Search Results
Under a formal and functional reconstruction, the form and semantics of Old High German huuanta and Dutch want receive an explanation for the first time. Both conjunctions, together with Latin unde and Tocharian B ente, A äntā(ne), descend from PIE interrogative-relative *k w o-m-d h eh 1 , *k w o-m-d h oh 1 , *k w o-m-d h ah 2 ‘whence, where’, whose semantics may be compositionally analyzed as ablatival-instrumental *k w o-m plus locatival-directional *-d h o(h 1 ), *-d h a(h 2 ). The novel equation of Old High German huuanta, Dutch want with Latin unde and Tocharian B ente, A äntā(ne) sheds light on a number of phonological and syntactic questions, including the merger of PIE *-nd- and *-nd h - in Latin and Tocharian (§ 2.1) and the non-affrication of *-nd- in Tocharian (§ 3.1.2). Another consequence is that a case can be made for clause-initial aphaeresis which triggered the loss of the labiovelar onsets in unde and ente/äntā(ne), thus pointing to the existence of wh-movement and clause-initial wh-words in both Latin and Tocharian (§ 3.1.1).
The present article examines the attenuation and conversion of outer and inner negations under interrogative scope (interrogative negation). Interrogative scope over outer and inner negations triggers network processes at the interface of syntax, semantics and pragmatics, which may in the long run result in the bleaching of their negating function. This explains the crosslinguistically frequent homophony of negations with non-negating particles, conjunctions and complementizers. I discuss four mechanisms, the Asking > Calling-into-Question Implicature (§§ 2, 3), the Asking-for-Confirmation Implicature (§§ 2, 3), the Affirmative-Negative Equivalence under Disjunction (§ 4), and the Litotes Effect (§ 5).
Abstract
This article is a sequel to my contribution entitled “When words coalesce: chunking and morphophonemic extension” in the volume The Indo-European verb (ed. H. Craig Melchert, 2012: 87–104), and intends to document cases of preverb incorporation for Proto-Indo-European (PIE). Although preverbs occurred as free morphemes with finite verbs in PIE, they could also, under conditions to be specified, undergo a change of their morphemic status from free to bound. I discuss a number of such cases and the conditions under which preverbs could undergo destressing, phonologically regular or irregular reduction, and ultimately fuse with following verbal root morphemes.