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This chapter describes standard and non-standard negation constructions in Nanti, a language of the Kampan branch of the Arawak family, focusing on the interaction between negation and reality status inflection in the language. Nanti exhibits a three-way constructional distinction between affirmative realis clauses, irrealis negated clauses, and ‘doubly irrealis’ clauses, which exhibit two irrealis parameters: negation and a parameter such as future temporal reference or conditional modality. Forms of main clause non-standard negation described include metalinguistic negation, existential negation, and ‘exhaustive’ negation. Negation in clause-linking constructions such as conditional, counterfactual, and purposive constructions is also described. Main clause negation construction types are typologized in terms of the paradigmatic and constructional (a)symmetries they exhibit: interaction between negation and reality status marking entails that standard negation is paradigmatically asymmetric, but this is not the case for metalinguistic negation, which does not affect reality status marking. Similarly, standard negation exhibits an aspectual neutralization symmetry, which metalinguistic negation lacks. Also discussed are reflexes in Nanti of the Proto-Arawak privative prefix *ma-, which are found only frozen as parts of verbal roots, and possibly, as part of the metalinguistic and existential negation particles.

In: Negation in Arawak Languages
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Abstract

This chapter presents a typological and comparative overview of negation in Arawak languages, focusing on standard negation, prohibitive constructions, and reflexes of the Proto-Arawak privative *ma-. This overview draws on the eight language-specific studies in this volume, as well as published sources on 19 other Arawak languages. These languages are typologized in terms of the structural characteristics of their negation systems, and in terms of Miestamo’s (2005) influential notion of paradigmatic and structural (a)symmetries between negated main clauses and their affirmative counterparts. Prohibitive constructions are typologized on the basis of Van de Auwera and Lejeune (2005), which distinguishes constructions based on whether negation is expressed in the same manner as in standard negation constructions, and whether mood is expressed in the same manner as in imperatives. The comparative overview examines reflexes of the Proto-Arawak privative, and suggests that this element originally derived privative stative predicates from nouns, and that it subsequently acquired additional functions, including subordinate negation, stative predicate negation, and in a restricted set of languages, standard negation. Also noted are the similarities between the properties of negation systems in Arawak languages that exhibit negative auxiliaries, and those that exhibit interactions between negation particles and reality status inflection.

In: Negation in Arawak Languages
In: Negation in Arawak Languages
In: Negation in Arawak Languages
In: Negation in Arawak Languages
Negation in Arawak Languages presents detailed descriptions of negation constructions in nine Arawak languages (Apurinã, Garifuna, Kurripako, Lokono, Mojeño Trinitario, Nanti, Paresi, Tariana, and Wauja), as well as an overview of negation in this major language family. Functional-typological in orientation, each descriptive chapter in the volume is based on fieldwork by authors in the communities in which the languages are spoken. Chapters describe standard negation, prohibitives, existential negation, negative indefinites, and free negation, as well as language-specific negation phenomena such as morphological privatives, the interaction of negation with verbal inflectional categories, and negation in clause-linking constructions.

Informed by typological approaches to negation, this volume will be of interest to specialists in Arawak languages, typologists, historical linguists, and theoretical linguists.
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and Cabral and Rodrigues () established that Kokama and Omagua, closely-related indigenous languages spoken in Peruvian and Brazilian Amazonia, emerged as the result of intense language contact between speakers of a Tupí-Guaraní language and speakers of non-Tupí-Guaraní languages. further argued that the language contact which led to the development of Kokama and Omagua transpired in the late 17th and early 18th centuries, in the Jesuit mission settlements located in the provincia de Maynas (corresponding roughly to modern northern Peruvian Amazonia). In this paper I argue that Omagua and Kokama were not the product of colonial-era language contact, but were rather the outcome of language contact in the pre-Columbian period. I show that a close examination of 17th and 18th century missionary chronicles, Jesuit texts written in Omagua and Kokama, and modern data on these languages, make it clear that Omagua and Kokama already existed in a form similar to their modern forms by the time European missionaries arrived in Maynas in the 17th century. Moreover, I show that several key claims regarding ethnic mixing and Jesuit language policy that Cabral adduces in favor of a colonial-era origin for Kokama are not supported by the available historical materials. Ruling out a colonial-era origin for Omagua and Kokama, I conclude that Proto-Omagua-Kokama, the parent language from which Omagua and Kokama derive, was a pre-Columbian contact language.

In: Journal of Language Contact
In: Quantifying Language Dynamics
Authors: and

Under conditions of language contact, a language may gain features from its neighbors that it is unlikely to have gained endogenously. We describe a method for evaluating pairs of languages for potential contact by comparing a null hypothesis, in which a target language obtained all its features by inheritance, with an alternative hypothesis in which the target language obtained its features via inheritance and via contact with a proposed donor language. Under the alternative hypothesis, the donor may influence the target to gain features, but not to lose features. When applied to a database of phonological characters in South American languages, this method proves useful for detecting the effects of relatively mild and recent contact, and for highlighting several potential linguistic areas in South America.

In: Language Dynamics and Change

This paper describes the Core and Periphery technique: a quantitative method for exploring areality that uses a naive Bayes classifier, a statistical tool for inferring class membership based on training sets assembled from members of the classes in question. The Core and Periphery technique is applied to the exploration of phonological areality in the Andes and surrounding lowland regions, based on the South American Phonological Inventory Database (SAPhon 1.1.3; Michael et al., 2013). Evidence is found for a phonological area centering on the Andean highlands, and extending to parts of the northern and central Andean foothills regions, the Chaco, and Patagonia. Evidence is also found for Southern and North-Central phonological sub-areas within this larger phonological area.

In: Language Dynamics and Change