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Shang Wei


When modern Chinese intellectuals embarked on what they claimed to be a vernacularization movement in the second decade of the twentieth century, they took modern Europe as their putative model. They argued that China, in its ongoing transformation from the old empire into a modern nation-state, must undergo a similar shift in which the “dead” classical writing was superseded by a vernacular writing rooted in the “living language.” Despite their apparent adherence to modern discourse on language revolution and nation-state building, however, the revolution they initiated moved in the opposite direction. Instead of promoting one or more written forms of the “regional vulgar tongues,” they replaced the established classical writing with “plain writing,” which had originated in the tenth century and continued to be an integral component of the writing system of the empire. In so doing, they succeeded in inventing a cosmopolitan national language that, through the subsequent state-sponsored standardization of pronunciation, would effectively overtake all the existing regional tongues (including Cantonese, Hakka, and the language of Amoy, or South Min) and become “the mother tongue” of the whole Chinese people. Taking this non-European, “vernacularization-by-writing” movement as the starting point for a scholarly inquiry, we gain an illuminating perspective on the unique path China has taken to become a nation-state and a better understanding of the writing culture and linguistic politics of the bygone empire. This approach also allows us to more adequately appreciate the legacy of the early modern empire in the making of the modern Chinese nation and the radical transformations China underwent in the modern era.


Benjamin A. Elman


Was imperial China a meritocracy? If so, were civil examinations an important part of what made it a meritocracy? Did the standard training program in the classical language serve as a gatekeeper to keep non-elites out? Due to the symbiotic relations between the court and its officials, the asymmetrical relations between the powerful throne at the center and its disparate elites nonetheless empowered elites to seek upward mobility through the classical language. But true social mobility (i.e., peasants becoming officials) was never the goal of the imperial state. The modest level of social circulation enabled by a classical education was a precocious harbinger of the unifying power of a common written language in the early modern world and an unexpected consequence of the meritocratic civil service.By limiting their focus to the civil examination graduates, earlier accounts of the civil service failed to tell us what classical literacy meant for the vast majority of candidates (over 90 percent of whom failed!) or the society at large. To see the larger place of the classical language in Chinese society, we must look beyond the official meritocracy of the graduates and their immediate families. One of the unintended consequences of the civil examinations was the creation of millions of classically literate men and women, perhaps 10 percent of the population (200–250 million in 1600), who used their linguistic talents for a variety of nonofficial purposes, becoming hereditary doctors or classically trained literati physicians, local pettifoggers, fiction writers, and examination essay teachers. If there was much social mobility (i.e., the opportunity for members of the lower classes to rise in the social hierarchy), it was likely here. The archives indicate that peasants, traders, and artisans, who made up over 90 percent of the population, were not among those 100 annual or 50,000 total palace graduates between 1371 and 1904. Nor were the lower estates a significant part of the two to three million who failed biennial licensing examinations. What many who follow P’ing-ti Ho mean by the anachronistic term "social mobility" might be better described as a “healthy circulation” of lower and upper elites via classical literacies.


PAUL DUNDAS JAIN PERCEPTIONS OF ISLAM IN THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD The vigorous scholarly response to the version of the South Asian past which has been produced in the last decade or so to serve the political purposes of various Hindu nationalist organisations has proved to be one of those


The ideographic fallacy holds that Chinese characters are “ideographs” (also called ideograms) that express ideas independent of spoken language. The idea originated among early modern Europeans, spread to Japan, and then to China. Sustained by cultural politics east and west, it retains a powerful

Comptes rendus

ALLETON Viviane (2008). L'écriture chinoise. Le défi de la modernité. Paris : Albin Michel. 239 p. ISBN 978-2-226-17918-0. (Bibliothèque Idées).

Wolfgang BEHR

). Ideographia. The Chinese cipher in Early Modern Europe. Stanford : Stanford University Press. RAWSKI Evelyn S. (1979). Education and popular literacy in Ch'ing China. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press


English, Early Modern English, etc., because the English language has been subject to the usual processes of diachronic linguistic change. But since the grammar of Sanskrit was kept artificially constant over millennia, the “history” of post-P an . inian Sanskrit is one of style and genre, rather than

.M. Houben, ‘Cakrap ¯ a ˙ ni-D ¯ asa’s Abhinavacint ¯ ama ˙ ni : early modern or post-classical ¯ Ayur- veda?’, pp. –; $omas J. Zumbroich, ‘$e origin and diffusion of betel chewing: a synthesis of evidence from South Asia, Southeast Asia and beyond’, pp. –; Tsutomu Yamashita & P. Ram Manohar

Jan E.M. Houben

Second International Symposia, Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence, 5402, ed. by G. Huet and A. Kulkarni: 266–277. Berlin: Springer Verlag. Houben, Jan E.M. 2008. “Cakrapāṇi-Dāsa’s Abhinavacintāmaṇi: early modern or post-classical Āyurveda?” e-Journal of Indian Medicine , 1 (2007–2008): 63

Herbert H. Paper

dialektisch nachweisbare Abstract-suffix -ist in mrnst 'das Bleiben' ... ' The most recent discussion of these forms is found in the excellent comprehensive grammar of early modern Persian by Gilbert Lazard, La langue des plus anciens monuments de la prose persane (Paris, Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1963).2 The

--150; 'Bibliography of Foreign-language Articles on Japanese Buddhism 1960 to 1987', pp. 151--212. Articles in Japanese: ISHIBASHI Gishfi, 'The Research History and Problems of the Japanese Buddhist Monks -- with emphasis on ancient and middle ages', pp. 13-- 22; SAGAE Natsufumi, 'Social Work in Early Modern Otani