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Horace's Iambic Criticism

Casting Blame (Iambikē Poiēsis)

丛编:

Timothy S. Johnson

To date the positive value of Horace’s iambic criticism has been underestimated, and overall Horace has been tamed too much. By examining the relationship of the iambic tradition with ritual, this book studies how Horace’s Epodes are more than partisan (consolidating Octavian’s victory by projecting hostilities onto powerless others) but meta-partisan (forming fractured entities into a diversified unity). As Horace moves through his iambics to lyrics ( Epodes to Odes), he stages acts of aggression and retaliation along with attempts at resistance and reconciliation so that this shifting back and forth creates a correspondence between perspectives. Unity develops from diversity, polyeideia. This is the point at which Horace socializes literary criticism ( Ars Poetica): societas becomes the telos of his poetics.

丛编:

Arlette Neumann-Hartmann

insight into how Eustathius understood Pindar and, at the same time, how he dealt with his poetry. One of these passages is his commentary on Iliad 9.378: this verse is part of a long speech Achilles addresses to Odysseus, who presents to him Agamemnon’s offer of reconciliation. Answering him that he

丛编:

Elsa Bouchard

friendliness. And if it is appropriate to friendliness, it is not different as regards friendship, because music relaxes and cheers the soul and makes us prone to reconciliation. 58 The context of the passage is Philodemus’ criticism of the poetics of Diogenes of Babylon, who had made use of Chamaeleon while

丛编:

Claude Calame

Translator Jane Burkowski

(insincere) reconciliation with a baker that he has jostled, Philocleon cites the rivalry between Simonides and his contemporary, Lasus of Hermione, who was famed for his hymns and dithyrambs. He asserts that during a singing contest—and the verb associated with such contests is the same as that referring to

丛编:

Eirene Visvardi

Emotion in Action: Thucydides and the Tragic Chorus offers a new approach to the tragic chorus by examining how certain choruses ‘act’ on their shared feelings. Eirene Visvardi redefines choral action, analyzes choruses that enact fear and pity, and juxtaposes them to the Athenian dêmos in Thucydides’ History. Considered together, these texts undermine the sharp divide between emotion and reason and address a preoccupation that emerges as central in Athenian life: how to channel the motivational power of collective emotion into judicious action and render it conducive to cohesion and collective prosperity. Through their performance of emotion, tragic choruses raise the question of which collective voices deserve a hearing in the institutions of the polis and suggest diverse ways to envision passionate judgment and action.

丛编:

Tazuko Angela van Berkel

.” Donlan (1980), 14. For a reconciliation between the formalist (“instrumentalist”) approach of ancient friendship with a position that recognizes affective elements, see Goldhill (1986), 82 who speaks about “complex obligations, duties and claims.” Cf. Raccanelli (1998), 20. Both Millett (1991) and

丛编:

Tazuko Angela van Berkel

.g. DL mentions a conflict between Aristippus of Cyrene and his friend Aeschines of Sphettus. Aristippus makes the first move towards reconciliation; (frg. 112 B Mannebach) Cf. 112 A (= Plut. Cohib . ira 14,462d–e), 112 C (= Stob. 4,27,19). A similar story is attributed to Euclides of Megara who

Jonathan P. Zarecki

Abstract

In sections 34-35 of the First Philippic, Cicero makes a powerful threat against Antony by engaging in allusive role-play that makes dual use of Marcus Antonius orator as an exemplum. Cicero first declares himself Antonius to Antony’s Cinna, thus acknowledging the limitations of rhetoric in the face of violence and indicating that he is prepared to accept a martyr’s role. Second, Cicero invites conflation of himself with Marius/Cinna and Antony to his grandfather Antonius, thereby declaring that Cicero had decided to oppose Antony and work towards Antony’s destruction. This role-play represents not only a powerful warning to Antony, but also a sign of Cicero’s change in attitude towards Antony, an attitudinal change reinforced by Cicero’s wordplay on reversio. The allusive threats in sections 34-35 also indicate that Cicero had decided by no later than 2 September 44, and not with the dissemination of the Second Philippic, that there would be no reconciliation between himself and Antony.

Ioanna Patera

qui sont le signe de la réconciliation. 93 Ainsi Achille continue de refuser les dons que lui propose Agamemnon en réparation de la perte de Briséis. Ce dernier donne beaucoup, mais il sait qu’Achille vaut plusieurs hommes, lui qui est aimé par Zeus. 94 Par conséquent, Agamemnon se rachète : ‘j

Benjamin Sammons

. Translations are my own. 12 Admittedly, Proclus’s account pretty much rules out that Neoptolemus would have helped fetch Philoctetes on Lemnos, so the heroes could only meet after the latter’s reconciliation with the Achaeans (if any reconciliation was necessary in the epic version). 13 On the form of the