it bears witness to one of the few genuine stone-using communities left in the world. Adopting a theoretical approach that draws directly on indigenous ontologies and beliefs, the Etta Woga of the Boreda Gamo, Weedman Arthur advocates against the tautology of western scholarship, seeking
Hugo Pinto, Will Archer, David Witelson, Rae Regensberg, Stephanie Edwards Baker, Rethabile Mokhachane, Joseph Ralimpe, Nkosinathi Ndaba, Lisedi Mokhantso, Puseletso Lecheko and Sam Challis
where figures’ outlines are smudged, and scratching and chipping attest to modern traditional healers’ beliefs that San rock art paint can be collected and used as a powerful medicine. This practice constitutes possibly one of the last connections between the beliefs of modern farmers and the San, from
Inga Merkyte, Søren Albek and Klavs Randsborg
accumulation of pottery interpreted as a ritual deposition by comparative analyses of modern analogies, burned animal bones and teeth, and figurines, i.e. representing an abode for spirits. Interpretation and Implications The discussion of ancient beliefs and rituals often evokes controversies. The described
Edwin N. Wilmsen, Anne Griffiths, David Killick and Phenyo Thebe
determined the reasons for this belief, but it seems to stem from the historic association of the clays with all Tswapong Bapedi ancestors. Indeed, people, probably from the nearby village of Ratholo (Fig. 3), with whom Bamanaledi have affinal connections, have begun to steal the clay because permission to
Inga Merkyte and Klavs Randsborg
A series of excavated graves and grave inventories from the area around Abomey-Bohicon in Bénin, dating to the days of the Dahomean kingdom, are presented by the BDArch team, Bénin-Denmark Archaeology Project. They are among the very few documented burials from this region of the world and have yielded unprecedented insight into social performance and ritual behaviour at death, in addition to their unique archaeological documentation.
Adil Moumane, Jonathan Delorme, Adbelhadi Ewague, Jamal Al-Karkouri, Mohamed Gaoudi, Hassan Ista, Mohamed Moumane, Hammou Mouna, Ahmed Oumouss, Abdelkhalk Lmejidi and Noreddine Zdaidat
does the aardvark signify a link, through mythological beliefs, between the two regions and peoples? Lastly, what can the aardvark tell us about human migration and the exchange of ideas, cultures, technologies, and religions? To answer the first question is not easy but there is a reference about the
Pierre de Maret
The continuous Iron Age sequence that connects the 10th century Kisalian in central Africa to the present day inhabitants of the area, the Luba, provides a rare opportunity to link archaeological data to ethnographic observations. Numerous Kisalian graves reflect the elaborate rituals and beliefs and the complex socioeconomic organization of that period. One of its intriguing aspects is the extensive use of various miniature objects as grave goods, for children and adults. The widespread Luba practice of making miniature objects for their children, as well as in connection with the spiritual world, is thus likely to date back many centuries and testifies to the symbolic qualities of miniatures.
contemporary perceptions of the technological and artistic situation of this part of Benin. People in this area are now overwhelmingly Muslim in belief; this fact, together with the distance from most of the Béninois centres for art historical research, which are in the south of the country (Tchibozo 1995
Olivier Gosselain, Lucie Smolderen, Victor Brunfaut, Jean-François Pinet and Alexandre Livingstone Smith
material, tools, actions, relations with other activities, organisation, beliefs and religious practices, technical vocabulary). Such enquiries were systematically completed by interviews aiming at documenting the biography of all technical actors involved. When direct observations were not possible