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pre-date the Ethics , it is not too difficult to see the Aristotelian idea of a telos or goal of living implicit in the Republic . 1 After all, the point of this work is to show that the truly just man is happier than the unjust man—even an unjust man who enjoys a good reputation—by inquiring

In: Eastern Christianity and Late Antique Philosophy
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were not motivated by any need on the translators’ side, but were supposed to meet the demand of their Muslim patrons. These few remarks, albeit coupled with a common historiographical trope portraying Middle Eastern Christians as mere “transmitters of Greek philosophy to Islam”, 3 point in the

In: Later Platonists and their Heirs among Christians, Jews, and Muslims
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Proclus’ own societal and philosophical context, Essay Twelve is effectively a philosophical pitch. For all that its details may seem abstruse and dry, it is, I believe, intended as a general presentation of a way of life which Proclus presents as superior to its competition, either the living of a non

In: Eastern Christianity and Late Antique Philosophy

M 28 I ; 20 PsB 57.3–18). After Jesus, Mani is the model of the stranger and missionary. In fact, much of Mani’s life is presented within later Manichaeism as a kind of imitatio Christi , by his life and in his death. 21 Mani describes himself as walking in the midst of the world like a

In: Byzantium to China: Religion, History and Culture on the Silk Roads

transform readers to become godlike. Dorotheus’ reflections on monastic life provide metaphors to live by, by which insiders, in this case monks in Palestine, come to embody truths significant for their community in a process of self-transformation through the acquisition of theoretical knowledge and its

In: Eastern Christianity and Late Antique Philosophy

, numerous Greek- and Syriac-speaking Christians belonging to the various churches arisen from the split marked by the Council of Chalcedon in 451 found themselves living under Muslim domination in Syria, Palestine and Egypt. 1 Their theological literature in Arabic arose to a large extent from

In: Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī: Treatise on Divine Unity According to the Doctrine of the Christians
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fall of Illus, Leontius and Pamprepius, would declare of the pagan in no favourable light that everyone living knew what sort of a man he was. 1 Pamprepius’ notoriety aside, his career offers a remarkable insight into the heights to which a pagan philosopher could still climb, thanks to the help of a

In: Eastern Christianity and Late Antique Philosophy
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been through, his family felt he deserved to be honoured as a patriot. This may be the context of his brother’s recollections that, nevertheless, need to be critically cross-checked. 62 Yäkkatit 12 certainly was a fateful day for his brother Sǝbḥatu and his own life. Everything had to be explained

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In: Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity in a Global Context

. The only other work of his that is directed to Theodosius  II is his De recta fide , and in that instance Cyril’s reason for doing so was unambiguous—to curry favor with the court in his worsening dispute with Nestorius. It is, therefore, logical to look for a similar motivating factor with respect

In: Eastern Christianity and Late Antique Philosophy

/8), where it indicates the subsisting realities belonging to God, from which a class of divine attributes takes its name in participle form (e.g., ‘living’ from ‘life’, ‘wise’ from ‘wisdom’, etc.). 29 Rashed 2004, p. 120, notices in Yaḥyā’s thought a characteristic ‘isomorphisme des définitions et

In: Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī: Treatise on Divine Unity According to the Doctrine of the Christians