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Author: Min Zhang

With data from over a thousand regional varieties of Chinese, the paper presents a comprehensive survey of ditransitive constructions in Chinese dialects and their alignment types, focusing in particular on delving in system-internal and external factors correlating with the observed typological distinctions. It starts with questioning the validity of one of Hashimoto’s (1976) well-known parameters for North-South typological classification of Chinese – i.e., the double object construction (DOC) takes the form of V-OR-OT in Northern Chinese and V-OT-OR in Southern Chinese, the latter also known as the ‘Inverted DOC’ (IDOC), – based on the fact that two distinct groups of Southern Chinese, i.e., Min and Southwestern Mandarin spoken in Southwestern China, tally unexpectedly with Northern Chinese and only allow the form of V-OR-OT. It is subsequently found that the distinction is strongly correlated with the typology of the generalpurpose verb of giving (the verb ‘to give’). All dialects with DOC possess an underived ditransitive verb ‘to give’, whereas those with IDOC in general lack such as verb, using instead the combination of a monotransitive handling verb and an allative preposition, i.e., the dative construction in the form of ‘take OT to OR’, to express the ‘give’-type ditransitive event. This finding naturally leads to the following conclusions: (1) it is the loss of the verb ‘to give’ that triggers the loss of DOC in the latter group of dialects, which consequently renders the dative construction as the only ‘give’-type ditransitive construction in such dialects; (2) the IDOC is in nature an indirective construction (dative construction) with merely the dative marker left out, and the driving force of the omission is nothing but a high usage frequency of the indirective construction.

It is further observed that the English-like dative alternation between the DOC and the dative construction existing in Chinese for thousands of years since Archaic Chinese is only preserved in a small fraction of its modern varieties. The majority of Chinese dialects have undergone a typological shift from the mixed type to either the DOC-type (predominantly Northern Chinese) or the indirectivetype (predominantly Southern Chinese), motivated by the systerm-external factor (Altaization of Northern Chinese in the former case) and the systerm-internal factor (loss of the verb ‘to give’ in the latter case) respectively

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics
Author: Huiying Zhang

This paper notes some sound change phenomena of combination, loss and transformation, such as “哪樣” ɦna242 ɦiã313 becoming “哪樣” ɦnã242, “弗曉得” fəʔ5 ɕiɔ424 teʔ5 becoming “弗得” fəʔ5teʔ5, etc.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics
Authors: Huan Tao and Ye Zhang

This article analyzes the permeation from the dominant dialect, Mandarin, to the Shanghai urban dialect, based on the change of xiyin syllables having the Cong initial. Combining random sampling and anonymous observation methods we investigated variations in consecutive age groups of speakers. Statistical analyses reveal that the Shanghai urban dialect is moving toward Mandarin. Under the pressure of the dominant dialect the change is in progress at the population, pragmatic, and lexical levels. These changes are explained within the framework of current theories of language change.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

This paper centers on tonal representation of Chinese Wenzhou dialect. Tonal behaviors in Wenzhou indicate that tone is on an independent tier to the segment. Also, because of the complex of register and contour, Chinese tones have been represented with a structure of two dimensions, i.e. register and contour. However, these representations present an insolvable dilemma when analyzing the tonal behavior of Wenzhou dialect. Noticing that tone sandhi in Wenzhou is totally blind to register, we will propose that register is not an underlying feature for Wenzhou tone. We will further suggest that it is the initial consonant that carries the feature of register. This paper will conclude that the tonal representation of Wenzhou dialect has only one level, the tonal contour is formed by concatenation of level tones, and initial consonants carry the burden of meaning distinction that “tonal register” is supposed to carry.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics
Author: Zhang Ying

Compared with prototypical universal quantifiers in other languages of the world, dou in Mandarin Chinese presents more complicated semantic behaviors. One of the most disputed issues is what are the relations between dou expressing “universal quantification” (uq) and dou expressing “scalar trigger” (sca). First-hand data that comes from 40 languages demonstrates that Mandarin Chinese is the only language that employs the same form for “universal quantification” and “scalar trigger”. The empirical evidence strongly suggests that uq dou and sca dou are different, and the two functions uq and sca lack universal conceptual correlations. The special polysemous behavior of Mandarin dou, is proved to come from two language-specific reanalysis processes in dou’s diachronic development which also supports the two-dou claim. The study thus instantiates how a cross-linguistic perspective provides insights to explain long-standing language-particular issues. Besides, it is also argued that the cross-linguistic approach is promising in predicting if a future research is on a right track as it can steer us through overgeneralization and undergeneralization.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics
Author: Hang Zhang
Tones are the most challenging aspect of learning Chinese pronunciation for adult learners and traditional research mostly attributes tonal errors to interference from learners’ native languages. In Second Language Acquisition of Mandarin Chinese Tones, Hang Zhang offers a series of cross-linguistic studies to argue that there are factors influencing tone acquisition that extend beyond the transfer of structures from learners’ first languages, and beyond characteristics extracted from Chinese. These factors include universal phonetic and phonological constraints as well as pedagogical issues. By examining non-native Chinese tone productions made by speakers of non-tonal languages (English, Japanese, and Korean), this book brings together theory and practice and uses the theoretical insights to provide concrete suggestions for teachers and learners of Chinese.
Author: Min Zhang

This paper presents a revised version of the semantic map for oblique roles originally proposed by for instrumental and related functions and expanded by M. Zhang (M. Zhang 2008a, 2010) to accommodate more roles, particularly the Chinese-specific oblique role generally known among Chinese linguists as chùzhìshì shòushì 處置式受事 “pretransitive/disposal patient.” My purpose is twofold: (1) to demonstrate the usefulness of a “bottom-up” approach to the semantic map model as an innovative tool for the study of comparative Chinese dialectal and diachronic grammar; and (2) to discuss particular issues pertaining to the construction and revision of the oblique-role map, and to illustrate how such a map can contribute to our understanding of the typology and diachrony of oblique markers across regional varieties of Chinese.

為確定漢語特有的「處置式受事」角色的類型學地位,筆者(張敏2008–2010)曾將  Haspelmath()提出的工具語及相關功能語義地圖擴充為一個初步的間接題元語義地圖。本文對該圖作出進一步修訂,旨在(1)為漢語方言比較語法和歷史語法學界推介一種簡便易行的「自下而上」的語義地圖建構方法,(2)探討間接題元語義地圖建構及修訂中遇到的一些疑難問題,並說明該圖在漢語方言間接題元標記的共時及歷時研究中的作用。(This article is in English.)

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics