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Decentering the “White Working Class”

A Critical Response to William E. Connolly’s Aspirational Fascism

Meghana Nayak

strategies of Hitler and Trump; examines how some groups are more vulnerable to and susceptible to affective communication used by fascists; examines parallels between pre-Nazi Germany’s “armored males” and the “alpha males” echoing Trump’s messages; and, delineates how to confront such aspirational fascism

Law in West German Democracy

Seventy Years of History as Seen Through German Courts

Series:

Hugh Ridley

Law in West German Democracy relates the history of the Federal Republic of Germany as seen through a series of significant trials conducted between 1947 and 2017, explaining how these trials came to take place, the legal issues which they raised, and their importance to the development of democracy in a country slowly emerging from a murderous and criminal régime. It thus illustrates the central issues of the new republic. If, as a Minister for Justice once remarked, crime can be seen as ‘the reverse image of any political system, the shadow cast by the social and economic structures of the day’, it is natural to use court cases to illuminate the eventful history of the Federal Republic’s first seventy years.

Frank H.W. Edler

that Heidegger was openly hostile to the Nazi takeover: this is not a revolution achieved by a power already existing in the state or by a political party. The National Socialist revolution meant rather the radical upheaval [völlige Umw£lzung] of the whole of German existence, which also touches the

Heidegger’s National-Humanism

Reading Derrida’s Geschlecht III

Rodrigo Bueno Therezo

“everything that ought thus to withdraw it from reappropriation into a Nazi heritage (which is biologizing, racist, etc.) remains in essence equivocal,” the reason being that it is in the name of a “philosophy-of-life German idiom” that Fichte wants to save the German idiom from “the return of the dead one

Robert Bernasconi

proto-German [ urgermanisch ] ethnic essence [ Stammeswesen ].” 28 In the context of an interpretation of Heraclitus’ fragment 44 concerning πόλεμος, Heidegger set about establishing his Nazi credentials with a radicality that exceeded Schmitt’s attempt to do the same. Heidegger embraced Schmitt

Thomas Sheehan and Richard Taft

the book, both in terms of pages (72) and number of essays (8). In his Preface Professor Sheehan states that the goal of this section is to trace the "span" of Heidegger's career from his early works through his Nazi involvement and culminating with his death in May, 1976. In fact, all of the pieces

Nicolai Krejberg Knudsen

of Being that does not concern facts, but facticity. In Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe and Jean-Luc Nancy’s insightful work on “The Nazi Myth,” we find another way of expressing this double appeal: “What Germany lacked, therefore, in practical terms, was its subject […] [W]hat was at stake was their

John R. Visintainer

. This argument in fact seems cogent to me, and its result would be unfortunate. One contemporary author, Robert Ladenson, entertains the most obvious example of a wickedly oppressive regime-Hitler's Germany, and squares it with the Hobbesian political philosophy. From any outside view, one concludes

’s writings are indeed thoroughly fascistic. This prism through which even Being and Time is seen as an “antechamber” to Nazism is put aside in favor of an approach that performs an internal reading of Heidegger’s texts and lets the political implications of Heidegger’s philosophy resonate from within and out

Martin A. Bertman

and the physical sciences were mere matters of civilization, as one often reads in the Nazi, Martin Heidegger13, but kultur was of the spirit and the academic Germans, particularly the social scientists, felt kultur to be their spe- cially guarded province. Unfortunately, in the German experience, we