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Hosono Yōsai 細 野 要 斎 (1811–1878), an Owari domain official, left a voluminous diary titled Kankyō manpitsu 感興漫筆 (Random Jottings Composed at Leisure), containing accounts from 1836 to 1878. Entries addressing the late months of 1867 describe the ee ja nai ka ええじゃないか phenomenon that developed in Nagoya. Yōsai’s portrayals of the ee ja nai ka contradict its received image as a rowdy pandemonium in which the populace expressed their resentment against the Tokugawa regime. Rather, what we see is a series of localized religious activities commemorating talismans (ofuda お札) that reportedly fell from the sky, many of them representing deities particularly popular in Nagoya. Based on an examination of Kankyō manpitsu, this article argues that the relationship between the ee ja nai ka and the Meiji Restoration must be evaluated on a region-specific basis and that the narrative of the Meiji Restoration is not directly relevant to understanding the nature of the ee ja nai ka in Nagoya.

In: Journal of Religion in Japan
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This article responds to a call for more research on the theme of “universality” in Japanese religion as articulated by Michel Mohr in his recent monograph (2014). The article focuses on Deguchi Onisaburō 出口王仁三郎 and examines the ways in which he utilized “Shintō” as a self-universalizing framework. He argued that Shintō is the spiritual foundation of the entire world, a kind of cosmic principle that pervades the universe. Based on this, he claimed that all religions around the world are merely different forms of Shintō. Onisaburō was not the first to advance this type of universalizing argument, as a number of Shintō thinkers had made comparable claims since the medieval period. What was at stake for Onisaburō and his predecessors, in other words, was not Shintō’s “indigeneity” to Japan, but its universality. This observation helps to further relativize and historicize the prevailing characterization of Shintō as Japan’s “indigenous religion.”

In: Journal of Religion in Japan

Abstract

During his visit to Japan from 1880 to 1884, Yang Shoujing purchased many rare books, some of which were medical classics formerly belonging to Kojima Naokata. Naokata and his sons Naomasa and Shōkei were bakufu medical officials engaged in the work of analyzing old medical documents and held a large collection of rare medical classics. Following the Meiji Restoration, however, the Kojima family lost their official bakufu status. Yang, having arrived in Japan about half a year before the passing of Shōkei, was able to obtain nearly all of the Kojima family’s collection. After returning to China, Yang contributed to the publication of medical books such as Yuxiu Tang yixue congshu (thirteen titles, 1884), Mai jing (1893), and Wuchang yiguan congshu (eight titles, 1904–1912). A book-body of knowledge transmitted through the Kojima family’s collection was reflected in the publication of these works.

In: Antiquarianism, Language, and Medical Philology

Abstract

During his visit to Japan from 1880 to 1884, Yang Shoujing purchased many rare books, some of which were medical classics formerly belonging to Kojima Naokata. Naokata and his sons Naomasa and Shōkei were bakufu medical officials engaged in the work of analyzing old medical documents and held a large collection of rare medical classics. Following the Meiji Restoration, however, the Kojima family lost their official bakufu status. Yang, having arrived in Japan about half a year before the passing of Shōkei, was able to obtain nearly all of the Kojima family’s collection. After returning to China, Yang contributed to the publication of medical books such as Yuxiu Tang yixue congshu (thirteen titles, 1884), Mai jing (1893), and Wuchang yiguan congshu (eight titles, 1904–1912). A book-body of knowledge transmitted through the Kojima family’s collection was reflected in the publication of these works.

In: Antiquarianism, Language, and Medical Philology
In: Journal of Religion in Japan