To explore a new de-colonial option for the global future, this article grapples with three movements of our time: the ‘Open Science’ movement, the 1955 African-Asian conference and the Non-Aligned Movement, and the post-exilic prophetic movement of the Abrahamic religions. It explores an alternative intellectual project which will facilitate new research agendas and publication directions that will simultaneously speaks to the three wider audience of the present-day world: the sciences, the Global South and the Abrahamic religious traditions. My objective is to delineate a theological, geopolitical and anthropological exposition as an ethical anchorage for the present Bandung project to steadily move towards the Open Science era. I will argue for Ezekiel’s prophetic model as a plausible de-colonial option for crafting the transnational open knowledge space.
By attributing recent violent conflicts in Africa to decades of underdevelopment which can be traced back to the colonial times, there is scholarly consent among pan-African scholars that the present African state is a neo-colonial construct and must be democratically reconstituted. In response to the pan-African intellectual-political project, this paper will provide a comparative historical-structural analysis of the post-colonial state formation processes in D. R. Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone. There will be a discussion in the conclusion on the confrontation of the sub-Saharan African states with post-colonial governance imbroglio.
Despite the United States and its allies recently declaring the utter defeat of the terrorist organization Islamic State’s (IS) strongholds in Iraq and Syria, the 2019 Easter suicide bombings in Sri Lanka highlights IS’s successful transformation into a globally networked organization. This paper examines IS’s global-localization strategy by identifying the common patterns in its terrorist attacks in Sri Lanka, Indonesia and the Philippines. Through global-localization, the so-called IS caliphate in the Middle East is able to effectively connect with Muslim communities in the peripheral Global South and command supremacy over them. I will outline IS’s self-transformative strategy by comparing its terror attacks in Sri Lanka, Indonesia and the Philippines. Through historical analysis of post-colonial ethnic conflicts among the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim groups in Sri Lanka, I will generate policy recommendations for the establishment of a pluralistic and inclusive intelligence system as an essential means to prevent further terrorist attacks.
The purpose of this essay is to elaborate on the theory and practice of the discursive analytical approach. In response to the epistemological and ontological challenges raised by the PPSJ 2002 forum on Orientalism and Philippine political studies, the discursive analytical approach aims to address power asymmetry in modern knowledge production, between the representing and represented. By examining the theories and practices of representation in positivism, interpretivism, structuralism and postmodernism, this essay argues for a post-Orientalist theory and practice which investigates claims of power/knowledge of state subjects. Drawing from selected fieldwork snapshots in the Cagayan Valley, a discursive analytical approach attempts to articulate the inarticulate as, in Gramsci’s term, intellectuals. It aims to encourage continuous dialogue between the representing and represented. By seeing every individual as an agent of social change, it aims to encourage collaborative engagement, which renders the future of the Philippine state open to change. By continuously engaging with the state subjects serendipitously, the researcher may also serve as a venue for diverse actors to address their concerns of the Philippine state.
As a cross-disciplinary journal in the humanities and social sciences,
Bandung: Journal of the Global South aims at providing an academic and policy platform for scholars and practitioners to develop new theoretical perspectives, share revealing findings, and exchange views. These should be grounded on the complex postcolonial landscapes of African, Asian, and Latin American peoples, for identifying their own ways and strategies of development and decolonization. Alternative paradigms, worldviews, ontologies, and epistemologies as well as praxis are encouraged to develop context-sensitive debates pertinent to African, Asian, and Latin American intellectual traditions and empirical, cultural, and theoretical realities.
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In 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterize u.s. containment and China’s counter-containment strategies through the lens of Suntzu’s Art of War.
This paper aims to conceptualize a framework for better understanding the challenges, actions and rationales of the African and Asian small powers in the post-1989 global order. The paper will be divided into three parts. First, it will review the literature on small power/state studies. Second, following a critique of the major approaches in small power studies, we will argue for the need for a critical realist perspective to better capture the relationships between domestic politics and foreign relations of the small power in Africa and Asia. Third, against the comparative trajectories in which the u.s. has attained global hegemony after 1991 and China has gradually become a great power after 2000, in light of the recent u.s. containment policy shift towards China which has stirred up versatile dynamics of East Asian small power politics, in favor of a global multi-polarity, we will highlight the foundation of our approach for building the strong small powers in terms of two main aspects of economic nationalism: resource-focused and sovereignty-asserting.