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The Impact of Enlargement: Europeanization of Polish Foreign Policy? Tracking Adaptation and Change in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs* Karolina Pomorska European Studies Programme, Department of Politics, University of Maastricht, PO Box 616, 6200 MD Maastricht, Th e Netherlands Karolina

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy

Abstract

In 2014, for the first time in the history of the Union, Member States had to take into account the European elections’ results in the nomination of the President of the European Commission. The procedure limited the European Council’s leverage in negotiating the nomination of the future head of the Commission and created new opportunities for unification and personalization of the European electoral race. Several months prior to the elections, the European party families pointed to potential leaders of the Commission. The nominees for this non-elective position announced however they would be running for the office and would conduct electoral campaigns in all the European democracies. The party-driven strategy challenged the canonical views on the European Commission’s technocratic profile, but at the same time, had the potential to foster meaningful mechanisms of representation. However, in 2019, once the elections were over, most mainstream Europarties, with the assistance of some prominent members of the Council, rapidly abandoned the system altogether. The chapter analyzes the recent failure of the lead-candidate procedure and identifies the Europarties’ process of party adaptation (shaped through party regulations) as a potential cause for such U-turn in the EU politics. The argument comprises two parts. The first part focuses on the 2019 ep elections from the perspective of the Spitzenkandidaten selection process as an intra-party experience. It shows that, despite the fact that the main European party families rapidly embraced highly proceduralized mechanisms of recruitment, candidate selection for the ec’s Presidency had relied on exclusiveness and centralization, favoring pre-existing elite networks at supranational level. The second part aims at deconstructing the Europarties’ organizational features and patterns of party finance, highlighting the accelerated path to bureaucratization and supranational decoupling from national-level politics.

In: 2019 European Elections

’s decision to become a member of the World Trade Organization in 2002, in particular, signified China’s deeper integration into the world economy. Ideological adaptations continued during the Hu Jintao era. Hu was elected general secretary of the ccp in November 2002. He proposed the “Scientific Concept

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China
Author: Yongshun Cai

in Urban Business Districts: Organizational Adaptation of the Chinese Communist Party ’, Journal of Contemporary China , 24 ( 94 ): 644 – 664 . Zhang , L. ( 2015 ). Inside China’s Automobile Factories: The politics of labor and worker resistance . New York : Cambridge

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China
Authors: Rosa Mulé and Olga Dubrovina

sign of adaptation to new market conditions, through non-punishable violations of institutional norms and rules ( Teplova 2007 : 313). During the transition period difficulties in the job market drastically increased, especially for women. For the majority of Russian women, the end of the Soviet

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China
Author: Irina Petrova

several factors, including adaptation to the initial shock, substantial revision of EU foreign policy (reflected in the EU Global Strategy) and the position of the Member States interested in normalisation of bilateral relations. 2.6 Enemy Image: Old and New Frames As shown above, by

In: Principled Pragmatism in Practice

). ‘ Observatory for Economic Complexity Dataset ’, Cambridge : MIT , https://atlas.media.mit.edu/en/ . Oye , K.A. ( 1995 ). ‘ Explaining the End of the Cold War: Morphological and Behavioral Adaptations to the Nuclear Peace? ’, pp. 57 – 84 , in Lebow , R.N and Risse Kappen , T

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China

Worldviews are very relevant: the borders of nato ’s family are much less objectively defined and subject to broadening through processes of socialization and adaptation. The borders of the Russkii Mir are more fixed and defined by the presence of Russian communities. This does not make the Russkii Mir

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China

While the challenge of populism should not be conflated out of proportion, it should not be ignored. What is required is a recalibrated model of public diplomacy that builds on the strengths of the current public diplomacy model, while compensating for its weaknesses. In terms of a menu of adaptation to

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Author: Michael Cole

Central and Western Europe, for application in the Georgian context, the next section discusses necessary adaptations. 4 The Georgian Far Right International media coverage of the Georgian far right has grown considerably since 2017 when the March of Georgians combined various right wing and

In: Populism