Piracy off the coast of Somalia in the Gulf of Aden in the Indian Ocean region has become a significant non-traditional security challenge to many nations. The increasing number of such attacks as a result of failure of Somali government to tackle its internal problem drew the attention of international community who lent a drastic response thereby curtailing the number of such incidents significantly now. The intensity of the attacks had its implications on international shipping and maritime security of near and distant countries like China, which has of late become assertive. This article aims to analyze the inter-connection between failed states and piracy and the consequent maritime security implications for China. The article adopts qualitative approach using descriptive and analytical methods depending primarily on secondary sources such as published literatures and archival and internet sources. The article concludes that the implications of Somalia piracy to China’s maritime security was so grave that China was compelled to join the international community by taking part in the multinational naval task force to combating piracy signifying a cooperative role and at the same time utilizing the opportunity to come closer to Somalia by way of reopening its embassy and engaging in bilateral economic ties. This article is divided into seven broad sections. Besides the introduction, the second section provides the conceptual note on piracy and maritime security. The third section highlights the methodology while the fourth section discusses the background on Somalia and its failed status while the fifth section brings out a short glimpse of Somalia piracy and its method of operation. The sixth section analyzes the role of China and its maritime security implications and the last section provides the concluding remarks.
China’s trade with Ethiopia currently at 1.3 billion USD annually is expected to rise to US$3 billion by 2015. This not only informs the level of bilateral trade ties that Ethiopia has had with China as compared to any other country in the region but also signifies the highest and the closest level of bilateral relations that Ethiopia has built upwith China over the past decade since the new government under Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took over power in 1991. There have been extensive debates on China’s role in Africa - whether it could be viewed as a constructive partner or otherwise. This essay puts forward the argument that while trade ties as one important channel of bilateral relations that China has embarked with the outside world and particularly with Africa is uneven and lop-sided. This is true of the Ethiopian context as well particularly when we look at the economic capacity, balance of trade and at the two countries relations with international trade regimes. While China is a full member of WTO for over a decade Ethiopia on the other hand has been aspiring to become a member for some time now and hence one of the important aspect of Ethio-China trade relations is the heavy reliance on bilateral/international trade regimes. Therefore, this research is aimed at unraveling the dynamics in Sino-Ethiopia trade relations with emphasis on the economic capacity of the two countries, balance of trade and explore whether Ethiopia’s attempts to join WTO would lead to a more predictable trade relations between the two countries. In this attempt the research would largely rely on the analysis of relevant archival resources and literatures directly relating to the themes in this paper.
The interconnection between foreign policy and human rights is increasingly recognized both at academic and practice levels owing largely to the increasing internationalization and pre-eminence of human rights in global politics. In fact, human rights and democracy promotion have secured a place in foreign policy agendas and has gained significance in conflict resolution and peace work as well. Also, human rights norms and principles are recognized and enshrined in international laws and endorsed in regional treaties and national constitutions and has gained prime importance in international relations. As a result, internal and external dynamics of states have been effectively intertwined. This article analyses Eritrea’s foreign policy dynamics and its implications on human rights particularly in the aftermath of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2001 that concluded a three years border conflict with Ethiopia. This is done by enquiring whether the conflict and failure to implement the Algiers agreement has anything to do with the gross human rights violations that is witnessed in that country. The article proceeds to analyse the issue in a descriptive and analytical manner by using both secondary and primary sources, including treaties, official statements of public bodies, peace accords and un Drafts,1 and it concludes that the ongoing human rights violations is a product of the stalemate with Ethiopia that has provided a mechanism for continued repression and authoritarian rule in the country.