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Abstract
The exclusion of women from politics is a historical and worldwide phenomenon. Evidently, the existing records within decision-making organs reveal significant under-representation of women. However, this state of affairs is neither natural nor unchanging. It must be noted that women suffer this political exclusion irrespective of the fact that they are demographically the majority in terms of population worldwide and in most individual countries. Tanzania is not distinct from this worldwide trend. Despite the fact that it is a signatory to several normative frameworks that seek for the inclusion of women in major decision-making organs, the actual situation is still critical. Using the public-private dichotomy, I note that the legal framework, nature of political parties, electoral system and economic position of women are central in explaining the exclusion of women from major decision organs.
Abstract
Does “where to publish” affect academic staff promotion outcome? Using rational choice theory and the University of Dar es Salaam as case study, this article analyses the law and practice associated with academic staff promotion regarding “where to publish”. The article finds that the University has relatively well elaborate and adequate promotion guidelines and institutional frameworks to guide on “where to publish” in line with its vision of becoming a world-class university. Nonetheless, through series of workshops with staff and heads of department as well as interviews with the University management, it was observed that there is still little understanding of “where to publish” among staff although the situation is progressively changing. Some staff prefer predatory journals due to ignorance, frequent failures and lack of confidence to publish in credible journals. Consequently, the annual promotion rate remains low suggesting high rejection of publications by the University due to predatory nature of media of publication and failure by majority staff to publish.
Tanzania has, over the past two decades, made remarkable progress in terms of women’s representation in the parliament. In the women in parliament rankings, Tanzania comes 23rd in the world and the 8th in Africa with 36.6% Members of Parliament. This achievement is largely a result of struggles by the women’s movement in which a transformative feminist organization namely the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNPMtandao) is clearly singled out to have played a leading role. This paper provides a critical assessment of the contribution of TGNPMtandao in promoting women’s representation and participation in decision-making processes in Tanzania. Specifically, it focuses to understand how TGNP’s leadership style contributed change in the rules of the game towards the achievement of gender equality and women’s political empowerment. In order to accomplish this endeavour, this work employed qualitative research so as to gain an in-depth understanding of gender issues in Tanzania’s context. Data were collected mainly through interviews with key stakeholders from parliamentarians and nongovernmental organizations. Moreover, election reports, evaluation reports, gender reports, and legislations were reviewed to provide secondary data.
Abstract
Elections are an integral part of any democracy. They serve as a mechanism for legitimising a political system – its succession of government and leaders – for linking political institutions with voters, and for holding the elected government and leaders accountable to the electorate. Yet, due to the combative nature of competition for political power in high-stake contexts, elections may lead to violence. Usually this happens if key stakeholders anticipate the proceedings will not be free and fair, while those seeking to retain or gain political power show no qualms about resorting to extraordinary measures such as using force in order to win. Sometimes there exist underlying causes of electoral violence such as exclusion, inequality, or a history of ethnic tensions. Zanzibar, a semi-autonomous group of islands off the mainland coast of the United Republic of Tanzania, exhibits such a case whereby almost every one of its general elections has been marred with violence. Today, as the concern escalates over threats of immanent physical combat related to elections in so-called ‘advanced’ democracies, it is illuminating to revisit the drivers of electoral violence in Zanzibar, and to reconsider the efficacy of its early warning mechanisms, since the inception of Zanzibar’s multiparty politics in 1992.
Abstract
In 1997, Tanzania’s National Cultural Policy recommended Kiswahili to be used as the medium of instruction for the entire nation’s public education system. However, since then English language maintains a hegemonic position as the medium of instruction in post-primary education. Arguably, this demonstrates cultural imperialism as a factor in the non-implementation of the cultural policy. We examine whether the global politics of expansionism and domination is causally responsible for the non-adoption of Kiswahili as the medium of instruction by making English a precious product and decisive tool for managing international politics. Political, economic and cultural institutions established by imperial powers have directly and indirectly shaped the language policy and its implementation. Consequently, elites in Tanzania have supported approaches that maintain English as the medium of instruction. Breaking away from the imperial structures that resist the adoption of Kiswahili as medium of instruction is central to any possibility for changing the prevailing situation.