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’ pharaonic divinity was thus the object of non-formulaic attention, but in this case at least what emerges does not involve a cultic response. (3) Worship of a living king or statues of a living king is attested in the Saite era, 16 so this would not be a complete novelty. But the Statue is prima facie

In: Conceptualising Divine Unions in the Greek and Near Eastern Worlds
Author:

possible to pay cult to a living man as a god.' Honours at this level included crowns, public eulogies, front seats at theatrical productions (1tpOEOpLCX) , exemption from public burdens (&'ttAEtCX), free meals at the Prytaneum, even citizenship. The erection of astatue to a civic benefactor in some public

In: The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, Volume 1 Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire Part 1 (2 vols.)

, 28, 38, 47–49, 57–59, 61–71, etc.). Since the living king is the incarnate god Horus So-and-so, the funerary Osiris is a transition between the two divine unities: “O Horus who is in Osiris King So-and-so” ( PT spells 26, 30, 80 and 449). 24 Beyond Osiris, the deceased king is equated with a wide

In: Conceptualising Divine Unions in the Greek and Near Eastern Worlds

makes us speak for example of “divine Šulgi,” 7 taking it as a parallel to the Roman tradition of the “divine Caesar.” There are in fact two different scenarios: either the divine title was given after the death of the concerned king, or the monarch attributed it to himself during his life time. Naram

In: Conceptualising Divine Unions in the Greek and Near Eastern Worlds

life for a person; life is a network of proper relationships to God, to other human beings, and to nature. These are the elements that make life worth living; they are the “life” that is the kerygma of Wisdom herself (Prov. 8:35).3 Although the sages do not give a defi- nition of life, they employ

In: Judaism in Late Antiquity 4. Death, Life-After-Death, Resurrection and The World-to-Come in the Judaisms of Antiquity

countered. Pilate’s decision to move Roman standards with busts of the emperor over to Jerusalem was taken as a matter of life and death by the Jerusalemites (below). Josephus himself agreed to exe- cute the demolition of Herod the tetrarch’s palace in Tiberias because it had figures of living creatures (z

In: The New Testament and Early Christian Literature in Greco-Roman Context
Author:

compartments. To put it another way, life itself is a spectrum of experiences: there is ordinary life, there is living death, and there is fullness of life. The opposite of God’s abandoning us to Sheol and causing us to see the Pit is God’s making known to us the living journey and our discover- ing that there

In: Judaism in Late Antiquity 4. Death, Life-After-Death, Resurrection and The World-to-Come in the Judaisms of Antiquity
Author:

that might allow for a comprehensive assessment of the various economic activities of fourth-century monks and nuns and we are still heavily reliant on the descriptions of monastic life given in religiously motivated material that is highly suspect as to date and origin. By drilling into later data

In: The Monks of the Nag Hammadi Codices

living a life of purity and thus enjoying in this life some of the fruits of that eternal life they awaited? Did the members of the yahad regard their own eternal purity as already attained in their segregated and holy lifestyle? Those who decline to enter the covenant are con- demned as follows (1QS 3

In: Judaism in Late Antiquity 4. Death, Life-After-Death, Resurrection and The World-to-Come in the Judaisms of Antiquity
Author:

motivated similarly, although the honouring agent is restricted to the Beni Maazin. RSP, no. 159 relates that the goddess Allat and the FOR THE LIFE OF •.. 'FAMILY' 159 Beni Nurbel honour a member of the Beni Maazin. Again Allat, now probably assisted by the Beni Maazin-the inscription is slightly dam

In: Life and Loyalty