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By examining the life and thought of self-exiled Chinese intellectuals after 1949 by placing them in the context of the global Cold War, Kenneth Kai-chung Yung argues that Chinese intellectuals living in Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas Chinese communities in the 1950s could not escape from the global anti-utopian Cold War currents. Each of them responded to such currents quite differently. Yung also examines different models of nation-building advocated by the émigré intellectuals and argues in his book that these émigré intellectuals inherited directly the multifaceted Chinese liberal tradition that was well developed in the Republican era (1911–1949). Contrary to existing literature that focus mostly on the New Confucians or the liberals, this study highlights that moderate socialists cannot be ignored as an important group of Chinese émigré intellectuals in the first two decades of the Cold War era. This book will inspire readers who are concerned about the prospects for democracy in contemporary China by painting a picture of the Chinese self-exiles’ experiences in the 1950s and 1960s.
Author:
By examining the life and thought of self-exiled Chinese intellectuals after 1949 by placing them in the context of the global Cold War, Kenneth Kai-chung Yung argues that Chinese intellectuals living in Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas Chinese communities in the 1950s could not escape from the global anti-utopian Cold War currents. Each of them responded to such currents quite differently. Yung also examines different models of nation-building advocated by the émigré intellectuals and argues in his book that these émigré intellectuals inherited directly the multifaceted Chinese liberal tradition that was well developed in the Republican era (1911–1949). Contrary to existing literature that focus mostly on the New Confucians or the liberals, this study highlights that moderate socialists cannot be ignored as an important group of Chinese émigré intellectuals in the first two decades of the Cold War era. This book will inspire readers who are concerned about the prospects for democracy in contemporary China by painting a picture of the Chinese self-exiles’ experiences in the 1950s and 1960s.
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Abstract
The introduction explains the background of this study and its relations to contemporary China. It also sets out the questions to be addressed in this book and summarizes the major findings of the book.
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This chapter explores how the émigré intellectuals perceived the tasks of national salvation and democratization. Many of the intellectuals who fled the Chinese mainland on the eve of Communist takeover followed the Nationalist government to Taiwan, but others decided to go to the British colony of Hong Kong or overseas. This decision directly shaped their responses to the question of how to prioritize the two tasks, so that they each took different approaches. Taiwan-based intellectuals tended to regard the island as a starting point for any worthwhile anti-Communist activities. Those who lived in Hong Kong or overseas preferred straightforward counteroffensives launched by new military forces independent from Taiwan. However, their plans remained almost impossible.
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This chapter analyzes the impact of global Cold War currents on the Chinese émigrés, as the adherents of different schools of thought could hardly avoid encountering this global phenomenon in the 1950s. Their responses were, however, diverse. Many of the liberals yielded to the currents, but others, especially the hardcore moderate socialists, did not.
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This chapter investigates Yin Haiguang’s liberal-scientific model of a democratic China. He was keen to promote democracy and science—two major ideas of the May Fourth Movement—in the 1950s and saw Chinese tradition as an impediment to China’s modernization. It was only in the 1960s, after the collapse of the democratic movement in Taiwan, that he began to seek spiritual contentment from Confucian values and reevaluate them.
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This Chapter presents the thought of Zhang Junmai in the last twenty years of his life. Compared to Yin and Xu, Zhang’s model of Chinese democracy seems to have been more balanced. While Yin leaned towards Western liberal-democratic values, and Xu insisted on the Confucian foundation of Chinese democracy, Zhang was advocating “the unity of virtue and law” (de yu fa zhi heyi
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This chapter focuses on Xu Fuguan’s Confucian model of a democratic China. His model was primarily based upon Confucian values. He particularly put an emphasis on dezhi
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The general conclusion summarizes the entire book and assesses the significance of the three émigrés examined in the book.
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On the eve of the Communist takeover in 1949, a considerable number of Chinese intellectuals were reluctant to live under Communist rule. They began their self-exile and the search for a new home outside China. Many travelled to places on China’s periphery such as Taiwan and Hong Kong. Others continued their journey and finally settled down in Southeast Asia and North America. Sojourning abroad, most of these self-exiled intellectuals still kept a close eye on Chinese politics and society. They were eager to promote their political ideal for a liberal-democratic China in the overseas Chinese communities. However, they were at the same time facing the challenge of assimilation into local society. This article traces the journey of the self-exiles in the 1950s and 1960s from Hong Kong to Southeast Asia and North America. It examines several representative figures and studies their activities in their new place of settlement. It argues that, although the self-exiles largely maintained a strong commitment to the future of their homeland, they varied in their degree of assimilation into their new homes. Age was not a key factor in their decision to adapt to the local community. Instead, the existence of a politically and economically influential Chinese population played a more important role in such a decision. Intellectuals who lived in Hong Kong or Southeast Asia were more willing to adjust their life to the locality, while those who went to North America were less attached to the local society.