The Impact of Enlargement: Europeanization of Polish Foreign Policy? Tracking Adaptation and Change in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Aﬀairs* Karolina Pomorska European Studies Programme, Department of Politics, University of Maastricht, PO Box 616, 6200 MD Maastricht, Th e Netherlands Karolina
In 2014, for the first time in the history of the Union, Member States had to take into account the European elections’ results in the nomination of the President of the European Commission. The procedure limited the European Council’s leverage in negotiating the nomination of the future head of the Commission and created new opportunities for unification and personalization of the European electoral race. Several months prior to the elections, the European party families pointed to potential leaders of the Commission. The nominees for this non-elective position announced however they would be running for the office and would conduct electoral campaigns in all the European democracies. The party-driven strategy challenged the canonical views on the European Commission’s technocratic profile, but at the same time, had the potential to foster meaningful mechanisms of representation. However, in 2019, once the elections were over, most mainstream Europarties, with the assistance of some prominent members of the Council, rapidly abandoned the system altogether. The chapter analyzes the recent failure of the lead-candidate procedure and identifies the Europarties’ process of party adaptation (shaped through party regulations) as a potential cause for such U-turn in the EU politics. The argument comprises two parts. The first part focuses on the 2019 ep elections from the perspective of the Spitzenkandidaten selection process as an intra-party experience. It shows that, despite the fact that the main European party families rapidly embraced highly proceduralized mechanisms of recruitment, candidate selection for the ec’s Presidency had relied on exclusiveness and centralization, favoring pre-existing elite networks at supranational level. The second part aims at deconstructing the Europarties’ organizational features and patterns of party finance, highlighting the accelerated path to bureaucratization and supranational decoupling from national-level politics.
’s decision to become a member of the World Trade Organization in 2002, in particular, signified China’s deeper integration into the world economy.
Ideological adaptations continued during the Hu Jintao era. Hu was elected general secretary of the ccp in November 2002. He proposed the “Scientific Concept
several factors, including adaptation to the initial shock, substantial revision of EU foreign policy (reflected in the EU Global Strategy) and the position of the Member States interested in normalisation of bilateral relations.
Enemy Image: Old and New Frames
As shown above, by
in Urban Business Districts: Organizational Adaptation of the Chinese Communist Party ’,
Journal of Contemporary China
, 24 ( 94 ): 644 – 664 .
Zhang , L.
( 2015 ).
Inside China’s Automobile Factories: The politics of labor and worker resistance
. New York : Cambridge
sign of adaptation to new market conditions, through non-punishable violations of institutional norms and rules ( Teplova 2007 : 313).
During the transition period difficulties in the job market drastically increased, especially for women. For the majority of Russian women, the end of the Soviet
). ‘ Observatory for Economic Complexity Dataset ’, Cambridge : MIT , https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/ .
Oye , K.A.
( 1995 ). ‘ Explaining the End of the Cold War: Morphological and Behavioral Adaptations to the Nuclear Peace? ’, pp. 57 – 84 , in
Lebow , R.N
Risse Kappen , T
Worldviews are very relevant: the borders of nato ’s family are much less objectively defined and subject to broadening through processes of socialization and adaptation. The borders of the Russkii Mir are more fixed and defined by the presence of Russian communities. This does not make the Russkii Mir
While the challenge of populism should not be conflated out of proportion, it should not be ignored. What is required is a recalibrated model of public diplomacy that builds on the strengths of the current public diplomacy model, while compensating for its weaknesses. In terms of a menu of adaptation to
its large ﬁnancial commitments, reﬂects its diﬃcult adaptation to the G20 summitry process, as well as political volatility at home, which prevents it from developing measures to deal with the global downturn. Keywords global ﬁnancial crisis, Japanese economic diplomacy, regional integration, global