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Norman (1980) proposed a complete proto-Min final system for the collquial strata of Min Languages. Based on Norman’s system, I review the fianls about the Shan She unroubed cognates and suggest some modification. In this paper, I increase the materail of Min languages and reconstruct the proto forms of daughter languages of Min by used the comparative method strictly. I also indicate the differnent strata of the collquial strata in proto-Min fianls. Form the viewpoint of historical linguistics, Proto-Min finals of Shan She unrouded cognates include two strata: one is from Chin-Han period and the other Six Dynasity period. The obvious characteristic of Chin-Han Stratum of proto-Min is that Shan She unrouded Grade II and IV was merged and undergone a particular sound change: metathesis. The characteristic of Six Dynasity stratum is that either Shan She unrouded Garde III or IV have a medial constituent and the vowel contrast between Garde III and IV is preserved which is the phonological characteristic of Jiang Dong dialect of Six Dynasity period.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

According to Qièyùn, Tán (覃) and Tán (談) are two distinct rhymes, i.e. double rhyme, in Xián Shè Grade I. From the historical Chinese phonology perspective, the Northern people who spoke the Northern dialect started merging Tán / Tán distinction at early Tang Dynasty but, relatively, the Southern people retained it. In other words, Tán / Tán distinction is an important phonological feature to divide the early Chinese dialects into Northern group and Southern group. Recent researches shows that Tán / Tán distinction still obtain in modern Chinese dialects, such as Wú, Mĭn and Gàn dialects. However, the question ‘if Tán / Tán distinction obtains in modern Xiang dialect’ is under debate until now. This article would like to examine 12 modern Xiang dialects and explore the phenomena and phonological contrast in Xiang dialects. Furthermore, this article also tried to reconstruction the proto forms for Tán / Tán rhymes. This article not only focused on the phonological contrast provided by Qièyùn framework but also noticed the colloquial lexicons, which retained the early distinction. The main conclusions are as follows:

  1. 1. From the viewpoint of phonological contrast, only one kind of Xiang dialect subcategories, i.e. Lóu-Shào Piàn, obtains Tán / Tán distinction. The distinction has been dropped in Cháng Yì Piàn and Xù Pŭ Piàn.
  2. 2. From the viewpoint of colloquial lexicon, there are still four lexicons with Tán / Tán distinction. Those lexicons are distributed in modern Xiang dialects more or less. 3. From the viewpoint of historical linguistics, the Tán (覃) rhyme after velar initials could be reconstructed as *-oN and *-oʔ and the Tán (談) rhyme as *ɑN and *ɑʔ after the same initial environment. It shows that Tán / Tán distinction is partially remained in Xiang dialects. The main vowel *-o in *oN and *-oɁ finals tends to vowel breaking and so the reflections of *oN and *oʔ in modern Xiang dialects include -uẽ, -uɛ̃, -ua and -ue etc.

Open Access
In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

According to this author’s fieldwork in Pei Pi Village(北壁鄉),Xia Pu County(霞浦縣),a very interesting finding is that unlike most Chinese dialects, the cognate 飯‘puŋ6’ is not used to mean “steamed rice” but to mean “breakfast”. The word to indicate “steamed rice” is a rare disyllable “maŋ2 nau5” among Eastern Min dialects. This phenomenon is worthy to be looked into by increasing review of dialect materials and expanding the comparative scope.

Through correspondence with ancient Chinese phonological system, this paper aims to demonstrate that the etyma of the disyllable “maŋ2 nau5” are 暝 and 晝 respectively. The compound “maŋ2 nau5” consisted of two elements: the former (which indicates “dinner”) is “maŋ2”, and the latter “nau5” denoted “lunch.” It is obvious that the lexical replacement occurred in Xia Pu dialect. From the lexical shift point of view, the innovation of the replacement is induced by the semantic confusion between “puŋ6”[飯] and “tsa3”[早]. The process of the replacement could be reconstructed as follows:

Further, the etymon of “steamed rice” in several north Eastern Min dialects seems not to be explained reasonably until now, for instance, Fu An “maŋ5”, Zhe Reng “maŋ5”, Shou Ning “maŋ5”, Zhou Ning “maŋ5”. The disyllable “maŋ2 nau5” in Xia Pu may bring the puzzle into light. In view of historical comparison, I have every reason to speculate that “maŋ5” in north Eastern Min dialects could be traced back to the primitive form “maŋ2 nau5”. The phonological strategy is syllable contraction.

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

This paper analyses the different phonological strata of first division unrounded finals of the Xiè Rhyme Group (蟹攝),specifically the Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme, in the finals system of proto-Min and explores the distinction between double rhymes in old Jiangdong dialects. Norman (1981) reconstructed five finals for Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme. They are:

*əi for Xai 菜

*oi for Xai 袋

*ɑi for Tài 帶

*uəi for Xai 改

*yəi for Xai 開

According to Norman’s reconstruction, there are four finals for the Xai rhyme but there is only one final for the Tài rhyme. Therefore, some issues need to be clarified. To begin with, what is the time sequence of those four forms of Xai? Additionally, three forms are reconstructed by one cognate in proto-Min. It is highly doubtful to regard those forms as a single stratum individually. Furthermore, the double rhymes, Xai and Tài, could be distinct in the Qieyun system but merged in most modern Chinese dialects. However, some southern dialects retain the distinction (refer to Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004 and Wu 2005). How is the distinction of double rhymes expressed in proto-Min? It is worth examining those questions in depth.

The methodology of this paper is the comparative method. We would like to expand Min dialectal material and find more reliable cognates to reexamine Norman’s finals of Xai and Tài. From the perspective of historical development, proto-Min has several different phonological strata. After thoughtful and cautious analysis, those strata could be an important reference for the reconstruction of both Middle Chinese and Old Chinese. An important aim of this paper is to reconstruct the Jiangdong dialect, a southern Chinese dialect used in the Six Dynasties period, using proto-Min and related common dialect systems.

In conclusion: 1. both Xai and Tài could be reconstructed as two forms in the finals system of Proto-Min. In brief, *-əi and *-oi are for Xai; *-ɑi and *-ai are for Tài. 2. from a diachronic development viewpoint,the pattern *-oi: *-ai reveals the distinction of Xai and Tài, i.e. double rhyme, in the Six Dynasties Jiangdong dialect. 3. Relatedly, the pattern *-əi: *-ɑi could be traced to differences between the Zhi group (之部) and Jì group (祭部) in Old Chinese.

Open Access
In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics
Authors: , , and

In this paper we estimate relative consumer price levels as of 2008 for 36 major Chinese cities, using an innovative method purposely designed to rectify three main defects of the existing literature, which are (1) the under-representation of marketized services in the sample data, (2) biased consumption weights, and (3) a mismatch between sample classification and consumption weights. Our estimation results show the “subnational Penn effect” as defined by Tang (2012), i.e., strong inter-city correlations among population size, the relative price level, per capita nominal and real income, and human capital stock, thereby showing that the theoretical model of inter-city price dispersion proposed by Tang (2012) is applicable in China. Our conclusion, methodology, and estimation results have important implications for various aspects of the Chinese economy including the regional, urban and real-estate economies.

In: Frontiers of Economics in China


本文從歷史語法的角度,探討「乞」在現代閩語方言中的演變,說明「乞」在閩語中具有的功能,包括實詞語義及功能詞用法,並嘗試從方言比較的角度建構「乞」在閩語語法史上的語法演變。根據漢語歷史文獻,「乞」有乞求義跟給予義兩個方向不同的動詞用法,並透過四聲別義的手段來區別。從現代閩語方言看來,閩東方言及局部閩南方言使用「乞」作為被動標記。本文結合早期閩語書面材料及實際調查所得的語料,探究「乞」在閩語中的音韻、詞彙及語法演變。本文的結論如下:1. 音韻方面,「乞」在共同閩語中的語音形式為*kʰɨt7,只有入聲而沒有去聲。2. 詞彙方面,閩語的「乞」同時存在乞求義與給予義兩種實詞用法。3. 就語法演變而言,閩語被動標記「乞」的虛化途徑是:給予義→容讓義→被動標記。

In: Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics

Restriction maps of rDNA repeats of five species of Colobinae and three out-group taxa, Hylobates leucogenys, Macaca mulatta, and Macaca irus, were constructed using 15 restriction endonucleases and cloned 18S and 28S rRNA gene probes. The site variation between Rhinopithecus roxellana and Rhinopithecus bieti is comparable to that between Preshytis françoisi and Preshytis phayrei, implying that R. bieti is a valid species rather than a subspecies of R. roxellana. Phylogenetic analysis on the 47 informative sites supports the case for Rhinopithecus being an independent genus and closely related to Preshytis. Furthermore, branch lengths of the tree seem to support the hypothesis that the leaf monkeys share some ancestral traits as well as some automorphic characters.

In: Folia Primatologica