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ghetto on a hill, Kond lived its vibrant life, sealed-off as if in opposition to the orderly and metropolitan routine of the “developed” city center of Yerevan. Its dense web of back alleys, interconnected yards and unregulated, vernacular housing resisted the intervention of modern infrastructures, thus

In: Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies

Robson’s assertions. Armenians in the USSR’s smallest republic took to the streets in what turned out to be one of the largest demonstrations in Soviet history. Those protesters were motivated by the emergence of national and ethnic identities the Soviet empire had long tried to suppress – and not by a

In: Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies
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, in anonymity, and against the current of forceful waves. Yet it would not have been an unfitting end to the story of struggle in the final decades of her life. Born in Constantinople in 1878, Yesayan rose to prominence early in her career and became a provocative voice among the Western Armenian

In: Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies
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, and members of an Istanbul elite. Gedikpaşa: Towards a Populist Modern Theater? With its ensuing, formalized support of the Gedikpaşa Theater, the Ottoman government seems to have had two aims: first, to make European-style theater more accessible to the middle or lower classes living outside

In: Journal of the Society for Armenian Studies

had been behaving as honest merchants. a local “effendi” told the dutch merchants that the last initiative of the locals was motivated only by the offenses of Signor constantine. nevertheless, the dutch learned that most of the notables of ankara were against the 57 Ibid. the heyday and

In: Ottoman and Dutch Merchants in the Eighteenth Century
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his natural ( fiṭrī, ّطر��ي�� qualities, based on his created constitution. This, he (��ج claims, is affirmed by the Qur’an: “But man is exceedingly contentious.”11 The Ayatollah is convinced that dialogue, as a natural part of human life and society, continues all through history. So he maintains

In: Christian-Muslim Dialogue
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Jesus. he points out that faith is fruitless if it does not become a factor of change in the human heart and society, argues that theology must encompass the whole human being—physically, psy- chologically and spiritually—and regards as problematic the fact that the life of the church tends to

In: Christian-Muslim Dialogue
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individuals and communities of other faiths which are directed at mutual understanding and enrichment”.31 it also enumerates four differ- ent forms or levels of dialogue. First, there is the dialogue of life or living life daily with a dialogical attitude towards one’s neighbours. Second is the dialogue of

In: Christian-Muslim Dialogue
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motivate muslims and christians to socio-political cooperation. seeing the issue almost entirely from the islamic point of view, he does not take into account the specifically christian understand- ing of revelation. in his writings on muslim-christian dialogue, fadlallah does not enter into a

In: Christian-Muslim Dialogue

par- ticular way of living; for humans, this is often described as a political, social, thoughtful life. In Agamben’s usage then, bios refers to a life that involves social and political inclusion within a community, with the rights and privileges this entails (Agamben 1998:1). maintenance of social

In: Dilemmas of Attachment