, Sheila Miyoshi Jager, and Masuda Hajimu added important works on the Korean War, but most recently Monica Kim in The Interrogation Rooms of the Korean War: The Untold History (2019) and David Cheng Chang in The Hijacked War: The Story of Chinese POWs in the Korean War (2020) have examined the
choose an ideology was to choose a country. However, the pow s had minimal experience of a living in a modern nation state, and hardly were aware of the grave consequences of their decisions. But they had to choose, and the statistical result was 22,607 Chinese and Korean non-repatriates. Eighty
The Korean War broke out seventy years ago, resulting in three years of mass destruction and killing. More than 36,000 Americans, 180,000 Chinese, and millions of North and South Koreans were killed in the war. Unlike the official and popular remembrance of World War ii , commemorations of the
David Cheng Chang
David Cheng Chang is associate professor of history at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. He received a Ph.D. in Modern Chinese History from the University of California, San Diego. He studies the history of the Korean War, World War II interpreters, the
Korea, or the anti-Communists in South Korea. Under the terms of the armistice, these pow s could reject repatriation. The vast majority of non-repatriates chose to reside in either of the Koreas, the People’s Republic of China ( prc ), or Taiwan. But a small group exercised the option to go to
located at the Douglas MacArthur Memorial Library and Archives in Norfolk, VA, which is in English with the names of people or places in Chinese characters as well. The number of his interrogation report is atis (Allied Translator and Interpreter Section) 2338, dated 22 November 1950. His field report
place like Iraq? For that matter, how utopian is it to work for the fall of the Communist Party in China after a far more powerful and stable oligarchy fell in the Soviet Union?” 40
3 Full Spectrum Dominance from rma to coin
While the pundits put their case before the court of public opinion, the
societies by emulating western economic success, and a limited adoption of western political institutions. The Tanzimat reform programme in the Ottoman empire during the mid-nineteenth century was an early example, which was to be followed by the Meiji restoration in Japan, the Chinese, Turkish and Mexican
demolition of scientific racism by modern science; the development of modernization theory in sociology and political science; the explosion of political consciousness and formidable liberation movements in India, China, Indonesia, Indochina, Algeria and elsewhere; the disappointing failure of empire in many
to create a worldwide oecd zone when China and India become major players.
In other contexts there are many fruitful debates on transformation. What began as a convincing approach to former communist Eastern Europe has now developed into a broader concept which can also be applied to failed
they were a superior people? And in what sense, asked this latter-day disciple of Voltaire, could “les Hindous” or the Chinese be called “races inférieures”? There was no reason why they should be less “civilized” than Europeans. Behind the rhetoric of superiority and inferiority something else was
languages of the movement. 48 Until that time only English and French, and later Spanish, Chinese and Russian were either official or working languages of the Red Cross movement. 49 The Arab initiative did not succeed immediately in the sense that Arabic became one of the official or working languages of
Scholars long have seen the “open door” policy U.S. Secretary of State John Hay proposed in 1899 as a major turning point in Chinese-American relations, with the policy becoming the highest guiding principle of U.S. policy towards China until World War ii .
In contrast, writers have paid
intensifying the pressure on China to grant each control over commerce and investment in its ports. Britain saw this as a threat to its long-standing dominant position in China and approached the United States with a proposal for joint action to prevent spheres of exclusive interest in China. President William
underwater natural resources made the international politics volatile in maritime East Asia.
The high probability of oil reserves under the seabed of the East China Sea that the 1969 Emery report identified brought the United States, with its cutting-edge exploration techniques and financial power, to
painfully aware his own outdated vessels were no match for the Imperial Japanese Navy in quantity or quality, and had begun, even prior to the outbreak of war, to remove as many ships as possible out of harm’s way in China to Manila. Once the Japanese attacked the Philippines, Hart withdrew his forces
(Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020). 496 pp. $40.00 (cloth)
On 23 January 1954, the UN Command released 14,342 Chinese prisoners of war ( pow s) to Taiwan. For decades, interpretations of the fact that more than two thirds of Chinese prisoners “voluntarily” went to Taiwan, rather
Chollima movement of the late 1950s and early 1960s typifying its efforts. It also details Kim’s successful purging of rivals—those aligned with Soviet Russia and Maoist China – within the government. The fourth follows the conclusion of that process, as Kim eliminated the last of his domestic rivals and
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018). 368 pages. $35.00 (cloth).
In 1972, Mao Zedong brushed away an apology from the contrite Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei. Japan did not need to apologize for the 1930s invasion of China, the chairman said, for this had been the “help
plan to open Japan as a first step in ending British commercial dominance in China. As is well known, Perry’s arrival in Yedo Bay in July 1853 was dramatic because two of his warships were steamers. He presented a letter from President Franklin Pierce demanding that the Japanese sign a treaty agreeing
nuclear weapons and regularly fires missiles towards Japan), South Korea (where anti-Japanism has become a feature of domestic politics under President Mun Jae-in), and the People’s Republic of China ( prc ) (which is directly challenging freedom of navigation in the East and South China Seas and now
Fellow in East Asian history at the London School of Economics. His research is on the international and transnational history of the Chinese world during the Cold War. Dr. Millwood’s first book-length project is a transnational history of the Sino-American rapprochement of the 1970s, with the working
attention to the significant role that around one dozen such high-level dialogues were playing in mediating and steering Sino-American relations. Where and how did these originate? Relations between the People’s Republic of China ( prc ) and the United States offer a case study in the development of non
’s Republic of China and his seemingly-punitive economic measures towards Japan shook the Japanese government in 1971, Satō handled these developments prudently and flexibly, thus preserving the bilateral relationship.
This account demonstrates that in the face of a formidable and demanding American ally
Tokyo and was comprised of representatives of the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and the British Commonwealth, it was principally a forum for discussions about Occupation policy that seldom altered the preferred position of the Americans. William Macmahon Ball, who represented the British
“China’s Military Assistance to North Vietnam Revisited” 226
“Mourning a Loss: Conservative Support for Ngo Dinh Diem” 257
“To Do Nothing Would be to Dig Our Own Graves: Student Activism in the Republic of Vietnam
Nations almost from the moment of its creation in 1945. For example, during the Korean War, Washington was unable to persuade the General Assembly to approve aggressive and confrontational policies toward the People’s Republic of China ( prc ) after it intervened in the conflict. Moreover, the United
the People’s Republic of China ( prc ), which in 2003 overtook Washington as the rok ’s largest trade partner. Heo and Roehrig highlight how the bifurcation between Seoul’s continuing security dependence on the United States and its growing reliance on the Chinese market poses difficult choices and
and Clarke manage to provide historiographic background and entertain their readers in the prologue, which is no easy task.
Chapters one to four review the French vision for Indochina, the brutal process of colonization, and China’s role in this history. These chapters show how and why French
“I know that [Republican presidential candidate Richard M.] Nixon is with us on China,” Marvin Liebman wrote to Walter Judd, former Republican Congressman from Minnesota, on 14 June 1968. That this was true was at that time vitally important to the leaders of the Committee of One Million Against
telling example. Beginning the historical context for this crisis with a 1964 letter the dprk sent to the government of the People’s Republic of China to request cooperation assistance in their nuclear development, readers unfamiliar with this history are left in the dark as to why North Korea felt
, the Soviet Union, and the People’s Republic of China ( prc ), all politically aided, geopolitically countered, and militarily combated Southeast Asian revolutionary and reactionary movements. In a fluid struggle to resolve interwoven regional security issues, all three major powers used their
The People’s Republic of China ( prc ) and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam ( drv ) were “comrades plus brothers” until the Sino-Vietnamese war in 1979. Beijing had offered great assistance to Hanoi in the latter’s struggle against France and the United States. After recalling its military
.S. wounds in the Vietnam War and the articles in this issue will describe three of them.
Chengzhi Yin, in the opening essay titled “China’s Military Assistance to North Vietnam Revisited,” presents a revisionist interpretation of the decision of the People’s Republic of China ( prc ) not to provide