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Jehan Al-Azzawi

emerged as one of the main vehicles for the mobilization of this resistance identity. The appeal of communism among the Shiʿa transcended Marxist tropes about the workers and peasantry as downtrodden and deprived. Like many communist parties in the Arab world, the early Shiʿi communists were predominantly

Das Prinzip vom Grund bei Kant und Meillassoux

Über Anfangs- und Ungründe des nachmetaphysischen Denkens

Sergey David Sistiaga

Ziel der Studie ist die Befreiung der Vernunft aus ihrer selbstverschuldeten Unmündigkeit. Die Sprengung ihrer regulativen Ketten soll den Möglichkeitsgrund einer Metaphysik der Freiheit legen.

Das Buch handelt von der Vernunft und dem Absoluten, das ihr Gegenstand ist. Weil sie ihren Gegenstand aber verloren hat, geht es uns in erster Linie um die Frage, warum sie ihn verloren hat, also vornehmlich um die Vernunft als dem Denken des Absoluten und nicht um das Absolute als Absolutes. Insofern Kants Kritische Philosophie in ihrem Verbot, das Absolute zu denken, selbst negativ ist, ist eine Kritik derselben nur gegen die Negativität der „kritischen Vernunft“ negativ, insgesamt also, sollte sie ihr Ziel erreichen, positiv, indem sie das Schisma zwischen Ratio und Absolutem überwindet und die Vernunft, die, wie Freiheit, nur positiv sein kann, aus ihren regulativen Ketten befreit.

Orit Bashkin

This article looks at the changing significations of the word “fascist” within communist discourses in Iraq and in Israel. I do so in order to illustrate how fascism, a concept signifying a political theory conceptualized and practiced in Italy, Germany, and Spain, became a boarder frame of reference to many leftist intellectuals in the Middle East. The articles shows that communist discourses formulated in Iraq during the years 1941-1945 evoked the word “fascist” not only in order to discredit Germany and Italy but also, and more importantly, as a way of critiquing Iraq’s radical pan-Arab nationalists and Iraq’s conservative elites who proclaimed their loyalty to pan-Arabism as well. In other words, the article studies the ways in which Iraqi communist intellectuals, most notably the leader of the Iraqi Communist Party, Fahd, shifted the antifascist global battle to the Iraqi field and used the prodemocratic agenda of the Allies to criticize the absence of social justice and human rights in Iraq, and the Iraqi leadership’s submissive posture toward Britain. As it became clear to Iraqi communists that World War II was nearing its end, and that Iraq would be an important part of the American-British front, criticism of the Iraqi Premier Nūrī al-Saʿīd and his policies grew sharper, and such policies were increasingly identified as “fascist”. Within this context, Fahd equated chauvinist rightwing Iraqi nationalism in its anti-Jewish and anti- Kurdish manifestations with fascism and Nazi racism. I then look at the ways in which Iraqi Jewish communists internalized the party’s localized antifascist agenda. I argue that Iraqi Jewish communists identified rightwing Iraqi nationalism (especially the agenda espoused by a radical pan-Arab Party called al-Istiqlāl) as symptomatic of a fascist ideology. Finally, I demonstrate how Iraqi Jewish communists who migrated to Israel in the years 1950-1951 continued using the word “fascist” in their campaigns against rightwing Jewish nationalism and how this antifascist discourse influenced prominent Palestinian intellectuals

Israel Gershoni

The term “Islamofascism” has developed and taken root only recently. It is part of a terminology that has been integrated into the academic and pseudo-academic discourse, which defines and explains contemporary global Islamic jihadism. In real time, in the 1930s and during the Second World War, 1933-1945, this term was totally alien to Muslim intellectuals in Egypt and in the Arab Middle East. Islam and fascism or Islam and Nazism were perceived as diametrically opposed terms. For most Arab intellectuals and publicists, who represent what is commonly referred to as Islamic thought or were spokesmen of Islamic movements, it was inconceivable to conjoin these two vastly different doctrines and ways of life. Any attempt to harmonize Islam and fascism, not to speak of the very term Islamofascism or fascist Islam, would have been anathema. This article focuses on the life and work of the Palestinian communist intellectual Muḥammad Najātī Ṣidqī (1905- 1979) and his book al-Taqālid al-islāmiyya wa-l-mabādiʾ al-nāziyya: hal tattafiqān? (“The Islamic Traditions and the Nazi Principles: Can They Agree?”). In this book—which specifically reached out to a Muslim audience—Ṣidqī critically discusses Nazi ideology to show that Islam and Nazism are antithetical. He also strives for convincing the reader of the obligation to refute and to fight against “pagan” Nazi racism. Ṣidqī thus participates in a more broader Arab intellectual current of the 1930s and the time of the Second World War, in which Islam and fascism and Islam and Nazism were perceived as diametrically opposed terms.

Michael Kemper

260 Literatur/Book Reviews / Die Welt des Islams 49 (2009) 248-285 Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia . By Adeeb Khalid. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2007. 241 pp., ISBN 978-0520249271. Devout Societies vs. Impious States? Transmitting

Thomas Philipp

as a sample, what stands out is the preoccupation with interest and with socialism and communism. A point to which we shall return later. Most participants in the discussion on Islamic economics would have us believe that an Islamic economic system existed in the past in practice or, at least, in

Anders G. Kjøstvedt

support. The main point of Sørensen’s elegant and well-documented book is that in the aftermath of the crisis during and after the First World War there developed four new political movements: Leninist Communism, Fascism, National Socialism, and Islamism. Sørensen argues that despite their profound

G. Jäschke

. N. and Communism, V. A. N. and Separatism, VI. A. N. and Party Movements: A. The Arab Resurrection Socialist Party (Ba`th), B. The Syrian Social National Party (SSNP). Als Ergdnzung hierzu (Part II) gibt er 145 englische Titel, zumeist aus Zeitschriften, mit der gleichen Einteilung unter Hinzufugung

 253 Rola El-Husseini and Mara A. Leichtman Education and Reconfiguring Lebanese Shiʿi Muslims into the Nation-State during the French Mandate, 1920-43 282 Linda Sayed The Appeal of Communism among the Lebanese Shiʿa, 1943-75 313 Jehan Al-Azzawi Islamic Ecumenism in the Early Political Thought of

Julius H. Schoeps

nach Jakob Boehme“ (1937), „Leibniz und Peter der Gro- ße“ (1947), „Emanuel Swedenborg“ (1948), „Geist und Leben der Ostkirche“ (1957), „Russische Heiligenlegenden“ (1963), „Buddhas Wiederkehr und die Zukunft Asiens“ (1963) – der englische Titel ist vielleicht noch treffender: „Bud- dhism or Communism