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everyday life intended to meet the changing requirements demanded of Muslims living in a contempo- rary society. A case in point is Qaradawi’s seminal Th e Lawful and 338 chapter six Prohibited in Islam (Al-Qaradawi n.d. [Arabic original 1960]) that cov- ers most aspects of private and daily life
Paris, London’s Victoria and Albert Museum, the Metropolitan Museum in New York and the Benaki Museum in Athens have been upgrading their Islamic galleries, most of them motivated by a mission to build bridges between their (Western) audiences and the Muslim world. Smaller muse- ums have followed
darses were topic-oriented and addressed a variety of subjects concerning ritual practice (e.g. Salah), social relationships from an Islamic perspective (e.g. ‘Home and the education of children’, ‘Human rights in Islam’), and central Muslim beliefs and ethics (e.g. ‘Predestination’, ‘Life aft er
disrespect (being rou- tinely maligned or displayed in stereotypical public cultural represen- tations and/or in everyday life interaction). In contrast to Taylor and others, who see recognition as a matter of self-realization, Fraser objects that since there is “no single conception of self-realization or
practise the fi ve daily prayers and became concerned about living his life within the frames of what is haram and ‘halal’ and about acquiring more knowledge of Islam. Umar describes his search for Islamic knowledge as something he did ‘on his own’. He was a quick learner, and soon started to love his
prison, from which he never returned (Shiraishi, An age in motion, pp. 81, 299). This timeline indicates that Kartosuwiryo could have not possibly been living with Marco. 15 Howard Dick, Surabaya, city of work: A socioeconomic history, 1900-2000, Research in Interna- tional Studies (Athens, Ohio: Ohio
neoliberal restructuring in the country since the 1980s. In particular, the chapter investigates the way Muslims working as volunteers in this faith-based organization in contemporary Turkey think of their activism as a significant, often even essential, part of fully living a Muslim life in today’s society
neoliberal restructuring in the country since the 1980s. In particular, the chapter investigates the way Muslims working as volunteers in this faith-based organization in contemporary Turkey think of their activism as a significant, often even essential, part of fully living a Muslim life in today’s society
building process, the politics of conferring a sacred status to the nation/state as “a matter of life and death,” and presenting the nation as the principle of collective existence was an indirect way of exercising power over “the life” of society. Martyrdom as a living soci ( et ) al tradition was
understood to motivate societies living in countries with a Muslim majority, regardless of class, gender, ethnicity, state policy, etc. Those zones consist of tribalism, harem (gender) theory and Islam. 6 Since then, as Lara Deeb and Jessica Winegar argue, 7 academic discourse about Islam, especially in