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Abstract

Trotz zahlreicher sowie zeitlich und geographisch weit gestreuter Belege in der Umwelt der Hebräischen Bibel ist die Bedeutung des Wortes "Marzeach" noch immer unsicher. Neue Erkenntnisse versprechen jedoch rabbinische Quellen und die Madaba-Karte durch die Gleichsetzung von "Marzeach" mit "Maioumas", einem in hellenisti-scher und byzantinischer Zeit im gesamten Mittelmeerraum verbreiteten Fest. Da dieses Fest als "Maimuna"-Fest unter den marokkanischen Juden bis heute kontinuierlich fort-lebt, läßt sich aus ethnologischen Quellen auf den Charakter des Festes schließen: Wie das Maimuna waren demnach auch Maioumas und Marzeach "karnevalistisch" im Sinne des Literaturwissenschaftlers M. Bachtin und mithin nicht Teil der oziellen, sondern der Volkskultur. In diesem karnevalistischen Rahmen erfuhren beide Feste und die mit ihrer Durchführung betrauten Vereine verschiedene historische Konkretisierungen. Aufgrund der Einbettung in die Volkskultur können die nachweislichen Berührungen mit Thematiken wie Liebe, Fruchtbarkeit, Tod etc. dabei nicht als Belege für einen oziellen Toten- oder Fruchtbarkeitskult angesehen werden.

In: Vetus Testamentum

Abstract

The passage should be understood as “you shall not cook (for eating purposes) a sucking kid”. This is not only the meaning of the passage in the Covenant Code (Exod 23:19) and in the so-called “Privilegrecht” (Exod 34:26), but it was the way as well in which this passage was understood by the authors of Deuteronomy (Deut 14:21). Amos 6:4 seems to contain an early reference to the prohibition of the sucking kid.

In: Vetus Testamentum
In: Studies in the Book of Wisdom
In: The Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology
In: Conservatism and Innovation in the Hebrew Language of the Hellenistic Period
In: Studies in the Book of Ben Sira

Abstract

In the 10th/11th century, Arabic became both the vernacular and literary language of the Samaritan community, along with the two languages of the liturgy: Samaritan Hebrew and Samaritan Aramaic; Samaritan Neo Hebrew was also employed at this time mainly for the composition of religious poems. Together with the introduction of the Arabic language, the Samaritans started to use the Arabic script, along with the Samaritan Hebrew formal and cursive scripts. In comparison with the use of the Arabic script, the Samaritan Hebrew script served mostly for more sacred texts or was employed in order to mark certain textual passages with a higher degree of sacredness. Allography of Arabic in Samaritan Hebrew letters is attested in Samaritan manuscripts since the beginning of the 13th century, although it was introduced most probably at an earlier date. This allography is employed mainly for the Arabic translation of the Samaritan Torah, for the Arabic translations of prayers, and for Samaritan Hebrew or Samaritan Aramaic quotes in Arabic texts. The replacement of Arabic by Modern Israeli Hebrew as the primary vernacular among the Samaritans living in the State of Israel led to a revival of Samaritan Hebrew allography for Arabic texts in the 20th century, mainly in festival poems in Arabic language, which are performed at certain occasions, although not all congregants are still familiar with the Arabic language and script. A close analysis demonstrates that Samaritan Hebrew allography of Arabic is the result of an intense contact between two scribal cultures, both of which were well established amongst the Samaritans. The allographic use of the Samaritan Hebrew script for writing Arabic texts originally did not aim to make these texts more accessible to Samaritan readers, but rather was employed to mark Arabic texts as belonging to the realm of the sacred.

In: Intellectual History of the Islamicate World