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This paper argues that the Caland system rests on a Pre-PIE verb-like adjective class, which formed root aorists. The Caland system as we know it came to be when PIE shifted to having a noun-like adjective class, and the Caland roots had to be adapted to the new system via derivation (while the old root aorists were gradually lost). Evidence for root aorists to Caland roots in Vedic is reviewed, and a typologically informed scenario for the shift is proposed. Finally, the paper argues that this scenario clarifies the origin of the *-eh 1- stative in Indo-European (following Jasanoff (2002–2003)’s account), which would have arisen as PIE shifted from verb-like adjectives to nominal adjectives, and came to have a switch adjective system based on aspect.
Abstract
This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.