to validate the findings; what standards of practice to adopt; and how to present and publicise a finished assessment. It contains extracts from completed assessments, guidance on the use of qualitative and quantitative data, examples of codes of democratic practice and international and regional standards, and a vast list of accessible data sources.
The methodology was created by a team of political scientists assembled from all regions of the world by International IDEA and has been tried and tested in a variety of countries, including Bangladesh, El Salvador, Italy, Kenya, Malawi, New Zealand, Peru, South Korea and the United Kingdom. International organisations like the World Bank and UNECA are adapting it for in-country use. The four main authors and editors have been directly involved from the inception of the project - in developing and refining the methodology and participating in and advising on the nine country studies that form the essential practical core of experience on which this invaluable
Handbook is based.
This book aims at defining a rationale for the continued use of military armed force(s) by states. Central to this publication are the answers to fundamental questions pertaining to the convention of war, as formulated by Martin van Creveld: `to define just who is allowed to kill whom, for what ends, under what circumstances, and by what means'. Above all, the authors take into account developments and trends within the elements of the Clausewitzian trinity supporting the Westphalian nation-state: `The People (or the Society)', `The Government' and 'The Armed Forces (or The Military)'.
The change in the Atlantic-European security environment, and the effects that this will have on the form and content of national and multilateral security strategies and doctrines, form the background to this publication. Moreover, the possible impact of societal changes on West European states, as a consequence of European integration, are analysed and discussed. Finally, the consequences of 'out-of-area' and police-type functions for armed forces in addition to the classical defence role are related to the size and composition of future forces.
First, in Chapters Two (Martin van Creveld) and Three (Jan Geert Siccama), the Clausewitzian dictum, trinitarian theory, and the - absence of - alternative theories of warfare are discussed. Next, Chapters Four (Zeev Maoz) and Five (Jan van der Meulen) deal with societal changes and trends within Western Society at large which affect the future use of armed forces. Chapters Six (Koen Koch) and Seven (Jaap de Wilde) concentrate on the future relevance of the nation-state and the governing bodies in relation to the ongoing process of European political integration and multilateralization of diplomatic interaction. Chapters Eight (Jan Willem Honig), Nine (Kees Homan), and Ten (Robert Bunker) address how present-day changes and trends affect the armed forces. Respectively, the authors address issues relating to military strategy, personnel, and technology. Finally, Chapter Eleven (Gert de Nooy and Rienk Terpstra) provides an overview of topical highlights and tentative conclusions emanating from both the chapters and the discussions held during the workshop held in conjunction with this book.
This book will be of interest to European policy-makers, defence planners, officers-under-training in military and defence academies, and students of international relations, political science and security.
The United Nations is no more than a very modest element in the whole complex body of institutions which form the structure of international relations. It may thus appear surprising that this organization should have been, and can still be, the object of such enthusiasm and such hate - of such admiration and such derision - and that the most contradictory opinions should daily be expressed on what it does, on its operation and its effectiveness, and on the steps which should be taken for its reform.
It is impossible to understand this paradoxical situation without analyzing the interrelationships between ideas about peace - which were false since the beginning of the League of Nations, the manner in which these ideas have come to be embodied in a structure which prevented the institution from becoming a useful instrument of negotiation, and the accelerating rate of political change in the world, all of which make some suggest that the UN is becoming more and more irrelevant.
Today, the UN touches on everything, but does not in any way give a response to the dream of peace which it was supposed to realize.
Through a thorough analysis of the role of the League of Nations and of the UN in the field of security, an evaluation of their rare successes and their numerous failures, and a complete review of the activities of the organisation in the economic and social fields, Maurice Bertrand shows that there is a need today for a radical reform of the whole complex of global organizations.
This work is a translated and updated edition of
L'ONU, published by Editions la Découverte.