In 2014, for the first time in the history of the Union, Member States had to take into account the European elections’ results in the nomination of the President of the European Commission. The procedure limited the European Council’s leverage in negotiating the nomination of the future head of the Commission and created new opportunities for unification and personalization of the European electoral race. Several months prior to the elections, the European party families pointed to potential leaders of the Commission. The nominees for this non-elective position announced however they would be running for the office and would conduct electoral campaigns in all the European democracies. The party-driven strategy challenged the canonical views on the European Commission’s technocratic profile, but at the same time, had the potential to foster meaningful mechanisms of representation. However, in 2019, once the elections were over, most mainstream Europarties, with the assistance of some prominent members of the Council, rapidly abandoned the system altogether. The chapter analyzes the recent failure of the lead-candidate procedure and identifies the Europarties’ process of party adaptation (shaped through party regulations) as a potential cause for such U-turn in the EU politics. The argument comprises two parts. The first part focuses on the 2019 ep elections from the perspective of the Spitzenkandidaten selection process as an intra-party experience. It shows that, despite the fact that the main European party families rapidly embraced highly proceduralized mechanisms of recruitment, candidate selection for the ec’s Presidency had relied on exclusiveness and centralization, favoring pre-existing elite networks at supranational level. The second part aims at deconstructing the Europarties’ organizational features and patterns of party finance, highlighting the accelerated path to bureaucratization and supranational decoupling from national-level politics.
the European Council and the European Parliament, which suggest the need to rethink the decision-making mechanisms within the EU.
The second chapter, The Demise of the Spitzenkandidaten System: Decline of EU Democratization or (Euro)party Process of Adaptation? , focuses on the abandonment of the
used for the designation of national mp s. It is, in fact, an adaptation of it.
We consider, first of all, the vote on blocked lists. As is well known, this voting system does not allow the voter to change the order of the candidates from the list. At the same time, blocked lists generally give
-year experience of political combat from an anti-system position but also of adaptation to the inflections of the popular demands gave Marine Le Pen the opportunity to wisely speculate the yv momentum in a rather unapparent way – by addressing most yv claims in a parallel discursively structured manner – and
the future. Managers might instead rely on lines of credit, trade credit, investment accounts, and secured borrowings rather than build up a traditional operating reserve. Nevertheless, these substitutes for reserves help explain the lack of reserves in the sector, and display management adaptation to
analysis of long-term economic growth and its relationship with poverty and inequality. They advanced the intuitively appealing idea that early developers create technologies which others can learn, purchase or steal. Since the adaptation of new methods of production is likely to be cheaper than their
immediate change in their activities, and their adaptation to the new circumstances and needs that arose following the bombings in the north.
The organizations’ assessment of their own performance and the performance of other Third Sector organizations during the war was generally high. The assessment
adaptations, to the achievement of democratic and distributive economic outcomes in many poor countries. This can be done optimally through a combination of rapid, sustainable and employment-intensive growth, and the distribution of income and assets.
The next section summarises the principles of the pro
Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union that shape their views of parliaments and adaptations of parliamentary practice and procedure in the light of the covid -pandemic are the focus. Pieter Caboor discusses the role of the Walloon Parliament in post-election disputes. Rosi Posnik
-Dem Institute Policy Brief , n° 23 , April .
Malloy , Jonathan. 2020 . “ The Adaptation of Parliament’s Multiple Roles to Covid-19 ”, Canadian Journal of Political Science , 53/2 , pp. 305 – 309 .
Murphy , Jonathan. 2020 . “ Parliament and Crisis: Challenges and Innovations ”. Parliamentary