There is a subtype of concessive clauses (CC s), event related CC s, that shows the classical traits of central adverbial clauses (Haegeman 2010, 2012). Event related CC s share with all other CC types the fact that they convey not at-issue content: they project under operators and can be dismissed. As a result, event-related CCS may never be focused, either informationally or contrastively. I derive this property from the impossibility of building an alternative set and excluding all alternatives but one. Taxonomically, e-related CC s are backgrounded, secondary assertions, since they satisfy the defining traits of neither presuppositions nor CI s.