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  • Author or Editor: Adriana Erthal Abdenur x
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China has become a key player in the development sector in Latin America and the Caribbean (lac), not only due to trade but also because of the growing scope and visibility of its foreign direct investments (fdi). However, Chinese investments in the region are far from homogeneous, not only oscillating over time and space, but also varying across modes of incorporation into lac economies. In the extractive industries, Chinese actors rely on a wide gamut of strategies to open up markets and to help ensure access to oil and minerals. This chapter breaks down the concept of fdi into three umbrella categories—greenfield projects, mergers and acquisitions, and joint ventures—to analyse how Chinese capital enters lac extractive sectors. The chapter argues that, faced with a relatively unfamiliar landscape and new sources of uncertainty, Chinese companies tend to ‘test the water’ through mergers and acquisitions, as well as joint ventures, before delving into greenfield activities like direct mining or drilling. This cautious approach signals a degree of institutional learning on the part of Chinese stakeholders, as well as the desire to avoid charges of neo-colonialism, imposed dependency, and lax adherence to formal regulations.

Open Access
In: Alternative Pathways to Sustainable Development: Lessons from Latin America


This essay proposes the creation of a second edition of the South Commission, with updated discussions featuring not only the central theme of development, but also the topics of climate and environment as part of joint efforts to achieve an overarching diagnosis of key challenges facing humankind – with a focus on the developing world – as well as a roadmap for global governance reform that takes both historical and current demands seriously and that shields, even if partially, key global governance institutions, including the UN system, from global power politics. While building bridges with the North is necessary, without a South-led reform agenda, global governance will remain undemocratic, unjust, and ineffective.

Full Access
In: Diplomatica


Until it began waning due to economic crisis and political turmoil on the domestic front, in Brazil’s rapidly expanding South-South development, cooperation often has been promoted by government officials as contributing to stability and prosperity in partner states. It is unclear, however, how this development cooperation intersects with the country’s involvement in un peace operations. This article examines the role of Brazilian South-South technical cooperation across two contexts. In Haiti, Brazil has led the military component of the minustah, whereas in Guinea-Bissau, it has helped to spearhead peacebuilding efforts by the international community. In both cases, Brazil has tried to substantiate its critique of the un’s securitization by providing technical cooperation across a variety of sectors. The analysis shows that this cooperation is too fragmented, subject to interruptions, and disconnected from un-led efforts to make a considerable contribution to a sustainable peace. However, better internal coordination and stronger ties to un initiatives could boost the contribution of Brazil’s Brazilian South-South development cooperation to a lasting peace.

In: International Negotiation

Over the past decade, Brazilian foreign policy has struggled to balance two principles: respect for national sovereignty and the commitment to promote democracy and human rights both at home and abroad. Understanding how this balancing act affects Brazil’s relations with Africa has become particularly important because Brazilian cooperation with African partners has expanded considerably over the past decade. This article analyzes Brazil’s initiatives in democracy and human rights promotion in the context of Guinea-Bissau. We find that Brazil’s initiatives in this area are channeled through two interconnected venues: multilaterally, especially through the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries and the UN Peacebuilding Commission, and bilaterally, through the official technical development cooperation programs coordinated by the Brazilian Cooperation Agency. We argue that, in the case of Guinea-Bissau, Brazil has worked to maintain institution-building as an essential component of development and security efforts to stabilize the country.

In: Africa Review