Beijing Tianyi Nursing Home is a private non-profit nursing organization invested and sponsored by Catholic Patriotic Association with the ideal of rehabilitating the seniors. Tianyi Nursing Home is a typical religious social enterprise characterized by its background of Catholic faith, its purpose of social welfare, and its pursuit of sustainable development and balance of payments. Through field observations and in-depth interviews, the author studies the case of Tianyi Nursing Home, explores its different stages of historical development, reviews its successful experiences, strengths and deficits, and thus develops some knowledge about the growth process, operational mode and rules of religious social enterprises, and provides a reference for theoretical study and actual operation of religious social enterprises in mainland China.
Villagers’ autonomy has been an important focus of Chinese studies on village governance and examining how villagers gain autonomy is critical to the addressing of villages’ problems. Based on the Wukan case, this paper examines why the villagers demanded democratic elections and how they acquire self-governance to run the village together through the efforts to express their collective interests. Focusing on the mobilization path, this paper argues that the process leading to self-governance involves the mobilization of organizational resources such as village elites and organizational structure as well as the “emotional resource” of cohesion, i.e. a sense of identity as part of an organization. Furthermore, self-governance acquired through mobilization only works when there is a proper organizational framework for its operation, otherwise it will become latent again.
This paper argues that the Wukan Incident reflects the common difficulties faced at the state-society level by contemporary China as the country finds itself experiencing both an important strategic chapter in its development, and a period during which social problems are coming to the fore. As such, the task of developing an understanding of the Wukan Incident offers the chance to draw crucial lessons about China’s future political and economic development. Firstly, the modernization development model, according to which economic growth and development take precedence above all else, has already led to a building up of serious social problems. China’s future development efforts must draw on and put into practice the theories of the Scientific Outlook on Development. Secondly, the demands made by the villagers of Wukan could feasibly become political and economic problems common throughout the whole country. This includes issues such as how state-owned assets and land are dealt with; transparency of public finances; and safeguards for the democratic rights and interests of Chinese citizens. The government must face these difficulties and use reforms to tackle each of them. Should it fail to do so, these issues could spark a serious social crisis or even affect the stability of the political order. Thirdly, the current mechanisms by which the Party and the government respond to the public’s interest-related claims require urgent improvement. Finally, there is no magic pill to solve the political and economic problems faced in China today. Elections are certainly not a magic solution.
After forming the Anti-Japanese national united front, Chinese Communist Party (ccp) hoped to develop mass organizations in “open,” “democratic” and “mass-oriented” ways. The National Liberation Vanguards of China (nlvc) was a typical representative of left-wing mass organizations in kmt-controlled areas. During 1936-1939, nlvc’s life course was a microcosm of ccp’s adjustment in mass work. nlvc faced ordeals between inclusiveness and insistence, testing whether ccp could stick to principles in mass work. This paper conducts a case study centered on the nlvc, to analyze how ccp repositioned mass organizations during the Anti-Japanese War and explore how mass organizations affected the Party’s vitality.
With the globalization of technology and the changes of society, the boundaries between childhood and adulthood have become increasingly blurred. Children’s studies begin to re-examine the modern thinking and the binary opposition in childhood research, and propose that in order to adapt to the diversity and continuous influence of childhood, childhood research must look for and effectively use non-dualistic theoretical analysis resources. On the one hand, “actor-network theory” and “complexity theory” have provided such research with a theoretical basis, transcending the perspective of binary opposition, focusing on the long-term effects of childhood on individual public character and the public participation of children. On the other hand, information media technology and community participation play an important role in the building of contemporary childhood, especially for the vulnerable groups of children to gain the ability of public participation and enter the public sector. Childhood research requires a broad theoretical perspective and an interdisciplinary approach. It also requires attention to the processes and mechanisms of how children’s participation influences the acquisition of individual public character. How to effectively use information technology to promote public participation, expand the existing public space and form an effective connection with practical community participation is the key to realizing a “good society” in the future for children.
NGOs are faced with the dilemma of action logic in participating in poverty alleviation at the grass-roots level: if they do not embed into local areas, they cannot carry out activities; if they embed too deeply, they will be molded in reverse and cannot realize successful exits. So what action logic will NGOs take in the process of poverty alleviation? Through field observation of H organization which participated in the poverty alleviation project of a pig farm in J village, this paper puts forward the action logic of “soft embeddedness” (SE) on the basis of the theory of “embeddedness” and “soft governance.” SE mainly includes three aspects: the soft relationship embeddedness of culture and custom, the soft resources embeddedness of negotiation by many parties and the soft structure embeddedness of rural regulations and folk conventions. Compared with that of “hard embeddedness” (HE) which emphasizes institutionalism and inculcation, the action logic of SE has its own characteristics. It includes the flexibility of interaction, the strategy of participation and the limited responsibility boundary. The SE action logic helps maintain the autonomy of NGOs, promote the accumulation of village social capital and realize the sustainable development of poverty alleviation projects. At the same time, this paper theoretically complements and extends the interaction between the states and the society as well as the action logic of NGOs in China.
In the early twentieth century, approximately eighty-five percent of the Chinese population relied on agriculture for their livelihood. Aiming to improve the well-being of China’s vast rural population, the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) made their own efforts through conducting philanthropy in rural China. The North China Council for Rural Reconstruction (NCCRR), a RF-funded rural philanthropic program composed of six Chinese institutions, was established in Peiping (Beijing) on April 2, 1936. As a nontraditional and experimental program, the NCCRR brought together the leading professors from various disciplines at different universities into intimate contact with philanthropic and educational activities in rural China. Although the program perhaps pointed to the modest ways in which institutions conducted rural philanthropy, the task of reviving China’s countryside was ultimately too heavy for the RF as a foreign private foundation. Due to complicated circumstances far beyond their control, the RF had to terminate its rural reconstruction work in 1944.
Studies on mass protests primarily examine the process, consequences and implications of protests from such angles as resource mobilization, political structure and opportunity, as well as policy frameworks, with little attention paid to the guiding role that related government policy have in dealing with mass protests. This paper analyzes the basic characters of government policies, further explains the basic logic behind their design, and takes the response to the Wukan incident as a typical case for confirmatory analysis. The study find that policy elements such as policy purpose, target groups, policy tools and executive bodies have remarkable underlying assumptions about effectiveness. If some assumptions fail to occur, policy failure is likely to appear. Therefore, in face of varying circumstances, it is recommended that policy design attach importance to elements about social construction, and adopt an open, interactive model which involves protesters in policy design.
This case study examines a local women’s NGO called the “Elderly, Women’s, and Children’s Shelter” in Nanjing. Using dynamic process analysis, the article observes, in a state-dominated system, the origins, action strategies, and challenges of system-induced NGOs (SINGOs). Research shows that SINGOs are organized to meet the needs of local governments; their appearance, furthermore, is directly related to “local state” paternalism. In the practice of mobilizing resources, SINGOs garner most of their resources through strategies like participating in officially organized study tours, fighting for “typical model” status, and integrating and taking advantage of residential community system resources. However, because they inherit “system-induced” qualities and political weaknesses, they are also left with structural flaws and pains.