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Abstract

The Suzerain-Vassal System, named as the Tributary System or Tribute System or Patriarchal-Vassal System by other scholars, originated from the Jifu system, namely the districts from the locations around the royal capital to the peripheral areas in a hierarchical and regressive structure during the Pre-Qin Period. This system was based on the cultural and geographic distance between the ruler and the subjects and founded with the Confucian value of “Great Unification,” which means the unity via cultural influence rather than military force and the “Hua-Yi Concept,” which means the difference between the Chinese and regional minorities and the acculturation of the minorities into Chinese civilization in process. The structural transformation and transplantation of the Suzerain-Vassal System reflect the spreading of the China-centric security system to the perimeter in the history of East Asia. Under the guidance of benevolent political culture required for governments and the rule by ritual principles, the international actors within the system had created the structure co-constructing and sharing the security interests with each other. With the long-term extension in East Asia, therefore, the Suzerain-Vassal System played a quite important role in maintaining the East Asian order despite the inequality of its international relations because the international security system constructed by China and the other peripheral countries embodies the value of benevolence, the effort for co-construction and sharing of security interests as well as pacifism.

In: Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume I
Authors: and

Abstract

This chapter argues that the political ideas of Subhas Chandra Bose and Rabindranath Tagore who developed his ideas for pan-Asianism and against nationalism through reading of the ancient Hindu text Upanishads and analysis of the concept of Advaita are not as different as looked on surface. Nor was there huge inconsistence in Bose’s diplomatic thoughts before and after the INA movement, which aimed to promote the independence of India, the unity of Asia as well as the mutual-aid relationship between Asian nations during the Pacific War and which can be traced back to his philosophical dialogue with Tagore in the 1930s. The evolution of such an ancient concept in early twentieth century India sheds light on how traditional culture influenced or justified contemporary foreign policymaking.

In: Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume II
In: Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume II
Author:

Abstract

This article argues that misunderstanding between nations, especially between West and East, is often the source of conflicts. The current study of the Chinese/Asian approach to international relations has been dominated by Western perspectives that have often misrepresented, misinterpreted, or denied the existence and uniqueness of Chinese/Asian values and ways of dealing with international relations. The Western monotheist belief is very much West-centric, characterized by the nature of dualism, perceiving things in terms of a fundamental concept of dichotomy between right and wrong, angels and demons, white and black, leaving little room for competition, compromise, or integration. This approach will lead, and has led, to conflicts and even wars between nations. Yet, most Asian nations, though each has its own culture, tradition, and approach to international relations, share certain norms that are very much non-Western. Eastern wisdom conceives of international relations from a melioristic and genuinely universal perspective and is distinct from the parochial stand of the Westphalian system. For instance, the concept of harmony and the belief in moral force in a close association with unity of the Chinese nation and the world, which has been missed in Western political conceptualizations, has been deeply rooted in the mind of Chinese elites, which could be a supplement or alternative to the Western idea of power politics. Thus, this article advocates for a post-Orientalism approach to the East and an in-depth and thorough study and understanding of Asian culture and its way of handling international affairs to promote East–West communication, collaboration, and harmony.

In: China and Asia
Authors: and

Abstract

During 1920s–1930s, Republican China launched a “New Opium War” under the leadership and supervision of the League of Nations, aiming at solving the opium problem, the historical legacy from the previous opium wars in the 19th century. This “war,” however, is not a military campaign but a nationwide anti-drug movement with a different major target at domestic poppy planting rather than merely at the opium imported into China as before. China was then still in the middle of transforming itself from an imperial empire to a modern nation-state. She was eager to earn international recognition but at the same time was still at the stage of learning and adopting modern diplomatic norms and practices, while confined by its mindset due to its historical experience being invaded by foreign powers and its diplomatic failure at the Paris Peace Conference that led to the May Fourth Movement. Therefore, the Chinese Government was much afraid of being accused by its own people for betrayal of national interests and sovereignty, trying to keep its independence of the League, which led to the distrust between the League and the Chinese Government, the conflict between the International Anti-Opium Association that the League trusts and the National Anti-Opium Association that the Chinese Government trusts, as well as the contention over the extraterritoriality issue. Despite that, however, the work and pressure of the League greatly contributed to the progress of the “New Opium War” in China, until the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War that totally stopped it.

In: Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume I
In: Asian Culture, Diplomacy and Foreign Relations, Volume I
Volume Editor:
Considering the important impact of Asian cultures on international relations, we conducted a multifaceted analysis and authentic summary of the Asian experiences and patterns of dealing with foreign relations from an Asian insider’s perspective, aiming to find out where the diverging or converging diplomatic ways of the West and the East came from and what the positive diplomatic values and practices originated from Asian traditions are.
Focusing on China, volume one thoroughly analyses the nature, political culture and mechanism of the tribute system from ancient time to the modern era within and beyond China. Volume two studies the culture and diplomacy of various individual Asian nations except for China, both in general and in particular cases, with an interdisciplinary approach.

考慮到亞洲文化對國際關係之影響的特殊重要性, 我們從一個亞洲局内人的角度, 對亞洲處理對外關係的經歷和模式進行了多方面的分析和真實可信的總結, 以發現在哪裏東西方的外交方式出現了分歧或聚合, 以及什麽是源於亞洲傳統的具有積極意義之外交價值觀. 卷一集中于中國, 徹底分析了朝貢體系的本質, 政治文化及其從古至近代以及在中國境外的延申和演變.
卷二以跨學科的方式, 探討了除中國以外亞洲各國不同的文化和外交, 既有綜合分析, 也有個案研究.
Volume Editor:
Considering the important impact of Asian cultures on international relations, we conducted a multifaceted analysis and authentic summary of the Asian experiences and patterns of dealing with foreign relations from an Asian insider’s perspective, aiming to find out where the diverging or converging diplomatic ways of the West and the East came from and what the positive diplomatic values and practices originated from Asian traditions are.
Focusing on China, volume one thoroughly analyses the nature, political culture and mechanism of the tribute system from ancient time to the modern era within and beyond China. Volume two studies the culture and diplomacy of various individual Asian nations except for China, both in general and in particular cases, with an interdisciplinary approach.

考慮到亞洲文化對國際關係之影響的特殊重要性, 我們從一個亞洲局内人的角度, 對亞洲處理對外關係的經歷和模式進行了多方面的分析和真實可信的總結, 以發現在哪裏東西方的外交方式出現了分歧或聚合, 以及什麽是源於亞洲傳統的具有積極意義之外交價值觀. 卷一集中于中國, 徹底分析了朝貢體系的本質, 政治文化及其從古至近代以及在中國境外的延申和演變.
卷二以跨學科的方式, 探討了除中國以外亞洲各國不同的文化和外交, 既有綜合分析, 也有個案研究.